Journal articles: 'Mamluk'

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HATHAWAY, JANE. "DAVID AYALON, Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans: A Study of Power Relationships (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1999). Pp. 387. $38.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801211064.

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David Ayalon died in June 1998 after a scholarly career of well over half a century, during which he molded the historiography of the Mamluk sultanate, to say nothing of Mamluk studies generally. Throughout his career, he remained an unabashedly old-school empiricist, poring over Arabic narrative sources to recover the elusive realities of the Mamluk sultanate and earlier Islamic polities. His output consisted principally of lengthy, unassailably scholarly articles, each a model of painstaking source criticism and meticulous argumentation. As a result of those articles, we know the structures of the Mamluk sultanate's armies; the true nature of the Mamluk sultanate's relationship to the Mongols; the uses of banishment in the Mamluk sultanate; the place of Circassians in the sultanate; and the overall history of the mamlu¯k, or military slave, institution, to list but a few of the many key topics on which his research shed light—more often than not, the first rays of light. Surprisingly, Ayalon produced only two books before his death: L'esclavage du mamelouk (Israel Oriental Society, 1951) and Gunpowder and Firearms in the Mamluk Kingdom: A Challenge to Medieval Society (Frank Cass, 1978). Nevertheless, his English-language articles alone easily fill four Variorum reprints volumes, with many to spare.

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Pahlitzsch, Johannes, and Christian Müller. "Sultan Baybars I and the Georgians—In the Light of New Documents related to the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem." Arabica 51, no. 3 (2004): 258–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570058041445709.

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AbstractThroughout the Middle Ages, the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem was a highly symbolic place to Georgians and to their kings. Although the monks were expropriated and their abbot was killed at the end of Sultan Baybars's reign, the Monastery preserved two documents that guaranteed its protection by Mamluk authorities, a court-authenticated testimony and a Sultan's missive. These documents, which were issued before the Monastery was turned into a Sufi convent by Šayh Hadir, shed new light on the complex relations of the Mamluk state with its Christian minorities. The radical change in the Mamluk's attitude towards the Monastery coincided with a rupture in political relations between the Mamluks and Georgian polities in the aftermath of the battle of 'Ayn Gālūt. The Sultan's missive that was addressed to one of his emirs is one of the oldest specimens of Mamluk chancellery. It proves that the Mamluk military ranking system did not yet exist under Sultan Baybars.

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Venzke, Margaret. "THE CASE OF A DULGADIR-MAMLUK IQTĀ': A RE-ASSESSMENT OF THE DULGADIR PRINCIPALITY AND ITS POSITION WITHIN THE OTTOMAN-MAMLUK RIVALRY." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 43, no. 3 (2000): 399–474. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852000511349.

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AbstractThe Dulgadir, one of the most successful of the Anatolian Turcoman dynasties, had a long and rocky relationship with the Mamluks, their titular suzerain. Through focus on an iqtā' (military holding) in the northern Syrian heartland that the Mamluks awarded the Dulgadir leadership - the award itself betokening the strength of the Dulgadir and the potential threat that the Mamluks sought to appease - the article goes on to examine the dynamics of the Dulgadir-Mamluk relationship and the part that the Dulgadir played within the Mamluk-Ottoman rivalry, demonstrating that the Dulgadir were wily, worthy, and capable opponents of both the Mamluks and the Ottomans, and that the Mamluks and Ottomans used similar tactics in dealing with the Dulgadir. In returning to an in-depth examination of this DulgadirMamluk iqtā', the article establishes the territorial extent of Dulgadir power and the tribal character of the frontier that separated Dulgadir territory from the Mamluk domain proper, concluding that Mamluk control of the northern Syrian heartland, on the eve of the Ottoman conquest, was already severely weakened as a result of tribal encroachment. The Ottomans, within a few years of the conquest, struck a blow against the Dulgadir in their decision to abolish this iqtā' in northern Syria. Even earlier, however, they had abolished the iqtā's of the Mamluks themselves in what had become the Ottoman Sanjag of Aleppo, but they continue to maintain, until mid-century, at least some of the old Mamluk iqtā' granted to tribesmen, until mid-century, at least some of the old Mamluk iqtā's granted to tribesmen, thus the ultimate demise of the Mamluk iqtā in this area.

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Omer, Spahic. "The Contributions of the Mamluks to the Architecture of the Prophet’s Mosque (Sumbangan Dinasti Mamluk kepada Senibina Masjid Nabawi)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 15, no. 2 (December 24, 2018): 329–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v15i2.754.

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This paper discusses the contributions of the Mamluks to the architecture and development of the Prophet’s Mosque in Madinah. The main discussion lays emphasis on two major issues: Making the Mosque in the Mamluk architectural image, and the maturation of architectural deviations. In order to make them more comprehensible, the two thrusts are preceded by a brief account of a religio-political context that existed prior to and at the time when the Mamluks started to assert their authority, both locally and internationally. In the sheer context of the architectural development of the Mosque, the Mamluks unmistakably showed why they are regarded as some of the greatest patrons of art and architecture in the history of Islamic civilization. But in terms of how they dealt with the prevalent architectural deviations, the Mamluks could be recognized both as victims of the established nonconformist architectural tendencies and trends, and as active protagonists in their further nurturing and spreading. Keywords: The Mamluks, the Prophet’s Mosque, Madinah, architectural deviations. Abstrak Kertas kajian ini membincangkan sumbangan ‘Mamluk’ kepada seni bina dan pembangunan Masjid Nabi di Madinah. Perbincangan utama kajian ini menekankan kepada dua isu utama: pembinaan Masjid dalam imej seni bina ‘Mamluk’, dan penyelewengan seni bina. Untuk menjadikannya lebih mudah difahami, terdapat dua teras yang perlu didahului, iaitu satu ringkasan tentang konteks agama-politik yang wujud sebelum zaman penguasaan ‘Mamluk’ dan pada masa ‘Mamluk’ meluaskan kuasa mereka, samada di dalam dan di luar negara. Dalam konteks pembangunan seni bina Masjid, ‘Mamluk’ membuktikan mereka adalah salah satu pelukis seni bina terkemuka dalam sejarah tamadun Islam. Tetapi dari segi menangani penyelewengan seni bina, ‘Mamluk’ juga dikenali sebagai mangsa kepada seni bina yang tidak konvensional, dan sebagai protagonis aktif dalam memupuk dan menyebarkannya. Kata Kunci: Mamluk, Masjid Nabi, Madinah, penyelewengan seni bina.

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Hathaway, Jane. "The Military Household in Ottoman Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 1 (February 1995): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061572.

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For over 350 years, Egypt was the largest province of the Ottoman Empire, which had captured it from the Mamluk sultanate in 1517. It is well known that the Ottomans retained key Mamluk usages, above all in subprovincial administration, and that a number of the defeated Mamluks who were willing to cooperate with the new regime were allowed to join the Ottoman administration. In consequence, a number of practices of the Mamluk sultanate survived the Ottoman conquest. Critical administrative offices such as those of pilgrimage commander (amīr al-ḥajj), treasurer (daftardār), and deliverer of the annual tribute to Istanbul (khaznadār) were analogous to offices of the Mamluk sultanate, and the grandees whom the Ottomans installed in these offices were analogous to the Mamluk amirs of the sultanate. Above all, the practice of recruiting boys and young men from the Caucasus as military slaves, or mamluks, and training them as soldiers in households geared to that purpose appears not only to have survived but to have flourished in Ottoman Egypt. By the time of Bonaparte's invasion of Egypt in 1798, in fact, the province's military elite was dominated by Caucasian, and above all Georgian, mamluks. In the face of such apparent similarities with the Mamluk sultanate, it is tempting to define the military society of Ottoman Egypt as a continuation or revival of the sultanate.

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WING, PATRICK. "Submission, Defiance, and the Rules of Politics on the Mamluk Sultanate's Anatolian Frontier." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 25, no. 3 (January 29, 2015): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186314000583.

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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between the leader of the Aqquyunlu Turkman confederation, ‘Uthmān Beg Qarā Yulūk, and the Mamluk Sultanate, with an eye to the ways in which the Mamluks sought to define the limits of sultanic sovereignty on the frontier, as well as the ways in which Qarā Yulūk sought to pursue his own interests and those of his tribal followers within the framework of the Mamluk political order. What becomes apparent is that while the interests of the Turkmans ultimately clashed with those of the Mamluk sultans on the Anatolian frontier, both Qarā Yulūk and the Mamluks shared a common interest in maintaining a relationship in which formal recognition of Aqquyunlu autonomy was exchanged for ritual submission to the sultan.

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Chipman, Leigh. "Islamic Pharmacy in the Mamlūk and Mongol Realms: Theory and Practice." Asian Medicine 3, no. 2 (October 16, 2007): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342008x307875.

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This article will discuss aspects of pharmacy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries CE, when the central Islamic lands–which also form a central part of the Silk Road between China and Europe-were dominated by the Mamlūk Empire in Egypt and Syria, and the Mongol Īl–khāns in Iran. Exchanges of practical and theoretical knowledge occurred across the hostile frontier, but it remains ro be seen to what extent this affected the practice of community pharmacists in the Islamic world, let alone the theory used by docrors learned in the Arabic pharmacological tradition. As I have only very recently begun to study the Mongol side of things in greater depth, this article will be weighted towards the Mamluks, and I will point out areas that require further research before any definite conclusion can be reached. I will begin by discussing the state of pharmacy in Mamluk Egypt, continue to say a few words about the developments in pharmacology caused by the establishment of the Mongol Empire, and finally, discuss the status of pharmacists in hospitals under the Mongols and Mamlūks.

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Hacker, Barton C. "Mounted Archery and Firearms." Vulcan 3, no. 1 (May 29, 2015): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00301003.

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David Ayalon’s classic and highly influential 1956 study of Gunpowder and Firearms in the Mamluk Kingdom left some surprising questions unexamined. He attributed Ottoman victory primarily to Ottoman firearms, while Mamluks stubbornly clung to the arms of the mounted archer. But despite the technological underpinnings of his thesis, Ayalon discussed the technology of neither the traditional warfare of mounted archery nor the newfangled warfare of gunpowder weapons. Was Mamluk mounted archery actually inferior to Ottoman firearms? This essay addresses the technical basis both for the mounted archery central to Mamluk military prowess and the characteristics of late-fifteenth and early-sixteenth century firearms adopted by the Ottomans, both in the context of the social technology of Muslim military slavery. By opening the black box of Mamluk and Ottoman military technology, this essay seeks to show more precisely in what ways military technology did and did not shape the outcome of the struggle.

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Meloy, John L. "THOMAS PHILIPP AND ULRICH HAARMANN, ED., The Mamluks in Egyptian Politics and Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Pp. 320. $59.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002324.

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In recent years, the field of Mamluk studies has seen what may well be an amount of published scholarship unparalleled in any field of Middle East studies. Less than a decade ago, the study of the Mamluk rulers of Egypt and Syria could hardly have been called a distinct field, and it was only about four decades ago that the period was given any systematic attention at all through the pioneering efforts of David Ayalon. However, Mamluk specialists now have their own journal, the Mamluk Studies Review, with three annual volumes in print and more on the way, as well as an extensive and ever-growing Web-based bibliography, both of which are published by the University of Chicago's Middle East Documentation Center. Mamluk specialists around the world have been engaged in this work, but it was initiated by Thomas Philipp and the late Ulrich Haarmann. In December 1994, these two scholars organized a conference on Mamluk studies in Bad Homburg, Germany, and eighteen of the papers presented at that symposium have been published as The Mamluks in Egyptian Politics and Society. The papers in this volume cover the period of the Mamluk sultanate in Egypt and Syria from 1250 to 1517, as well as the subsequent Ottoman period up to the rule of Muhammad Ali in the early 19th century. The richness of the sources for this period is evident in the diverse topics represented; papers dealing with political and social history are supplemented by studies in astronomy, religion, traditional culture, historiography, and urban geography. Indeed, the volume stands as a benchmark from which to view this rapidly growing field.

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Ibrahim, Nasser A. "A Concubine in Early-Modern Egypt." Hawwa 14, no. 3 (December 5, 2016): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341310.

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This article portrays the life of Al-Sit Nafisa Khatun al-Muradiyya, originally taken captive in Georgia and sold into slavery in Cairo, who rises from life as a concubine to become the wife of the Mamluk leader Murad Bey in the late eighteenth century. In the process, Nafisa became chief of the Mamluk Harem and acquired substantial wealth, but her fate would take a turn for the worse after Muhammad Ali Pasha consolidated his control of Egypt and began his efforts to annihilate the Mamluks, culminating in the famous Cairo Citadel massacre of 1811. As her life in various ways mirrored that of Egypt’s Mamluks, this study uses the example of Nafisa to understand the extent to which large social, economic and political changes impacted the lives of individuals who lived through them.

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11

Gaber, Tammy. "Mamluk History through Architecture." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i4.1184.

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This exhaustive series of fifteen essays, all produced by the author during1989-2005, covers many relevant facets of the Mamluk slave dynasty (1250–1517). By collecting these previously published essays in a single volume, atrajectory of interpretation can be contextualized and understood. Nasser Rabbat,a key figure in the contemporary study of Islamic architecture, is directorof the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture at MIT. The essays, organizedinto four thematic parts, begin with a conceptual understanding of the Mamluks and their role and then look at their architecture through the lensesof history, language, and cultural index ...

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Blaydes, Lisa. "Mamluks, Property Rights, and Economic Development: Lessons from Medieval Egypt." Politics & Society 47, no. 3 (July 24, 2019): 395–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219861756.

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Secure property rights are considered a common institutional feature of rapidly growing economies. Although different property rights regimes have prevailed around the world over time, relatively little scholarship has empirically characterized the historical property rights of societies outside Western Europe. Using data from Egypt’s Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517 CE), this article provides a detailed characterization of land tenure patterns and identifies changes to real property holdings associated with an institutional bargain between Egypt’s slave soldiers—the mamluks—and the sultan. Although agricultural land was a collective resource of the state, individual mamluks—state actors themselves—established religious endowments as a privatizing work-around to the impermissibility of transferring mamluk status to their sons. The article’s characterization of landholding patterns in medieval Egypt provides an empirical illustration of how Middle Eastern institutions differed from those in other world regions as well as an understanding for how and why regimes come under political stress as a result of their property rights institutions.

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Yosef, Koby. "The Term Mamlūk and Slave Status during the Mamluk Sultanate." Al-Qanṭara 34, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2013.001.

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Fay, Mary Ann, and Reuven Amitai-Preiss. "Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Ilkhanid War, 1260-1281." Journal of Military History 61, no. 4 (October 1997): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954091.

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Petry, Carl F., and Reuven Amitai-Preiss. "Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Ilkhanid War, 1260-1281." American Historical Review 102, no. 2 (April 1997): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170917.

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Johns, Jeremy. "Mamluk Jerusalem." Antiquity 62, no. 236 (September 1988): 527–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00074652.

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Haarmann, Ulrich W. "Mamluk Jerusalem." Levant 22, no. 1 (January 1990): 149–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/lev.1990.22.1.149.

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Mahdi AHMED, Sahar. "THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE MARINE MAMLUKS IN THE LEVANT(648 – 784 AH / 1250 – 1382 AD)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 03 (March 1, 2021): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.3-3.9.

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Our research explores the various social aspects of the Mamluks، specifically the marine ones، in the Levant, and the paths they took to take them to the Islamic world and the goal or purpose of bringing them and using them, and what the Islamic world has been exposedto in terms of external and even internal dangers, which increased the necessity to bring them, and then training them in martial arts, so that the caliphs and princes formed strong armies from them، to repel various attacks, whether internal or external and then how they control the government, and then the formation of a strong state that ruled for nearly three centuries، which appeared in the form of two states. The first Mamluk state, which was called the Turkish (Maritime) state, which we are going to talk about, and the second Mamluk state، which was called the Circassian (Burjia) which ruled during the period (784 – 923 AH). The research cheds light on the Levantine society and its divisions and the researchers differed in the way it was divided, it was a diverse society of classes and degrees, and on the basis of this diversity the way of life differed in its various aspects. The research sheds light on holidays, official and family occasions, then the status of Mamluk women and the accompanying contributions to different social life. Also, the study did not overlook the urban aspect,and the interest of the Mamluk sultans in building various institutions of places of worship such as Mosques, SUFI RBT and KHANQAH، and other important facilities of the state, we hope that we have presented an integrated study of a diverse and brief social life.

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Oualdi, M'hamed. "MAMLUKS IN OTTOMAN TUNISIA: A CATEGORY CONNECTING STATE AND SOCIAL FORCES." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 3 (July 6, 2016): 473–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000441.

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AbstractThis essay examines how administrative documents categorized the mamluks who served Ottoman governors of Tunis from the early 18th to the mid-19th century. The categorization of these state slaves-cum-servants illuminates three issues, namely, the relationships between Islamic states and societies, interactions between the Ottoman Empire and its provinces, and forms of military slavery around the globe. Seeing registers, letters, and historical chronicles as spaces of interaction allows us to break free from an a priori definition of mamluks. By exploring how slaves and servants contributed to defining themselves in administrative documents, I not only argue for a new understanding of the mamluk category, but also show that mamluks did not separate state and society. On the contrary, in the Tunisian case, mamluks connected the state to various imperial and provincial social forces.

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BRACK, YONI. "A Mongol Princess Makinghajj: The Biography of El Qutlugh Daughter of Abagha Ilkhan (r. 1265–82)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 21, no. 3 (July 2011): 331–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000265.

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AbstractThis study examines in detail the biographical entry of an Ilkhanid (the Mongol state centred in Iran) princess, El Qutlugh Khatun daughter of Abagha Ilkhan (r. 1265–82), in the biographical dictionaries of the Mamluk author Khalīl ibn Aybeg al-Ṣafadī (d. 1363). Al-Ṣafadī‘s biography of the lady provides a rare glance into the life of women of the Mongol royal household during the transitional period which followed the Ilkhanid conversion to Islam. It sheds light on issues such as the relations between the Mamluks and the Ilkhans in light of the latter's conversion to Islam and the influence of the process of Islamization on traditional Mongolian gender related practices. This paper also discusses the motivation of the Mamluk author in including El Qutlugh's unusual story in his biographical dictionaries showing how his choices might have been influenced not only by his own interests but also by what appealed to his readers.

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Al Ghouz, Abdelkader. "Kontingenzbewältigung als Zügel der Herrschaft." Das Mittelalter 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2015-0004.

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Abstract After the collapse of the Abbasid Empire as a result of the Mongol conquest of Bagdad in 1258, a number of Sunni Muslim scholars perceived the sudden absence of the caliphate, an important Islamic political institution, as an experience of contingency. The emergence of the Mamluk dynasty (1250–1517) in Egypt and Syria caused an additional experience of contingency: the crisis of legitimacy of the Mamluk rulers. Furthermore, the Mamluks and their legal scholars did not assiduously apply the Shariʿa provisions to practical politics – theoretically, however, they accepted it in order to legitimize their rule over the so-called Islamicate regions. In some of his works, the Damascene Muslim scholar Taqī ad-Dīn Aḥmad Ibn Taymīya (d. 1328) faces up to these three experiences of contingency. This article therefore examines how Ibn Taymīya perceived these three phenomena and sheds light on the complex layers of strategies that he uses in order to cope with the experiences of contingency.

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McQUITTY, Alison M., Mads SARLEY-PONTIN, Mona KHOURY, Charles HOPE, and Chantell F. HOPE. "Mamluk Khirbat Faris." ARAM Periodical 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 181–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.9.1.2002175.

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Talhamy, Yvette. "The Kisrawan Expeditions against Heterodox Religious Minorities in Syria under Mamluk Rule." Chronos 20 (April 30, 2019): 129–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v20i0.477.

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In 1260 the Mamluks conquered Greater Syria after their victory over the Mongols in the 'Ayn Jalut battle, and thus gained control over this area as well as Egypt. Yet, in spite of their defeat in 1260, the Mongols never gave up hope to re-conquer the region. They made several attempts to do so and even succeeded in conquering several districts over which they ruled for several months until driven out once again by the Mamluks. Their attempts continued till the beginning of the 151 century. In addition to the Mongols, the Crusaders (1096-1291 y also endeavoured to control the area and for thirty years, from 1260 till 1291, both Crusaders and Mamluks shared the control of Greater Syria. The former mainly ruled along the Mediterranean coast, but in 1289 Tripoli was conquered by the Mamluks, while Acre was not conquered till 1291; soon afterwards, the cities of Tyre, Sidon and Beirut were also captured. The year 1291 also marked the end of the Crusader presence, but like the Mongols, they never gave up hope to re-conquer the regionl. Besides this, several districts in Greater Syria were held by the Ayyubids, such as al-Karak (1263), Homs (1264) Sahiun (1271) and Hamah, which was ruled by the Ayyubids, by permission of the Mamluks till 1341. (Poliak 1977:16) The areas surrounding some of the districts that were not under Mamluk rule were inhabited by different heterodox religious minorities who were accused by the Mamluks of collaborating with the Crusaders and the Mongols against the Muslims.

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Aravik, Havis, Fakhry Zamzam, and Ahmad Tohir. "The Economic Portrait of Mamluk Dynasty of Egypt; History and Thought." Mizan: Journal of Islamic Law 4, no. 1 (June 15, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32507/mizan.v4i1.642.

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AbstractThis article discusses the economic portrait during the Mamluk dynasty in Egypt; The history and thought by aiming to find out how the Islamic economy during the Mamluk dynasty in Egypt was. This research used qualitative research based on the library (library research) with a descriptive qualitative approach and technical analysis and also content analysis. The results of this study indicated that the Islamic economy during the Mamluk Dynasty advanced with various policies such as the governmental system that was the military oligarchic not monarchic, rewarding for scientists and academics, establishing trade relations with foreign countries, free-market policies to farmers, navy resilience, and the effective use of waqf property. Meanwhile, the decline was caused by a prolonged economic crisis, the sultan's lifestyle, corruption and economic monopoly, attacks by other nations, and the bad behavior of the sultans.Keywords: Mamluk Dynasty, Advancement, Decline, Economy Abstrak.Artikel ini membahas potret ekonomi selama dinasti Mamluk di Mesir; Sejarah dan pemikiran dengan bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana ekonomi Islam selama dinasti Mamluk di Mesir. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif yang berbasis pada perpustakaan (library research) dengan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dan analisis teknis serta analisis isi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa ekonomi Islam selama Dinasti Mamluk maju dengan berbagai kebijakan seperti sistem pemerintahan yang oligarki militer tidak monarkis, memberi imbalan bagi para ilmuwan dan akademisi, membangun hubungan perdagangan dengan negara-negara asing, kebijakan pasar bebas untuk petani, ketahanan angkatan laut, dan penggunaan efektif properti wakaf. Sementara itu, penurunan tersebut disebabkan oleh krisis ekonomi yang berkepanjangan, gaya hidup sultan, korupsi dan monopoli ekonomi, serangan oleh negara-negara lain, dan perilaku buruk para sultan.Kata kunci: Dinasti Mamluk, Kemajuan, Penurunan, Ekonomi

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Meloy, John. "The Privatization of Protection: Extortion and The State in the Circassian Mamluk Period." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, no. 2 (2004): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520041262279.

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AbstractThis article examines privatized forms of protection (himāyah ), and especially extortion, during the Circassian Mamluk period as reported in contemporary chronicles and a tract calling for administrative reform. Protection rackets were characterized by a symbiotic relationship between "protectors" and state officials. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of extortion for our understanding of the effective power of the Mamluk Sultanate during its last century of rule. Cet article examine les formes privées de protection pratiquées durant le règne des Mamelouks circassiens, en particulier l'extorsion. Ces pratiques sont rapportées par les chroniques de l'époque et par un manifeste appelant à des réformes administratives. Cette forme de "racket" se caractérisait par la relation symbiotique liant les "protecteurs" aux fonctionnaires. En conclusion, cette étude nous amène à nous interroger sur la manière dont ces pratiques d'extorsion permettent de mieux cerner le pouvoir réel au sein du sultanat mamelouk pendant le dernier siècle de son existence.

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Clifford, W. W. "Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Īlkhānid War, 1260-1281.Reuven Amitai-Preiss." Speculum 75, no. 2 (April 2000): 437–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887585.

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Van Steenbergen, Jo. "The Mamluk Sultanate as a Military Patronage State: Household Politics and the Case of the Qalāwūnid bayt (1279-1382)." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 56, no. 2 (2013): 189–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341300.

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Abstract This article focuses on the conceptualisation of Mamluk socio-political organisation in late thirteenth and early to mid-fourteenth-century Egypt and Syria. Breaking free of the heuristic constraints imposed on Mamluk studies by the paradigm of the political elite as defined by the normative exclusivism of elite military slavery—the so-called Mamluk system—it demonstrates that apparent dynastic attitudes were no mere façade for that system but rather powerful representations of the Mamluk version of a long-standing regional tradition of socio-political organisation: the military patronage state. It is argued here that this tradition, with its focus on military leadership, patronage ties, household bonds, and unstable devolved authorities, coalesced between 1279 and 1382 in Qalāwūnid leadership over and monopolisation of Syro-Egyptian societies.

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Halperin, Charles J. "The Kipchak connection: the Ilkhans, the Mamluks and Ayn Jalut." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 2 (January 2000): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00007205.

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In 1260 an army of Egyptian Mamluks, led by Sultan Qutuz, defeated a Mongol army from the Ilkhanate led by Ketbugha, at the battle of Ayn Jalut (Ain Jalut), ‘Goliath's Well’, in Palestine. Because this campaign marked the furthest advance of the Mongols in the Middle East, scholars have paid considerable attention to its military and political significance. However, one potential aspect of Ilkhanid-Mamluk relations has only been mentioned casually; examination of the role and image of the Kipchaks in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries may illustrate a much broader feature of the history of the Mongol Empire and its successor states.

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Zelenev, Evgeny I., and Milana Yu Iliushina. "Jihad in the Circassian Sultanate (1382–1517): The Phenomenon of Volunteering in the Context of the Mamluk-Ottoman Confrontation." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.004.

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This article examines the development of the theory and practice of jihad under the Circassian Sultanate in Egypt and Syria (1382–1517). The article aims to trace the development of the key aspects of the concept of jihad and reveal the peculiarities of its perception in the Mamluk state. The article highlights an essential characteristic of the theory of jihad in the Mamluk period, i.e. the interpretation of jihad as farḍ al-‘ayn (the personal duty of every Muslim). A fertile ground for this paper was given by studies of M. Bonner and D. Cook, who supplemented a balanced approach to the interpretation of jihad from a historical perspective with a critical consideration of its religious and political meanings. The authors emphasise the importance of the difference between the understanding of jihad as a collective and individual obligation using the concept of minimalism and maximalism developed by Y. Waghid. The paper is based on works by Ibn al-Nahhas (d. 1411), an outstanding thinker of the Mamluk era. The interpretation of jihad as a personal responsibility of every Muslim substantiated by Ibn al-Nahhas was the basis of the volunteer movement that unfolded in Egypt and Syria in the fifteenth century. The doctrine of jihad concentrated around the most important Islamic values embodied in the concepts of “justice” (al-‘adl) and “truth” (al-ḥaqq) and was initially used by the Mamluks and subsequently by the Ottomans as a powerful ideological tool for manipulating the Muslims’ consciousness. This paper is relevant because the conclusions of the study are valid not only for the Middle Ages but are directly related to the present. The authors of the article emphasise this by drawing parallels with modern events in countries such as Afghanistan, Syria, Libya, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia.

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Mazor, Amir, and Efraim Lev. "The Phenomenon of Dynasties of Jewish Doctors in the Mamluk Period (1250–1517)." European Journal of Jewish Studies 15, no. 1 (November 19, 2020): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-bja10021.

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Abstract This article discusses the phenomenon of dynasties of Jewish physicians in the Late Middle Ages in Egypt and Syria. Based on Muslim Arabic historiographical literature on the one hand, and Jewish sources such as Genizah documents on the other, this paper reconstructs fourteen dynasties of Jewish physicians that were active in the Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517). Examination of the families reveals that the most distinguished dynasties of court physicians were of Jewish origin, and had to convert to Islam during the Mamluk period. Moreover, the office of the “Head of the Physicians” was occupied mainly by members of these convert Jewish dynasties. This situation stands in stark contrast to the pre-Mamluk period, in which dynasties of unconverted Jewish court physicians flourished. However, Jewish sources reveal that dynasties of doctors who were also communal leaders continued to be active also during the Mamluk period.

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Khodjaeva`, Rano Umarovna. "The Role Of The Central Asians In The Socio-Political And Cultural Life Of Mamluk Egypt." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 02, no. 10 (October 29, 2020): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume02issue10-38.

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The article considers the strengthening of the Turkic factor in Egypt after the Mamluk Emirs, natives from the Khwarezm, Turkmen and Kipchak tribes, who came to power in the second half of the XIII century. The influence of the Turkic factor affected all aspects of life in Egypt. Under the leadership of the Turkic Emirs, the Egyptians defeated the crusaders who invaded Egypt in 1248. This defeat of the 7th crusade marked the beginning of the General collapse of the Crusades. Another crushing defeat of the Mamluks led by Sultan Kutuz caused the Mongols, stopping their victorious March through the Arab world. As a result of these brilliant victories, Egypt under the first Mamluk Sultans turned into a fairly strong state, which developed agriculture, irrigation, and foreign trade. The article also examines the factors contributing to the transformation of Egypt in the 13-14th centuries in the center of Muslim culture after the fall of the Abbasid Caliphate. Scientists from all over the Muslim world came to Egypt, educational institutions-madrassas were intensively built, and Muslim encyclopedias were created that absorbed the knowledge gained in various Sciences (geography, history, philology, astronomy, mathematics, etc.). Scholars from Khwarezm, the Golden Horde, Azerbaijan, and other Turkic-speaking regions along with Arab scholars taught hadith, logic, oratory, fiqh, and other Muslim Sciences in the famous madrassas of Egypt. In Mamluk Egypt, there was a great interest in the Turkic languages, especially the Oguz-Kipchak dialect. Arabic and Turkic philologists write special works on the vocabulary and grammar of the Turkic languages, and compile Arabic-Turkic dictionaries. In Egypt, a whole layer of artistic Turkic-language literature was created that has survived to the present day. The famous poet Saif Sarayi, who came from the lower reaches of the Syr Darya river in Mawaraunnahr was considered to be its founder. He wrote in Chigatai (old Uzbek) language and is recognized a poet who stands at the origins of Uzbek literature. In addition to his known the names of eight Turkish-speaking poets, most of whom have nisba “al-Khwarizmi”. Notable changes occurred in Arabic literature itself, especially after the decline of Palace Abbasid poetry. There is a convergence of literature with folk art, under the influence of which the poetic genres, such as “zazhal”, “mavval”, “muvashshah”, etc. emerge in the Egyptian poetry. In Mamluk Egypt, the genre of “adaba” is rapidly developing, aimed at bringing up and enlightening the good-natured Muslim in a popular scientific form. The works of “adaba” contained a large amount of poetic and folklore material from rivayats and hikayats, which makes it possible to have a more complete understanding of medieval Arabic literature in general. Unfortunately, the culture, including the fiction of the Mamluk period of Egypt, has been little studied, as well as the influence of the Turkic factor on the cultural and social life of the Egyptians. The Turkic influence is felt in the military and household vocabulary, the introduction of new rituals, court etiquette, changing the criteria for evaluating beauty, in food, clothing, etc. Natives of the Turkic regions, former slaves, historical figures such as the Sultan Shajarat ad-Durr, Mamluk sultans as Kutuz and Beybars became national heroes of the Egyptian people. Folk novels-Sirs were written about their deeds. And in modern times, their names are not forgotten. Prominent Egyptian writers have dedicated their historical novels to them, streets have been named after them, monuments have been erected to them, and series and TV shows dedicated to them are still shown on national television. This article for the first time examines some aspects of the influence of the Turkic factor on the cultural life of Mamluk Egypt and highlights some unknown pages of cultural relations between Egypt and Mawaraunnahr.

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Behrens-Abouseif, Doris. "Craftsmen, upstarts and Sufis in the late Mamluk period." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 74, no. 3 (October 2011): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x11000796.

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AbstractThis article explores the careers of craftsmen and other commoners, who succeeded in joining the bureaucratic system and occupying high positions in the Mamluk administrative establishment, eventually acquiring great power and even political authority. At the same time Sufi shaykhs, also men of common origin and beneficiaries of Mamluk philanthropy, emerged as mighty and authoritative figures, venerated equally by the aristocracy and the populace. The newly privileged groups also figure as founders of Friday mosques following a flexible new attitude on the part of the authorities. This social fluidity, often criticized by historians of the period, was the result of the pious patronage of the Mamluk aristocracy, which brought academic education to the reach of a large part of the populace. Towards the end of the Mamluk period, the structure of religious institutions had itself been levelled: the Friday mosque with Sufi service replaced the earlier madrasas and khanqāhs. The article also discusses how the visual arts of the period mirror the social changes with new aspects of artistic patronage.

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Dekkiche, Malika. "Crossing the line: Mamluk response to Qaramanid threat in the fifteenth century according to MS ar. 4440 (BnF, Paris)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 80, no. 2 (April 17, 2017): 253–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x17000453.

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AbstractThe present article investigates the complex dynamics of the relationship between the Mamluk sultans and Qaramanid rulers in the second half of the fifteenth century. Based on the revealing of an unpublished corpus of letters (MS ar. 4440, BnF, Paris), which preserved copies of the correspondence exchanged between sultan Īnāl and Ibrāhīm II after the Qaramanids' Rebellion in 860–862/1456–58 and their capture of the Mamluk fortresses in Tarsus and Gülek. After briefly sketching the history of their contact and alliances, I then concentrate on the Qaramanid Rebellion itself, presenting the new data provided by the corpus and analysing the stakes and extent of the Qaramanids' threat to Mamluk policy in the Anatolian context.

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Fuess, Albrecht. "Legitimacy Through Female Lineage? The Role of In-Laws (aṣhār) in the Royal Mamluk Households of the Fifteenth Century." Eurasian Studies 15, no. 2 (April 26, 2017): 200–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340036.

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Abstract Presently, the role of in-law relationships in the Middle Eastern historical context has been understudied, even as it is known that high officials could bolster their political prestige and claim to power by marrying or being married to a royal princess. This is especially true in the Mamluk context of the fifteenth century, when it became impossible for sons of reigning sultans to succeed their fathers. These sons were only allowed to ascend the throne for short periods as mere placeholders, as the effective successors who replaced their fathers were usually drawn from among the membership of the inner circle of the Mamluk military elite. Their marker of identity was that they had been imported as young slave boys from regions to the north of the Black Sea or the Caucasian region. Because there were no direct dynastic ties present, a new Mamluk sultan would create a family bond to the old sultan and bolster his legitimacy by becoming his in-law. The following article will therefore look at the process of becoming an in-law at the Mamluk court and the possible consequences of a royal wedding in terms of transmission of legitimacy.

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35

Scanlon, George T., Michael Hamilton Burgoyne, and D. S. Richards. "Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 27 (1990): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000118.

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Smith, Andrew. "Mamluk Jerusalem: Architecturally Challenging Narratives." LUX 3, no. 1 (November 13, 2013): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5642/lux.201303.16.

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37

Jenkins, Marilyn. "Mamluk Jewelry: Influences and Echoes." Muqarnas 5 (1988): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1523108.

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WALMSLEY, Alan. "Settled Life in Mamluk Jordan." ARAM Periodical 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.9.1.2002172.

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Jenkins, Marilyn. "MAMLUK JEWELRY: INFLUENCES AND ECHOES." Muqarnas Online 5, no. 1 (1987): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000220.

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Saad, Heba. "Radiating Inscription on Mamluk Metalwork." Abgadiyat 4, no. 1 (2009): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2213860909x00091.

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41

K.K., Aubakirova, and Mustafayeva A.A. "Тhe lexical-semantic features of Mamluk-Kipchak written monuments in the Mamluk- Kipchak language." Journal of Oriental Studies 80, no. 1 (2017): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jos-2017-1-818.

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42

Onimus, Clément. "Réforme des monnaies et spéculation dans le sultanat mamlouk au début du ixe/xve siècle : al-Maqrīzī et la question de la responsabilité de l’élite mamlouk dans l’instabilité monétaire." Arabica 64, no. 2 (June 13, 2017): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341451.

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The terrible famine that struck Egypt at the beginning of the 9th/15th century led to al-Maqrīzī’s (d. 845/1442) critique of the Mamluk government’s misadministration. Al-Maqrīzī identified the monetary reform as the main reason behind the crisis. Among the multiple causes of this reform were the opposing interests of the Mamluk elite and the sultanic household regarding the value of gold and copper coins. In all likelihood, the former speculated on a rise in the value of gold whereas the latter wanted to limit the depreciation of the copper coins. This rivalry most likely contributed to the worsening of the monetary crisis. La terrible famine que connut l’Égypte au début du ixe/xve siècle fut l’occasion d’une analyse d’al-Maqrīzī (m. 845/1442) sur la mauvaise administration du gouvernement. L’historien tenait la réforme monétaire pour responsable de la crise. Outre les causes multiples de cette réforme, il semble qu’un conflit d’intérêt autour de la valeur des monnaies d’or et de cuivre opposait l’élite mamlouke à la maison sultanienne. La première spéculait à la hausse sur la valeur de l’or alors que la seconde cherchait à limiter la dépréciation des monnaies de cuivre. Cette rivalité a vraisemblablement contribué à l’aggravation de la crise monétaire. This article is in French.

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Allouche, Adel. "Tegüder's Ultimatum to Qalawun." International Journal of Middle East Studies 22, no. 4 (November 1990): 437–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800034358.

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The Ilkhan Tegüder (r. 1282–84), who took the name Ahmad when he converted to Islam, is widely credited with having interrupted—for the duration of his brief reign—the Mamluk-Ilkhanid conflict which had continued unabated since the battle of 'Ayn Jalut (1260). He is also credited with sending two embassies to Qalawun (r. 1280–90), his Mamluk counterpart: the first in 1282 and the second at the end of 1284.

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Daʿadli, Tawfiq. "Jerusalem Mamluk Regional Building Style as Demonstrated at Maqām al-Nabī Mūsā." Der Islam 97, no. 2 (October 7, 2020): 421–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2020-0028.

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AbstractMaqām al-Nabī Mūsā, situated just off the route connecting Jerusalem to Jericho and to Amman further to the east, was a meeting place for thousands of pilgrims that gathered around the shrine during the mawsim (festival). Sultans, clerks, muftis, and wealthy families, who sought the saint’s blessing, put efforts into building facilities for those pilgrims. The earliest products of those donations, still identifiable on the ground, are the mausoleum built by the order of Sultan Baybars (r. 1260–1277) in the early days of the Mamluk era and the manāra (minaret) and the riwāq (open arcade) added by the order of Sultan al-Ashraf Qāytbāy (r. 1468–1496) toward the end of that era. Both building phases bear the imprint of local masons who were active in building Mamluk Jerusalem. Those masons developed their own regional style that differed from that of their counterparts in major Mamluk centers like Damascus and Cairo. A concomitant theme in this article is thus regional styles in architecture.

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Piterberg, Gabriel. "The Formation of an Ottoamn Egyptian Elite in the 18th Century." International Journal of Middle East Studies 22, no. 3 (August 1990): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800034073.

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The conquest of the Mamluk sultanate by the Ottoman Empire brought into confrontation two centers in the history of Islamic civilization. One, Asia Minor and southeast Europe, was the center of the Ottoman Empire. The other, Egypt, had been the core of the Mamluk sultanate for 2½ centuries (1250–1517). Both states were dominated by Turkish-speaking elites based on the institution of military slavery. In both cases this slave-recruited manpower was the backbone of the army, and, to a lesser extent, of the administration.

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Amir, Or. "Niẓām al-Dīn Yaḥyā al-Ṭayyārī – An Artist in the Court of the Ilkhans and Mamluks." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 71, no. 4 (February 23, 2018): 1075–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0005.

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Abstract Reading through the sources written in the Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517), one receives the impression that the political borders between the Mamluk and Ilkhanid realms were just that – in no ways cultural or even serious physical barriers. This paper will demonstrate this by focusing on the biography of Niẓām al-Dīn Yaḥyā al-Ṭayyārī (685–760/1286/7–1358/9~). His father served under the Ilkhans as a physician and scribe, while Niẓām al-Dīn grew up into the Ilkhanid elite and became a prolific calligrapher, scribe and musician in his own right, being especially close to the Sultan Abū Sa‘īd and his vizier, Ghiyāth al-Dīn Muḥammad. After the death of Abū Sa‘īd and the subsequent disintegration of the Ilkhanate, Niẓām al-Dīn made his way to the Mamluk Sultanate, where his artistic talents were very much appreciated, representing the glorious artistic tradition of the east. Despite his seemingly smooth reception in the ruling circles of the Mamluk Sultanate, Niẓām al-Dīn seems to have remained attached to his homeland, and to the lavish properties which he left behind him. He subsequently returned to Baghdad, where he was immediately reinstated to his former duties. Following and analyzing the career of Niẓām al-Dīn can grant insights into court culture of the Muslim world of his age, where similarities in taste and bureaucratic traditions probably outweighed the differences. We also learn about mobility, cultural exchange and artistic sensibilities between the two competing courts.

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Smirnov, Valerii. "Migration Processes in Ottoman Egypt in the 16th — 18th Centuries (Some Notes Concerning the Formation of Power Elites)." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015334-6.

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The author focused his research on the migration processes in the Nile valley in the 16th — 18th centuries, which had a significant impact on the formation of the political institutions in the largest of the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire. The inclusion of Egypt in the Ottoman imperial space was accompanied by a partial replacement of the former foreign ruling elite of the Mamluk meritocracy with a new one, in many respects similar to it. The balance of internal forces established by the Ottomans was held by the administrative apparatus headed by the Ottoman viceroy, the army corps (ojaqs), and the leaders of the main Mamluk groups. The main content of the study is to analyze the ethnic structure and recruitment sources of Egyptian power elites. As a result of his research the author concludes that the main influx of new representatives of the Egyptian “nobility” was carried out at the expense of external migration flows, which took place within an impressive area extending from the remotest territories of the Mediterranean in the west to the North Caucasus and Transcaucasia in the east. After examining a wide range of sources, it has been established that at the end of the period under consideration the power mechanism of the Egyptian Eyalet was held by the main neo-mamluk “households”, which were headed by Egyptian beys of predominantly Mamluk origin, who formed their hierarchy within the Ottoman military-administrative system.

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Shaikh Ahmad, Khaled. "Mamluk Popular Tales and Political Nostalogia." Anaquel de Estudios Árabes 30 (April 9, 2019): 291–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/anqe.62177.

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Remarks on Jane Hathaway’s "nostalgia" theory (see infra, n. 6) concerning the impression left by the Mamluk sultans left on historiography. Our remarks are based on manuscripts (especially the unpublished BNF arabe 3651) that did not become part of The Arabian Nights but help in understanding how that collection formed and took shape.

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Maḥmūd, Sohaila. "Star Pattern on Mamluk Enameled Glass." Bulletin of the Center Papyrological Studies 33, no. 1 (October 1, 2016): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bcps.2016.16918.

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FUESS, Albrecht. "Beirut in Mamluk Times (1291-1516)." ARAM Periodical 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.9.1.2002169.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Mamluk'

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