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Journal articles on the topic 'Mamelukes'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

E.B., Kamidolla, and Salkynbaev M.B. "Historical prerequisites of appearance of Turkic Mamelukes in the abbasid caliphate." Journal of Oriental Studies 80, no. 1 (2017): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jos-2017-1-808.

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2

Morales-Muñiz, Dolores Carmen, and Arturo Morales-Muñiz. "Gift of the Mamelukes: Animal ambassades as vectors of exotic fauna introductions in the Spanish Middle Ages." Archaeofauna 33, no. 1 (January 11, 2024): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/archaeofauna2024.33.1.001.

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The number of exotic animal species that were introduced in Iberia during the Middle Ages constitute a defectively documented area of research, mostly addressed through historiographic methods. In this paper we evidence that even in the case of large, exotic animals exchanged as gifts among dignitaries the documentary data can be painfully incomplete. This is the case of the animal embassy that the Mamluk sultan Baybars al Bunduqdari sent in 1261 to the Castilian king Alfonso X. Although the written sources do not specify the complete list of species nor the reasons for mentioning some but not others, documentary and iconographic data suggest that, in addition to an elephant, a giraffe and a zebra, this lot included, in a decreasing order of probability, a lion, a dromedary, an ostrich, and a Nile crocodile. If such conspicuous beasts could pass unnoticed in a royal chronicle, one may contend that even in the most thoroughly documented cases, written sources may refer but a minimal fraction of the animals translocated into Iberia during the Medieval period. Such information vacuum stresses the difficulties of granting “indigenous” status to species traditionally assumed to constitute elements of the Iberian fauna when their historical contingencies are defectively known, a matter of concern for the current rewilding debate in Spain.
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‫تدمري‬, ‫عمر عبد السلام‬. "‫وظائف ومضامين النقوش التأريخية والتزيينية على عمارة طرابلس المملوكية‬ (Function and Significance of Historiographical and Decorative Inscriptions in Mameluke Monuments in Tripoli)." Abgadiyat 4, no. 1 (2009): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-90000016.

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The history of the city of Tripoli (Lebanon) extends for 3500 years. Nevertheless, a significant landmark event when the Mameluke conquest (688 H/1289 BCE) ended a long Crusade Era. This study presents reviews of major historiographical and decorative inscriptions on Mameluke monuments in Tripoli. In this regard, inscriptions passed through two developmental phases: The first phase encompasses the period following the Mameluke conquest and the foundation of the new city of Tripoli under the influence of possible Crusade counter-attacks. For this, monumental characteristics were dominated by simplicity of decorative inscriptions that were mostly used for commemorative and documentary purposes. The second phase occurred in a period of stability, urban expansion, and population growth. Flourishing innovative art lines casted significant impressions as in the variety of writing types and styles, developed stone, marble, or wood engravings saturated with decorations, ornaments, and drawings. These inscriptions contained a variety of contents and had several uses. They were often found on mosques, madrassas, graves, and palaces and their count exceeded more than one hundred. However, only 70 inscriptions do exist at present along with a little more than 20 Mameluke mottos (ranks) . A selection of these inscriptions will be presented in this study along with many of their characteristics including writing styles, purpose and content of these inscriptions, and some model mottos decorating Mameluke monuments. (Please note that this article is in Arabic)
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Arisha, Nada. "The Integrative Transition in the Islamic Style between The Mamelukes’ and Ottoman Eras (Analytical Study of Interior Design of Sunqur Al Saadi School and the Dervish Theater "Sama Khanna" - Cairo, Egypt)." Journal of Design Sciences and Applied Arts 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jdsaa.2021.69467.1102.

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5

Burkiewicz, Łukasz. "Kariery dragomanów pochodzenia żydowskiego w Egipcie na tle sytuacji Żydów w Sułtanacie Mameluków (XV – początek XVI wieku)." Studia Żydowskie. Almanach 13 (December 31, 2023): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/sz.2307.

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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie sylwetek dwóch dragomanów pochodzenia żydowskiego — Sajfa al-Dīn Shāhīna al-Tarjumāna oraz Taghrīa Birdīa — którym udało się zrobić zauważalne kariery w otoczeniu sułtanów Mameluków na przestrzeni XV i XVI wieku. Położenie Żydów w Sułtanacie Mameluków nie było łatwe, gdyż podlegali licznym ograniczeniom ze strony panującej dynastii, i przyjmuje się, że był to okres niewątpliwie gorszy dla Żydów, niż to miało miejsce w czasach panowania Fatymidów (909–1171) i Ajjubidów (1171–1250) w Egipcie. Dodatkowo Sułtanat Mameluków na przestrzeni XIV wieku przeżywał głęboki kryzys społeczny i ekonomiczny, który odbił się również na Żydach i doprowadził do upadku rzemiosła, zmuszając ich do zajęcia się głównie handlem. Pomimo ogólnego pogorszenia się sytuacji Żydów w Egipcie pełnili oni również ważne funkcje w administracji państwa Mameluków, jak choćby rolę dragomana, czyli tłumacza języków europejskich na dworze sułtana, co później zostało zaadoptowane i powszechnie wykorzystywane przez Osmanów.
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6

Heuer, Jennifer. "The One-Drop Rule in Reverse? Interracial Marriages in Napoleonic and Restoration France." Law and History Review 27, no. 3 (2009): 515–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003898.

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In the early nineteenth century, an obscure rural policeman petitioned the French government with an unusual story. Charles Fanaye had served with Napoleon's armies in Egypt. Chased by Mameluks, he was rescued in the nick of time by a black Ethiopian woman and hidden in her home. Threatened in turn by the Mameluks, Marie-Hélène (as the woman came to be called) threw in her lot with the French army and followed Fanaye to France. The couple then sought to wed. They easily overcame religious barriers when Marie-Héléne was baptized in the Cathedral of Avignon. But another obstacle was harder to overcome: an 1803 ministerial decree banned marriage between blacks and whites. Though Fanaye and Marie-Héléne begged for an exception, the decree would plague them for the next sixteen years of their romance.
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7

Guedes, Roberto, and Silvana Alves de Godoy. "Escravidão e mestiçagens." Revista de História da Sociedade e da Cultura 23, no. 1 (June 27, 2023): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1645-2259_23-1_3.

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O artigo analisa mamelucos, mulatos e poucos pardos na sociedade paulista do século XVII. Calcado em inventários post-mortem, o artigo ressalta que a classificação social e os termos de mestiçagem em São Paulo foram gestados em meio ao confronto entre as leis reinóis portuguesas anti-escravidão indígena e a perspectiva escravista dos paulistas. Mamelucos, mulatos e poucos pardos foram vocábulos empregados de forma diferenciada em relação a várias outras categorias de época.
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8

Burkiewicz, Łukasz. "Kastylijczyk Pero Tafur i jego egipska misja dyplomatyczna z 1437 r. w służbie cypryjskich Lusignanów." Perspektywy Kultury 40, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2021.4001.14.

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Pomiędzy pozostającym pod panowaniem francuskiej dynastii Lusignanów Cyprem a sułtanatem Mameluków dochodziło do stosunkowo częstej wymiany posłów na przestrzeni XV stulecia. W 1426 r. Mamelucy, sprowokowani wspieranymi przez Lusignanów i działającymi z cypryjskich portów piratami atakującymi żeglugę muzułmańską i wybrzeże syryjsko-palestyńskie, dokonali inwazji na wyspę. W jej trakcie pokonali wojska Lusignanów w bitwie pod Chirokitią, króla Janusa pojmali w niewolę i uprowadzili do Kairu, a Królestwo Cypru znalazło się pod zwierzchnictwem Mameluków. Władcy Cypru, zarówno Janus, jak i jego następcy Szarlota i Jakub II, podejmowali próby zrzucenia tego zwierzchnictwa, na przykład wysyłając poselstwa z prośbami o pomoc finansową i militarną m.in. do Polski (1432). Opisy misji dyplomatycznych kierowanych przez królów Cypru do Egiptu pochodzą z kilku źródeł, w tym z relacji kastylijskiego szlachcica Pero Tafura, który w latach 1436–1439 odbył podróż aż po trzech kontynentach. Został on w 1437 r. wysłany przez króla Cypru Jana II do Kairu przed oblicze sułtana w celu ustalenia formy płacenia corocznego trybutu. Relacja Tafura jest również interesująca z uwagi na opisy ceremoniałów obecnych wówczas na dworze sułtana oraz specjalnych procedur, którym musieli się poddawać dyplomaci zamierzający uzyskać audiencję u władcy Mameluków.
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9

Craig, Bruce. "The Mameluke or Slave Dynasty of Egypt 1260-1517." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 51, no. 1 (2008): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852008x287602.

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10

Stumpf, István. "A válságok hatása a politikai rendszerekre." Scientia et Securitas 2, no. 3 (December 22, 2021): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/112.2021.00051.

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Összefoglaló. A második világháborút követően talán nem volt egyetlen esemény sem, amely olyan hatást gyakorolt a világ országaira, mint a koronavírus-járvány kirobbanása. A vírus-válság felgyorsította a liberális világrend erózióját, kiélezte a nagyhatalmak közötti ellentéteket, válságforgatókönyvek és prognózisok készültek. A válság rávilágított arra is, hogy kudarcra vannak ítélve azok a kormányzatok, amelyek nem ruháztak be a közösségi infrastruktúrába, és elhanyagolták a közszolgálati tudást. Az is kiderült, hogy a kormányzati intézményeknek szakértőkre és nem lojális mamelukokra van szüksége a válsághelyzetből fakadó közpolitikai gondok megoldása során. Egy világméretű és példátlan sebességgel terjedő válság elleni eredményes fellépés elsődleges frontvonala tehát a nemzetállam maradt. Summary. In times of crisis, all political systems give the executive exceptional powers, as it is not possible to face new and rapidly changing challenges within the framework of existing laws. One of the American founding fathers, Alexander Hamilton, who feared the excessive power of central government, believed that in times of emergency the system of checks and balances should be suspended. Constitutional democracy will be threatened if the rule of law is not restored after the emergency has passed. Perhaps no event since the Second World War has had such an impact on the countries of the world as the outbreak of the coronavirus epidemic. The virus crisis accelerated the erosion of the liberal world order, sharpened the antagonism between the great powers, especially the US and China, and highlighted the vulnerability of the production chains that had been outsourced to the Far East in the hope of cheap labour. Crisis scenarios and forecasts were drawn up, and prominent scientists and researchers expressed the view that there would be no return to the world before the virus. The virus crisis has also highlighted the failure of governments that have not invested in community infrastructure and have neglected public knowledge. It has also shown that government institutions need experts, not loyal mamelukes, to solve public policy problems arising from the crisis. The coronavirus is the most pressing challenge of this century so far, and in responding to it, localism is being valorised as a crucial centre of solidarity and problem-solving. Forecasters fear that rising inequalities and the erosion of family savings could trigger a wave of political discontent that is more angry and violent than ever before. The majority of people will not be able to manage their children’s digital education and work from home without a separate room and computing infrastructure, so governments will need to develop special programmes to address this, and people’s health and the capacity of public health to cope will come to the fore. The pandemic crisis has provided a new argument for those who argued for the reinvention of the state and the importance of governments’ ability to act quickly to deal effectively with natural and economic crises. In recent decades, many have buried the nation state, arguing that successful responses to global problems in a globalised world cannot be found within the framework of a nation state. The Covid-19 crisis has shown that the nation state remains the first front line for effective action against a crisis that is spreading at an unprecedented global scale and speed. Different countries have followed different crisis management strategies and very significant differences in contagion rates have emerged. The crisis has reassessed the role of nation states and borders, which already played an important role in receiving migration flows.
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11

Bogoni, Annie Venson. "ESCRAVIDÃO COMO IDENTIDADE: OS MAMELUCOS TURCOS NO EGITO MEDIEVAL." NEARCO - Revista Eletrônica de Antiguidade e Medievo 12, no. 1 (September 9, 2020): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/nearco.2020.50710.

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O presente artigo trata da questão da escravidão militar no Islã e como os mamelucos fizeram desta condição uma exclusividade da elite local e da posição de sultão. Identificamos também características como o uso da língua turca, a lealdade pessoal dos exércitos ao seu senhor e a imagem de guerreiros como pilares da identidade mameluca, a partir do imaginário muçulmano.
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12

Youssef, Heba. "Le décor épigraphique sur les moyens d’éclairage à l’époque mameluke en Egypte." Abgadiyat 2, no. 1 (January 9, 2007): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-00201009.

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13

Carneiro, Zenaide De Oliveira Novais, and Mariana Fagundes De Oliveira Lacerda. "Indígenas alfabetizados em Português no litoral baiano setecentista: o caso de Vila de Abrantes." A Cor das Letras 18, no. 2 (December 18, 2017): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/cl.v18i2.1919.

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Apresentamos, neste trabalho – a partir da análise de documentos da fundação da Vila de Abrantes (arrolados como “Dossiê dos Índios”, depositados no Arquivo Público da Bahia (Maço 603, Caderno 11)) –, evidências de mamelucos alfabetizados no litoral baiano, em meados do século XVIII, condição que os levou a assumirem cargos, entre outros, de escrivão, juiz e capitão de ordenanças do Aldeamento do Espírito Santo, que deu origem à referida Vila, no dia 18 de setembro de 1758, em ação coordenada pelo Juiz de Fora da Cidade de Salvador, João Ferreira Bittencourt e Sá. Os documentos revelam que a maioria dos indígenas entendiam e falavam o português na nova Vila de Abrantes, nos setecentos; poucos sabiam ler e escrever, todavia, e os que eram alfabetizados se tratavam de mestiços; oito mamelucos alfabetizados assumiram cargos na administração da Vila, havendo registros de assinatura de cinco deles em petição reivindicando terras. Para além desses fatos no litoral, apontamos aqui caminhos para o estudo da inserção do indígena na escrita portuguesa, nos sertões baianos. É possível, a nosso ver, encontrar fontes produzidas por indígenas escolarizados, a partir do século XVII, na região do semiárido, na área do Rio São Francisco e das Jacobinas e em áreas vizinhas, onde houve aldeamentos nos seiscentos e setecentos, organizados à maneira dos aldeamentos do litoral.
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Raminelli, Ronald. "Da vila ao sertão: os mamelucos como agentes da colonização." Revista de História, no. 129-131 (December 30, 1994): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.v0i129-131p209-219.

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15

Varella, Flávia Florentino. "Novas raças, novas doenças: a possibilidade colonizadora por meio da mistura racial em History of Brazil (1810-1819) de Robert Southey." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 23, suppl 1 (December 2016): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702016000500002.

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Resumo A possibilidade de o clima alterar o temperamento de pessoas não nativas de determinada região era crença difundida desde antes do descobrimento da América. As mudanças de ar, temperatura e alimentação, acreditava-se, poderiam contribuir decisivamente para a degeneração ou o florescimento das raças. No Novo Mundo, as raças negra, europeia e indígena foram mescladas, reconfigurando doenças europeias. Exploro neste artigo como, na avaliação do historiador Robert Southey, essa mistura de raças foi tida como bastante positiva, principalmente a do indígena com a do português, que gerava o mameluco. Os paulistas, que eram mamelucos, foram apresentados em History of Brazil como herdeiros do temperamento empreendedor português e da infatigabilidade indígena.
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Brigante, Brunilde. "Representation of Mongols in the Fleur des histoires de la terre d’Orient Illuminated for the Cabrera-Cruïlles Family." Ming Qing Yanjiu 22, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340030.

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AbstractAmong the many exotic populations represented in the richly illuminated manuscript of the Fleur des histoires de la terre d’Orient (BnF, n.a.f. 886) the Mongols have clearly been highlighted by the artist who carried out the illustrative cycle. This matches the views expressed in the text by its author, Hayton of Korykos, who stressed the strategic importance of an alliance between Mongols and Christians against the Mameluks of Egypt, who were holding the possession of the Holy Land. In this manuscript, illuminated in Catalonia for a member of the Cabrera-Cruilles families, exoticism is conveyed through the representation of arms and dresses. It is interesting to notice that the Mongols are the only population who is represented with unmistakable distinctive features: the conical hat, and the arch and arrows. In addition to indications based on the miniatures’ style, the iconographic analysis of the armours allows to suggest that the manuscript was produced during the first half of 14th century.
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S. de Moura, Denise A. "All mixed up in the terrain: The geographic knowledge of mamelucos applied by Jesuits in the cartographic production of Paraguayan Backlands (1746-1753)." Revista del Instituto Riva-Agüero 8, no. 2 (December 28, 2023): 103–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/revistaira.202302.005.

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Cartographic images made by Jesuits in the 18th century turned out to be transnational and locally mixed cognitive experiences, as these missionary agents of a global institution were forced to establish a collaborative relationship with the multicultural spaces where they settled and undertook their activities. One of the cartographic genres developed by the missionaries, the Paraquariae Provinciae, combined information and geographical knowledge of the mamelucos, a mestizo social type of Amerindian with white Portuguese settler which has been widely acknowledged but poorly elucidated by the historiography making process. The present paper aims to address these issues by applying concepts and methods of critical cartography in order to compare maps built by the Jesuits.
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Beltrão, Jane Felipe. "Cólera e gentes de cores ou o acesso aos socorros públicos no século XIX." Physis: Revista de Saúde Coletiva 14, no. 2 (July 2004): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-73312004000200005.

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A diversidade étnica no Grão-Pará, na época da cólera, está estampada nas categorias anotadas pelos profissionais de saúde, pelos viajantes e pelos publicistas que registraram as nuanças relativas à cor e à etnia de cada uma das vítimas da epidemia. Arrolados como indígenas, as vítimas caboclas, índias, e tapuias somam 205 almas; e, como negros, vítimas cafuzas, mamelucas, mulatas, pardas e pretas chegam a 646, enquanto os brancos somam 184. As gentes de cores abatidas pela epidemia constituem 82% dos mortos sepultados na Soledade. A cólera "escolhe" ou não suas vítimas? É cega em relação à condição social, à cor e à etnia dos grupos que flagela? São as perguntas que se fazem tendo como campo empírico a epidemia ocorrida no século XIX, e o acesso aos socorros públicos na Belém do Grão-Pará, trabalhando documentos depositados no Arquivo Público do Estado do Pará (APEP) e no Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Pará (IHGP).
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Huigen, Marco G. A. "First principles of the MameLuke multi-actor modelling framework for land use change, illustrated with a Philippine case study." Journal of Environmental Management 72, no. 1-2 (August 2004): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2004.01.010.

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20

Shafik, Ahmed. "La tolerancia religiosa en clave cómica en la época mameluca: la trilogía de Ibn Dāniyāl." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Árabe-Islam 72 (January 27, 2023): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meaharabe.v72.24113.

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El estudio de la imagen de las minorías religiosas (copta y judía) y la convivencia en la trilogía de Ibn Dāniyāl no han recibido el interés necesario, a pesar de que estas minorías tuvieron un impacto significativo a nivel social, económico e intelectual en la época de los sultanes mamelucos. Por ello, el presente trabajo pretende estudiar y traducir los pasajes relacionados con este importante aspecto. La metodología del estudio se inspira en determinados postulados teóricos: el carnaval, la parodia y el humor, partiendo de las ideas que la crítica literaria contemporánea destaca. Los resultados logrados revelan que el texto de Ibn Dāniyāl no solo se trata de un texto literario de alto vuelo, sino también de un documento sobre la atmósfera sociopolítica y cultural que debe ser leído en su contexto para tener conocimiento de la situación de las minorías en su época. El examen sistemático de los episodios traducidos descubre también la presencia determinante de la cultura popu- lar y fol-klórica, impregnada de la cosmovisión carnavalesca, que vive a la sombra de la cultura oficial sustentándose en la tradición oral y la realidad cotidiana.
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Chú Avalo, Nataly Soraya, Walter Estela Tamay, and Jaime Eduardo Gutiérrez Ascón. "Gestión de inventario para mejorar el abastecimiento de equipamiento de una empresa de seguridad." INGnosis Revista de Investigación Científica 3, no. 1 (June 2, 2017): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18050/ingnosis.v3i1.2032.

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El objetivo de la investigación fue aplicar la gestión de inventario para mejorar el abastecimiento de equipamiento en una empresa de seguridad de la ciudad de Chimbote. El diseño de la investigación fue de tipo pre experimental. La población se conformó por 303 productos y la muestra por conveniencia por 5 colaboradores, denominados dueños del problema. Las herramientas empleadas para el diagnóstico fueron: diagrama de Ishikawa, regla de Pareto, cuestionario, clasificación ABC. Los datos históricos se modelaron con el software Minitab para determinar el pronóstico de la demanda. El software WINQSB permitió calcular el nivel mínimo de stock, punto de reorden y tiempo de entrega. Los principales resultados fueron la identificación de los 3 productos que generan el mayor costo del inventario: formato de ocurrencia, cámara domo y mamelucos (según clasificación ABC) y, mediante el modelo de Cantidad Económica de Pedido (EOQ), se logró disminuir el costo por ordenar y costo de almacenamiento con un ahorro de S/. 1 689,22; S/. 2 790,58 y S/. 569,44 respectivamente. Se concluye que con la adecuada gestión de inventario de equipamientos se logra mejorar el abastecimiento en una empresa de seguridad.
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Van Koningsveld, P. S., and G. A. Wiegers. "An appeal of the Moriscos to the Mamluk sultan and its counterpart to the Ottoman court: Textual analysis, context, and wider historical background." Al-Qanṭara 20, no. 1 (February 15, 2019): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.1999.v20.i1.458.

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Este artículo tiene por objeto dar una versión diferente y más breve del poema que contiene una demanda morisca de ayuda al Imperio Otomano, poema estudiado por James Monroe en Al-Andalus XXXI (1966), 281-303. Esta versión indica que había habido otra demanda similar por parte de los moriscos al sultán mameluco de El Cairo, y que ésta era la original. El artículo contiene: 1) un análisis comparativo de las versiones de la casida dirigidas a los mamelucos y a los otomanos, 2) el marco histórico de las relaciones entre los reinos cristianos y musulmanes de la Península Ibérica por un lado y los territorios mameluco y otomano por otro, y 3) una discusión de la fecha de las dos versiones de la casida (comienzos de 1500 y primera mitad de 1501, respecfivamente), así como su autoría. Parece probable que el autor de la casida perteneciera a círculos de musulmanes granadinos que habían formado parte de las clases dirigentes de Granada y que luego habían aceptado puestos en la administración cristiana de la ciudad, como son, por ejemplo, varios miembros de la familia al-Baqannī (el Pequeñí en las fuentes cristianas), algunos de los cuales habían emigrado con Ibn al-Azraq al Norte de África, pero regresaron para integrarse en los grupos dirigentes mudéjares.
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Asp, Danilo Gustavo Silveira, and Fabrício Rodrigues dos Santos. "O “CAMINHO FUNDO”: hISTóRIA E SENTIDO DE PERTENÇA NA COMUNIDADE DO CIgANO, (TRACUATEUA-PA, ENTRE COLÔNIA, IMPéRIO E REPúBLICA)." Nova Revista Amazônica 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.18542/nra.v6i1.6223.

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O texto aborda o processo histórico, permeando questões identitárias e de territorialidades, em meandros do movimento social e em torno da construção do sentido de pertencimento afrodescendente – remanescente de quilombolas – em comunidade rural, no interior do município de Tracuateua-PA., cidade limítrofe à Bragança, da qual emancipou-se em 1994. Geograficamente, está na Microrregião Bragantina, Nordeste Paraense – Amazônia oriental. Cronologicamente, entre Colônia, Império e República, estuda-se a trajetória de ocupação das terras, hoje reconhecidas pela Fundação Cultural Palmares (FCP), a partir de um dado espaço do sertão amazônico. Ainda é possível localizar um trecho do antigo “caminho fundo”: uma trilha por entre as matas, que de tanto os negros trafegarem por ali, o chão afundou-se. Na Comunidade do Cigano, distante cerca de 5 km da “sede” tracuateuense, assenta-se a Associação Remanescente Quilombola do Cigano (ARQUIC), presidida por Oscimar Hermínio Ribeiro, filho de Atanásia Hermínia Ribeiro, descendentes de negros cativos que fugiram da escravidão e se alojaram no território conhecido atualmente como Jurussaca e espraiaram-se pelos arredores circunvizinhos. Neste ínterim, múltiplos atores sociais engendraram suas vivências em contato com esse caminho: linhagens ameríndias, escravos, forros, libertos, livres, cafuzos, mamelucos, ciganos, ribeirinhos, caboclos, agricultores familiares, pescadores, caçadores. Enfim, à memória dos sujeitos, o contexto de ocupação do espaço abarca grande diversidade decenários naturais, mas igualmente paisagens antrópicas, palcos de diversificadas relações étnicorraciais e culturais: sertão amazônico, campos inundáveis, manguezais, praias, ilhas, matas, capoeiras; mas também sesmarias da coroa portuguesa, aldeias indígenas, mocambos, acampamentos ciganos, comunidades extrativistas e, finalmente, áreas de remanescentes “calhambolas”.
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du Quenoy, Paul. "The Russian Occupation of Beirut, 1773–1774." Russian History 41, no. 2 (May 18, 2014): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04102002.

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The brief and little known Russian occupation of the Levantine port of Beirut in 1773–1774 reveals much about the nature of Russian engagement with the Arab Middle East. Rather than passing as an insignificant episode, it instead complemented a well documented Russian desire to play an expanded role in the Levant and take advantage of Catherine II’s first war with the Ottoman empire (1768–1774) to establish forward positions in the Mediterranean. Alongside the Russian naval victory at Chesme in July 1770, Russia accepted alliance overtures from Egypt’s Mameluk governor Ali Bey, who was in rebellion against the Ottoman Sultan. In a complicated series of diplomatic and military maneuvers, Russian forces offered to aid Ali and his allies. By 1773 this process came to involve an agreement with the Druze Emir Yusuf al-Shihab, who accepted Russian protection as part of a military alliance that called for a Russian attack on Beirut in exchange for tribute. Yusuf’s inability to pay the tribute led to a prolonged Russian presence in Beirut, but the situation’s eventual resolution and the Kücük Kainardja peace treaty of 1774 led to the Russians’ departure. Despite the episode’s brevity, it nevertheless allowed for the development of pronounced Russian intentions to create favorable relationships with the peoples and leaders of the Levant. The Russian relationship with Yusuf and other local potentates, moreover, mirrored Russia’s interactions with peoples and leaders on its vast steppe frontier, indicating another axis of imperial advance.
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علي عبادي, مسعود محمود. "عفاريت المحمل المصري عصر سلاطين المماليک" 648 – 923ه / 1250 – 1517م" دراسة تاريخية Afareet of the Egyptian Mahmal during the Mameluke Sultans’ Era (648-923 H/ 1250-1517): A Historical Study." مجلة قطاع الدراسات الإنسانية 28, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 2103–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jsh.2021.211476.

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Othman, Mervat. "Al-Qaransa and Their Role in the Mameluk Era, 784-923 AH / 1382-1517 AD القرانصة ودورهم عصر المماليک الجراکسة 784-923هـ/1382-1517م." Journal of Medieval and Islamic History 11, no. 11 (December 1, 2017): 263–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jmih.2017.155909.

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Metcalf, Alida C. "The Entradas of Bahia of the Sixteenth Century." Americas 61, no. 3 (January 2005): 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0036.

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When Pero Magalhães de Gândavo returned to Portugal from Brazil in the 1570s, he wrote two accounts about life in Brazil, both of which extol the possibilities for poor Portuguese colonists. In one treatise he proclaims that as soon as a colonist arrives, no matter how poor, if he obtains slaves “he then has the means for sustenance; because some fish and hunt, and the others produce for him maintenance and crops; and so little by little the men become rich and live honorably in the land with more ease than in the Kingdom.” In his history, published in 1576, Gândavo adds that many colonists in Brazil own 200, 300, or even more slaves. Although the Portuguese had pioneered the development of a slave trade from West Africa and despite the fact that the sugar plantations of Bahia and Pernambuco would become vast consumers of slaves from Africa, the vast majority of the slaves that Gândavo refers to were Indian, not African. But, in the 1570s, when Gândavo confidently predicted that even the poor could acquire slaves in Brazil, the reality was that the coastal regions around the Portuguese colonies, with the exception of a few friendly Indian villages, had been left “unpopulated by the natives.” Three powerful factors challenged the future of Indian slavery. One was epidemic disease, such as the smallpox epidemic of 1562 that was described as so terrible that in two or three months 30,000 died. The second was a Jesuit campaign against Indian slavery, which resulted in a new law signed by King Sebastião in 1570 that clearly stated that the Indians of Brazil were free. The third was a rapid increase in the number of slaves arriving in Bahia and Pernambuco from Africa. But while it might seem that high mortality, legal sanctions, and the increase of African slaves would limit the future of Indian slavery, it was not to be so. Instead, Indian slavery expanded dramatically after 1570, due to the emergence of a new, trans-continental, slave trade. Facilitated by mixed-race mamelucos, this trade brought Indians from the sertão (inland wilderness frontier) to the coastal plantations. This is the first manifestation of a phenomenon that would repeat itself in later centuries in São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Goiás, and Amazonia. Known as bandeirismo, it would make Indian slavery an integral part of the colonial Brazilian economy and society. The expeditions from Bahia and Pernambuco from 1570 to 1600 descended thousands of Indians for the sugar plantations of the Bahian Recôncavo, reinforcing Indian slavery in spite of high mortality, royal laws to the contrary, and the increase of African slavery.
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Панченко, К. А. "The Fall of Tripoli in 1289 in the Perception of Christian Communities of the Middle East." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 31(2020) (June 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2020.2020.31.006.

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Abstract The article examines the conquest of the County of Tripoli by the Mamelukes in 1289, and the reaction of various Middle Eastern ethnoreligious groups to this event. Along with the Monophysite perspective (the Syriac chronicle of Bar Hebraeus’ Continuator and the work of the Coptic historian Mufaddal ibn Abi-l-Fadail), and the propagandist texts of Muslim Arabic panegyric poets, we will pay special attention to the historical memory of the Orthodox (Melkite) and Maronite communities of northern Lebanon. The contemporary of these events — the Orthodox author Suleiman al-Ashluhi, a native of one of the villages of the Akkar Plateau — laments the fall of Tripoli in his rhymed eulogy. It is noteworthy that this author belongs to the rural Melkite subculture, which — in spite of its conservative character — was capable of producing original literature. Suleiman al-Ashluhi’s work was forsaken by the following generations of Melkites; his poem was only preserved in Maronite manuscripts. Maronite historical memory is just as fragmented. The father of the Modern Era Maronite historiography — Gabriel ibn al-Qilaʿî († 1516) only had fragmentary information on the history of his people in the 13th century: local chronicles and the heroic epos that glorified the Maronite struggle against the Muslim lords that tried to conquer Mount Lebanon. Gabriel’s depiction of the past is not only biased and subject to aims of religious polemics, but also factually inaccurate. Nevertheless, the texts of Suleiman al-Ashluhi and Gabriel ibn al-Qilaʿî give us the opportunity to draw conclusions on the worldview, educational level, political orientation and peculiar traits of the historical memory of various Christian communities of Mount Lebanon.
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Júnior, Amarilio Ferreira, and Marisa Bittar. "Educação jesuítica e crianças negras no Brasil colonial." Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagógicos 80, no. 196 (June 18, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.24109/2176-6681.rbep.80i196.986.

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Realça um aspecto pouco estudado da história da educação brasileira no período colonial: a educação de crianças negras nos colégios jesuíticos. As crianças eram filhas de escravos desafricanizados, que nasciam nas fazendas de propriedade da Companhia de Jesus. A literatura, tradicionalmente, situa a empresa jesuítica relacionada apenas com as crianças brancas, indígenas, mamelucas e mulatas. A base da conversão dos "gentios" ao cristianismo era a catequese, realizada pelo ensino mnemônico. Nesse contexto, as crianças negras sofriam dois tipos de violência: nasciam marcadas pela maldição social da escravidão e estavam submetidas a um processo brutal de aculturação gerada pela visão cristã de mundo. Palavras-chave: educação colonial; colégios jesuíticos; crianças negras. Abstract The purpose of this article is to emphasize an aspect that is not much studied in the Brazilian education, during the colonial period. We are talking about the black children in the Jesuit schools; in other words, the children of the slaves who were forced out of their African roots, children who were born in the farms belonging to the Brotherhood of Jesus. Usually, literature traditionally places the Jesuit educational enterprise only among white, indigenous, mameluke and mulatto children. The basis of conversion of the "gentiles" to Christianity was the catechism done through mnemonic teaching. In such context, the black children suffered two types of violence: they were born tagged by the social curse of slavery and were subject to a brutal process of acculturation brought about by the Christian worldview. Keywords: colonial education; jesuit schools; black children.
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Bittar, Marisa, and Amarílio Júnior. "Infância, catequese e aculturação no Brasil do século 16." Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagógicos 81, no. 199 (June 18, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.24109/2176-6681.rbep.81i199.960.

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Discute as formas de imposição do padrão cultural ocidental-cristão nas terras brasílicas durante o século 16. Os jesuítas, nos marcos da Contra-Reforma, atuaram como uma espécie de "intelectuais orgânicos" do sistema colonial português. A princípio, a ação jesuítica centrou-se na catequese e na educação das crianças índias e mamelucas, procurando, por meio delas, atrair seus pais para os princípios cristãos. As crianças foram objeto central da pedagogia jesuítica. Na ação de catequese propriamente dita, os padres combatiam os elementos centrais da cultura indígena: a antropofagia, a nudez, a poligamia e o nomadismo. A escola do bê-á-bá, no século 16, constitui, pois, um dos pilares ideológicos sobre o qual se consolidou a ordem colonial portuguesa no Brasil. Palavras-chave: catequese jesuítica; dominação cultural; crianças indígenas. Abstract This article discusses the forms of imposition of the western Christian cultural standard of Brazil during the XVI century. The Jesuits, in the steps of the Counter Reform, served as types of "organic intellectuals" of the colonial Portuguese system. In the beginning, the Jesuit action centred on the catechism and on the education of Indian and mameluke children, seeking, through them, to attract their parents to Christian principles. The children were the central object of Jesuit pedagogy. Within the catechism specifically, the priests combated the central elements of indigenous culture: anthropophagi, nakedness, polygamy, and of the nomadic way of life. The elementary school in the XVI century thus constituted one of the ideological pillars on which the colonial Portuguese order was consolidated in Brazil. Keywords: jesuit catechism; cultural domination; indigenous children.
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Khries, Hashem, and Taher al-Gonmeen. "A Mameluke-period terracotta juglet from Umm Zweitineh, Jordan." Palestine Exploration Quarterly, September 21, 2021, 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2021.1981591.

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Willian Bruno Ramos da Silva and Ione Celeste Jesus de Sousa. "Indícios de crianças índias e mamelucas em aulas públicas da Bahia -1821 – 1860." Anais dos Seminários de Iniciação Científica, no. 26 (June 6, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/semic.vi26.9681.

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O projeto objetiva investigar a presença de crianças categorizadas como índias e/ou mamelucas nas aulas públicas da província da Bahia entre 1821 a 1860. Interessa, como primeira Justificativa, a raridade de pesquisas sobre esta questão, concentrados na educação jesuítica Colônia. Em levantamento inicial da Bibliografia sobre “Educação Indígena” ou “Educação dos Índios” nos meios digitais apenas encontrei referências para o Tempo Presente – de 1960 em diante- ou para a Colônia, especificamente antes da expulsão dos jesuítas em 1759.
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Guedes, Roberto, and Silvana Godoy. "Mamelucos (São Paulo y São Vicente, siglos XVI y XVII)." Revista Historia y Justicia, no. 14 (July 27, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rhj.3706.

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Suleman al-Jbour, Khaled. "An inscription from the Badia: Documenting evidence for the plague in the Mameluke Period." Palestine Exploration Quarterly, January 31, 2022, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2021.2021663.

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35

Alazzam, Isa Mahmoud. "The (Mukus) Taxes in Egypt during the Mameluke Era (648 AH/1250 AD-923 AH /1517)." Asian Social Science 9, no. 9 (June 29, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v9n9p234.

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Santos, Gilton Mendes dos. "NATUREZA E CULTURA EM “ÍNDIOS E MAMELUCOS NA EXPANSÃO PAULISTA” E OS PARCEIROS DO RIO BONITO." Sociedade e Cultura 4, no. 1 (October 30, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/sec.v4i1.2232.

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Huigen, Marco G. A., Koen P. Overmars, and Wouter T. de Groot. "Multiactor Modeling of Settling Decisions and Behavior in the San Mariano Watershed, the Philippines: a First Application with the MameLuke Framework." Ecology and Society 11, no. 2 (2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.5751/es-01738-110233.

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Al-azzam, Isa Mahmoud, Sobhi Mahmoud Alazzam, and Khalid Mahmoud Al-Mazyid. "Plagues, Epidemics and Their Social and Economic Impact on the Egyptian Society during the Mameluke Period (648 Hegira /1250 AD -923 Hegira /1517 AD)." Asian Culture and History 5, no. 2 (March 22, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v5n2p87.

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Munzi, Massimiliano, and Corinne Sandoz. "‘I am sorry for troubling you with the bother of replying! But I really want to know’: An unpublished letter by T. E. Lawrence to Max van Berchem about a Mameluke inscription from Naqb (Sinai/Negev)." Palestine Exploration Quarterly, September 14, 2021, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2021.1975072.

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