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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Manchester (England). Collegiate Church

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Academic literature on the topic 'Manchester (England). Collegiate Church'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Manchester (England). Collegiate Church"

1

Hillsman, Walter. "Choirboys and Choirgirls in the Victorian Church of England." Studies in Church History 31 (1994): 447–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013048.

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Although the roles played by children in recent centuries in English church music have varied enormously, it is probably fair to say that choirs with at least some boys’ or girls’ voices have proven more important in musical, ecclesiastical, and social developments than those with none. The most obvious example of this is the choir of men and boys, which has constituted a conspicuous feature of cathedral and some collegiate music since the Middle Ages, except, of course, during the Commonwealth. As women and girls have until very recently been regarded as inappropriate in such music, it is difficult to imagine that the breadth of achievement in musical composition and performance standards associated with these choirs would have been possible if they had contained only men and no boys.

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Lannon, David. "Manchester’s New Fleet Prison or House of Correction and Other Gaols for Obstinate Recusants." Recusant History 29, no. 4 (October 2009): 459–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320001236x.

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Few people today realise that Manchester was used in Elizabethan England as a place where obstinate recusants might be imprisoned both as a warning to others and in the hope that their conformity to the religious laws of the realm might be obtained. Three places were used to hold the captives. The first was the disused chapel on the only bridge that then existed between Manchester and Salford, the second was Radcliffe Hall or Pool Fold Lodge near the present day Cross Street Chapel, and the third was the House of Correction built between Hunt’s Bank and the sandstone bluff on which stood the former collegiate buildings, today the home of Chetham’s Library and world famous School of Music.

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Whyte, William. "The Ethics of the Empty Church: Anglicanism’s Need for a Theology of Architecture." Journal of Anglican Studies 13, no. 2 (July 2, 2015): 172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355315000108.

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AbstractIn this polemical paper, produced for the Churches, Communities, and Society conference at the Lincoln Theological Institute, University of Manchester, I argue that the Church of England has failed to develop a coherent or convincing theology of architecture. Such a failure raises practical problems for an institution responsible for the care of 16,000 buildings, a quarter of which are of national or international importance. But it has also, I contend, produced an impoverished understanding of architecture’s role as an instrument of mission and a tool for spiritual development. Following a historical survey of attitudes towards church buildings, this paper explores and criticizes the Church of England’s current engagement with its architecture. It raises questions about what has been done and what has been said about churches. It argues that the Church of England lacks a theology of church building and church closing, and calls for work to develop just such a thing.

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Craven, Alex. "‘Contrarie to the Directorie’: Presbyterians and People in Lancashire, 1646–53." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003314.

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In 1645, Parliament swept away the Anglican liturgy of the Church of England, replacing the Book of Common Prayer with a new Presbyterian alternative, the Directory. The Episcopal hierarchy of the Church had already been demolished, and it was expected that the national Church would be reformed along puritan lines. The campaign to impose Presbyterian discipline in England, and the concomitant struggle for a reformation of manners, has received much attention from historians. There is little doubt that nationally these new measures failed, with John Morrill asserting that ‘these ordinances were not only largely ignored but actively resisted’. Presbyterian classes were successfully erected in a handful of places, however, including Lancashire. This should not surprise us, given the county’s long reputation for Puritanism. Nine classes were created at Manchester, Bury, Whalley, Warrington, Walton, Leyland, Preston, Lancaster and Ulverston, and a Provincial Assembly met at Preston. The full minutes of Manchester and Bury classes, and the several extant sets of churchwardens’ accounts, offer a fascinating insight into the workings of this new system. The popular reaction to the new order is also demonstrated; people who travelled to banned services demonstrated where they stood on the liturgical divide, as did those who presented offenders for punishment. This essay, therefore, seeks to evaluate the efforts to erect Presbyterianism within a county where we might reasonably expect it could succeed. The outcome of this struggle will tell us much about the chances of a national Presbyterian Church of England’s survival.

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Willoughby, James. "Inhabited Sacristies in Medieval England: the Case of St Mary's, Warwick." Antiquaries Journal 92 (May 11, 2012): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581512000042.

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A transcript survives of the oath sworn in 1465 by the lay sacristan of the collegiate church of St Mary at Warwick on the occasion of his taking office. His duties are spelled out in detail, and include the striking requirement that he spend each night in the sacristy for the better security of the treasures. This paper prints the oath and aims to place it in its institutional context. The medieval sacristy at Warwick survives and details of the oath illuminate details of the architecture. Similar first-floor vestries are known elsewhere, and the suggestion is made that some other churches might also have had inhabited sacristies.

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Bevir, Mark. "The Labour Church Movement, 1891–1902." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386190.

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Historians of British socialism have tended to discount the significance of religious belief. Yet the conference held in Bradford in 1893 to form the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) was accompanied by a Labour Church service attended by some five thousand persons. The conference took place in a disused chapel then being run as a Labour Institute by the Bradford Labour Church along with the local Labour Union and Fabian Society. The Labour Church movement, which played such an important role in the history of British socialism, was inspired by John Trevor, a Unitarian minister who resigned to found the first Labour Church in Manchester in 1891. At the new church's first service, on 4 October 1891, a string band opened the proceedings, after which Trevor led those present in prayer, the congregation listened to a reading of James Russell Lowell's poem “On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves,” and Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister, read Isaiah 15. The choir rose to sing “England Arise,” the popular socialist hymn by Edward Carpenter:England arise! the long, long night is over,Faint in the east behold the dawn appear;Out of your evil dream of toil and sorrow—Arise, O England, for the day is here;From your fields and hills,Hark! the answer swells—Arise, O England, for the day is here.As the singing stopped, Trevor rose to give a sermon on the religious aspect of the labor movement. He argued the failure of existing churches to support labor made it necessary for workers to form a new movement to embody the religious aspect of their quest for emancipation.

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Barker, Jessica. "Invention and Commemoration in Fourteenth-Century England: A Monumental “Family Tree” at the Collegiate Church of St. Martin, Lowthorpe." Gesta 56, no. 1 (March 2017): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689971.

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Cowman, Krista. "‘A Peculiarly English Institution’: Work, Rest, and Play in the Labour Church." Studies in Church History 37 (2002): 357–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014856.

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The Labour Church held its first service in Charlton Hall, Manchester, in October 1891. The well-attended event was led by Revd Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister from Hyde, and John Trevor, a former Unitarian and the driving force behind the idea. Counting the experiment a success, Trevor organized a follow-up meeting the next Sunday, at which the congregation overflowed from the hall into the surrounding streets. A new religious movement had begun. In the decade that followed, over fifty Labour Churches formed, mainly in Northern England, around the textile districts of the West Riding of Yorkshire and East Lancashire. Their impetus lay both in the development and spread of what has been called a socialist culture in Britain in the final decades of the nineteenth century, and in the increased awareness of class attendant on this. Much of the enthusiasm for socialism was indivisible from the lifestyle and culture which surrounded it. This was a movement dedicated as much to what Chris Waters has described as ‘the politics of everyday life …. [and] of popular culture’ as to rigid economistic doctrine. This tendency has been described as ‘ethical socialism’, although a more common expression at the time was ‘the religion of socialism’.

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Barron, Caroline M. "Church music in English towns 1450–1550: an interim report." Urban History 29, no. 1 (May 2002): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926802001086.

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In the towns of late medieval England (where perhaps 10 per cent of the population may have lived) the parish churches were being continuously expanded, adapted and decorated. Chantry and fraternity chapels were added between the nave pillars, or at the eastern ends of the aisles and here, as well as at the high altar, masses were celebrated and prayers recited with incessant devotion by the living for the repose of the souls of those who had died. These intercessory services, together with those of the usual liturgical round which took place in the choir and in the nave, were increasingly accompanied by complex polyphonic music involving several singers, both men and boys, and the playing of organs which were becoming ubiquitous in medieval parish churches. The development of this dynamic parish music has been detected, but not much studied. In part this is the result of the failure of urban historians and musicologists to talk to each other. Historians of late medieval religion have recently been exploring the diversity and sophistication of parochial devotional practices and have reaffirmed the importance of religious guilds and chantry foundations in enriching the liturgical practices of the parish, but they have paid little attention to music, and none to the impact of church music on civic ceremonial and the legitimating processes of urban rulers. Musicologists who have worked on the music of the English church have been, until very recently, comparatively uninterested in what happened beyond the interior of the church and, in any case, more interested in the great royal and collegiate foundations from which some music has survived. The surprising conclusion is that, for both urban historians and musicologists, the connected argument that links religious ritual, broadly defined, with the spatial and social dimensions of life and work in towns barely yet exists.

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Swanson, R. N. "An Appropriate Anomaly: Topcliffe Parish and the Fabric Fund of York Minster in the Later Middle Ages." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002477.

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Money provides the sinews of religion no less than of war. Since their emergence, parishes have been and remain fundamental to many ecclesiastical financial regimes. In pre-Reformation England, their revenues not only supported the incumbent, but might be diverted to many other purposes. The process of appropriation transformed a monastery, collegiate church, or other institution or office into the perpetual rector, entitled to receive the revenues in full. The ordination of a vicarage would then normally divide the income, the rector usually taking the lion’s share of the spoils, while the vicar received a small portion. Parishioners then found their parochial payments being used not in the locality, but perhaps hundreds - occasionally thousands - of miles away, for purposes over which they had no influence. At the same time, the perception of the parish as milch cow might lead the appropriators to ignore the cure of souls, whilst exploiting the finances to the full.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Manchester (England). Collegiate Church"

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Harris, Jan G. "Mormons in Victorian England." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1987. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,13967.

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Books on the topic "Manchester (England). Collegiate Church"

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Hall-Matthews, J. C. B. The Collegiate Church of St Peter, Wolverhampton. Much Wenlock: R.J.L.Smith, 1993.

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The collegiate church of Wimborne Minster. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 1993.

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3

Rogers, Colin, Ernest Bosdin Leech, and Perkins John. The registers of Collegiate Church of St Mary, St Denys and St George: Manchester 1666-1700. Lancashire, England]: Lancashire Parish Register Society, 2015.

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4

Baker, Harold. The Collegiate Church of Stratford-on-Avon & other buildings of interest in the town & neighborhood. London: G. Bell, 1988.

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5

Ford, Chris. Pastors and polemicists: The character of popular Anglicanism in South-East Lancashire, 1847-1914. Manchester, England: Smith Settle on behalf of The Chetham Society, 2002.

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The deans. London: SCM Press, 2004.

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7

Goulburn, Edward Meyrick. The Goulburn Norwich diaries: Selected passages from the ten remaining Norwich diaries of Edward Meyrick Goulburn, M.A., D.C.L., D.D., Dean of Norwich, 1866-1889. Norwich: Canterbury Press, 1996.

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8

Watson, Hilda. The register of the Parish of Eccles. Edited by Dawson Betty, Mellor Edith, and Lancashire Parish Register Society. [Lancashire, England]: Lancashire Parish Register Society, 1990.

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9

Kennerley, Peter. Frederick William Dwelly: First Dean of Liverpool, 1881-1957. Lancaster: Carnegie Publishing, 2004.

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Sacred Trinity (Church : Salford, Greater Manchester, England). The registers of Sacred Trinity, Salford, 1635-1837. [Manchester?]: Lancashire Parish Register Society, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Manchester (England). Collegiate Church"

1

Wigelsworth, Jeffrey R. "The spectre of High Church: politics and theology, 1709–19." In Deism in Enlightenment England, 109–36. Manchester University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719078729.003.0005.

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Powell, Hunter. "The ‘builders’ of the new Church of England." In The Crisis of British Protestantism, 58–90. Manchester University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096341.003.0004.

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Sudlow, Brian. "Catholic religiosity and the hierarchical Church." In Catholic Literature and Secularisation in France and England, 1880-1914, 192–212. Manchester University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719083112.003.0008.

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Sudlow, Brian. "Catholic religiosity and the charismatic Church." In Catholic Literature and Secularisation in France and England, 1880-1914, 215–34. Manchester University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719083112.003.0009.

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Hardwick, Joseph. "The Church of England, migration and the British world." In An Anglican British world, 1–21. Manchester University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719087226.003.0001.

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Milton, Anthony. "Ecclesia Restaurata? Heylyn and the Restoration church, 1660–1688." In Laudian and Royalist Polemic in Seventeenth-century England, 190–216. Manchester University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719064449.003.0007.

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Gajda, Alexandra. "The Elizabethan Church and the antiquity of parliament." In Writing the history of parliament in Tudor and early Stuart England, 77–105. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099588.003.0004.

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Modern historians have long recognised that conceptions of the ‘ancient’ history of both parliament and the Protestant Church were vital to the political, legal and religious argument of the period, but the relationship between these two types of historical thinking has rarely been established. This article contends that the need to establish a pre-Reformation history of the Royal Supremacy, so as to counter Catholic challenges of religious innovation, required Elizabethans to create related myths of kings-in-parliament through the ages, exercising jurisdiction over the national Church. It was therefore under Elizabeth that the antiquity of parliament, its centrality to an ‘ancient constitution’, was first asserted by Elizabethan divines to validate the parliamentary framework of the English Protestant Church. It is argued that historical argument about parliament’s origins and evolution derived from the polemical battles fought by various religious interest groups on both sides of the confessional divide who defended, criticised or denounced the type of Church established in 1559. The history of parliament, then, first emerged in the war of ideas waged around the Royal Supremacy.

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Varnam, Laura. "Introduction: Reading sacred space in late medieval England." In The church as sacred space in Middle English literature and culture. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994174.003.0001.

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The introduction establishes the methodology for reading sacred space in Middle English literature through an examination of the fifteenth-century text ‘The Canterbury Interlude’, in which Chaucer’s pilgrims arrive at Canterbury Cathedral, visit the shrine of Thomas Becket and argue over their interpretation of the stained glass. The chapter explores the relationship between texts, buildings, visual art, and lay practice in the production of sanctity and sets up the theoretical framework for discussing the church as sacred space. The chapter argues that sacred space is performative and must be made manifest, with reference to Mircea Eliade’s concept of the hierophany, and suggests that sacred space is a powerful tool in the negotiation of social relationships. Finally, the chapter discusses sanctity as a form of symbolic capital in an increasingly competitive devotional environment.

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Ingram, Robert G. "Neither a slave nor a tyrant: Church and state reimagined." In Reformation without end. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526126948.003.0015.

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This chapter anatomizes Warburton’s theory of church-state relations. It details the competing theories of church-state relations against which he situated his Alliance between Church and Stat (1736)e. It turns next to consider the marginal notes to his copy of Clarendon’s History of the Rebellion, a work which exposed the breakdown of the religious and political order in mid-seventeenth-century England. The chapter concludes with a consideration of Warburton’s Alliance, highlighting the ways that he thought his conception of church and state might prevent a reversion to the previous century’s religio-political breakdown.

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Questier, Michael. "Seminary colleges, converts and religious change in post-Reformation England, 1568–1688." In College Communities Abroad. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784995140.003.0006.

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This essay will look at one of the principal functions of the seminary colleges founded by English exiles and the place they occupy in debates about what happened to Catholicism in England after the Reformation, i.e. after 1559, currently still in something of a deadlock between those who argue for a slow-decline thesis and, on the other hand, those who want to say that there was, across the British Isles, a surge in and after the 1570s of Counter-Reformation zeal. It will ask: what were those who enrolled at these colleges supposed to do once they returned to their native country and started to minister to the faithful? In particular, in the context of the powerful rhetoric of conversion which framed the founding of the seminaries at Douai and Rome, how far were ordained clergy supposed to evangelise outside the confines of the separated Catholic community? And if they did so, to what end? How seriously were they supposed to take the rhetoric of national conversion that some Catholics in this period used? We might imagine that individual conversions to Catholicism, in the sense of explicit, overt and public changes of “religion”, were rather limited in number, not least because of the development of a statutory legal code which inflicted severe penalties on those who decided to go into separation from the national Church. However, this paper will also look at what conversion means more generally in this context, in other words – not just as a transfer from one confession or Church to another but also as the understanding of the purpose of the Catholic clerical estate in the English national Church. Finally, it will attempt to do this with an eye to the conflicting approaches and interpretations in the current historiography of the post-Reformation Catholic community in England and Britain in the later sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries.

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