Journal articles: 'Manchu Dynasty'

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Guo, Shuyun. "Symbols and Function of the Zhang Clan Han Army Sacrificial Rite." Religions 10, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020090.

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The Eight Banners System is the social organizational structure of the bannerman (qiren, 旗人) from the Qing dynasty and the fundamental system of the country under Qing rule. It is divided into three types: the Manchu Eight Banners, Mongolian Eight Banners, and Han Army Eight Banners. The Han Army was a special group in the Qing dynasty between the bannerman and the commoners (minren, 民人). The sacrificial rite of the Han Army is a form of comprehensive shamanic ritual based on the traditional ancestor worship of the Han people. However, it is influenced, to some extent, by the shamanic ritual of the Manchus involving trance-dance. It finally took shape as a unique sacrificial form different from both the Manchu shamanic rite and the traditional ancestor worship of the Han minren. As a special system of symbolic rituals, the Han qiren’s sacrificial form embodies shamanic concepts and serves two functions: (1) dispelling evil and bringing in good fortune for the community; and (2) unifying the Han bannermen’s clans and strengthening the culture, identity, and tradition of the Han people, who were living under Manchu rule during the Qing dynasty.

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Takekoshi, Takashi. "Grammatical Descriptions in Manchu Grammar Books from the Qing Dynasty." Histoire Epistémologie Langage 41, no. 1 (2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/hel/2019004.

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In this paper, we analyse features of the grammatical descriptions in Manchu grammar books from the Qing Dynasty. Manchu grammar books exemplify how Chinese scholars gave Chinese names to grammatical concepts in Manchu such as case, conjugation, and derivation which exist in agglutinating languages but not in isolating languages. A thorough examination reveals that Chinese scholarly understanding of Manchu grammar at the time had attained a high degree of sophistication. We conclude that the reason they did not apply modern grammatical concepts until the end of the 19th century was not a lack of ability but because the object of their grammatical descriptions was Chinese, a typical isolating language.

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Bazarov, Boris V., Ekaterina V. Sundueva, Chingis Ts Tsyrenov, and Evgenii V. Nolev. "‘Treasures of the Golden Chest Brought to Light…’: Revisiting the Sources and Purport of the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty’." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-11-23.

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The article analyzes a corpus of sources that formed the basis of the most notable record of the Qing Empire, the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty’ (Qingshilu). The analysis is based on a careful study of Russian, Chinese and Mongolian scholarship. A historical treatise ‘Truthful Record of the Mongols under the Qing Dynasty’ based on the Qingshilu and written in the Old Mongolian script was published in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China in 2013. A team of researchers from the Institute of Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAN) has been working on its translation, source studies and historical analysis, as its materials supplement the available data on the purport and sources of the Qingshilu. Review of its sources allows a better assessment of the veracity of the historical data of the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty’ and a deeper understanding of its rich historical material on the Manchu dynasty ruling China, as well as Inner Asia during the Qing period. The article reviews the sources of the Qingshilu as listed in the ‘Truthful Record of the Mongols under the Qing Dynasty.’ Information on the Man Wen Lao Dang (‘The Old Archive of the Manchu Language’) is amassed and analyzed. The Man Wen Lao Dang was one of the sources used in compiling of early chronicles of the deeds of the first Manchu rulers into the ‘Truthful Record.’ The official historiographical and record-keeping tradition was then emerging in China under the Manchu dynasty. The authors assess the purport of the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty’ throughout the spectrum of historical and political functions of the treatise. Analyzing of the sources of the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty,’ including official documents untainted by compilers’ interpretation, and studying the import of the text in the political life allows to contend great value and veracity of the Qingshilu. The authors see new possibilities for studying international relations in the history of Inner Asia.

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Jiang, Xiaoli. "Did the Imperially Commissioned Manchu Rites for Sacrifices to the Spirits and to Heaven Standardize Manchu Shamanism?" Religions 9, no. 12 (December 5, 2018): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9120400.

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The Imperially Commissioned Manchu Rites for Sacrifices to the Spirits and to Heaven (Manzhou jishen jitian dianli), the only canon on shamanism compiled under the auspices of the Qing dynasty, has attracted considerable attention from a number of scholars. One view that is held by a vast majority of these scholars is that the promulgation of the Manchu Rites by the Qing court helped standardize shamanic rituals, which resulted in a decline of wild ritual practiced then and brought about a similarity of domestic rituals. However, an in-depth analysis of the textual context of the Manchu Rites, as well as a close inspection of its various editions reveal that the Qing court had no intention to formalize shamanism and did not enforce the Manchu Rites nationwide. In fact, the decline of the Manchu wild ritual can be traced to the preconquest period, while the domestic ritual had been formed before the Manchu Rites was prepared and were not unified even at the end of the Qing dynasty. With regard to the ritual differences among the various Manchu clans, the Qing rulers took a more benign view and it was unnecessary to standardize them. The incorporation of the Chinese version of the Manchu Rites into Siku quanshu demonstrates the Qing court’s struggles to promote its cultural status and legitimize its rule of China.

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Toh, Hoong Teik. "The poetic forms and two longer poems in the Manju gisun i yobo maktara sarkiyan." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 73, no. 1 (January 28, 2010): 65–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x09990358.

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AbstractIt is generally assumed that, throughout the Qing dynasty, there was only translated literature in the Manchu language and that, by the nineteenth century, the Manchu literati had become too “sinicized” to unleash literary creativity in their native language. Nevertheless the discovery of a mid-nineteenth-century manuscript of Manchu literary verse, penned by the well-known prose translator Jakdan, points to the fact that Manchu belles-lettres existed even at a time when the role of Manchu in practical arenas was much in decline within the Qing empire in China. In addition to a preliminary account of the poetic forms found in Jakdan's Manju gisun i yobo maktara sarkiyan (“Transcript of bantering in Manchu language”), a supplementary volume to the Jabduha ucuri amtanggai baita (“Leisurely delights”), two intricate poems from the collection of Manchu verse are here presented (in transcription), translated and annotated for the first time.

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Yue, Isaac. "The Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet: History, Myth, and Development." Ming Qing Yanjiu 22, no. 1 (November 14, 2018): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340022.

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Abstract In* terms of grandeur and extravagance, modern Chinese society tends to think of the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet 滿漢全席 as the pinnacle of China’s culinary heritage. Its allure is best illustrated by what happened in 1977, when the Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS) commissioned a Hong Kong restaurant named Kwok Bun 國賓酒樓 to recreate the banquet according to its “original” recipes. The preparation took over three months, involved more than one hundred and sixty chefs, and resulted in a meal that featured more than one hundred dishes.1 Since then, there has been no shortage of efforts made by different individuals, restaurants, and organizations to follow suit and recreate the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet in a contemporary setting. These different endeavours commonly claim that they follow the most authentic recipes. Little did they realise that there is no such thing as an authentic recipe. In fact, historians cannot even agree on which era saw the banquet begin, though the leading candidates all date to the Qing dynasty (1644–1911); these are the reign of the Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722), the reign of the Emperor Qianlong (r. 1735–1796), and the dynasty’s last decades. This paper examines the accuracy of these claims by analyzing a sample menu for the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet recorded during Qianlong’s reign. This menu contains crucial information about the feast’s formative stages, information that has not yet been properly addressed by academics researching this topic. By drawing attention to the traditional dietary customs of ethnic Manchus and Han Chinese, understood in the context of contemporaneous Chinese gastronomy (to supplement the menu’s lack of contextual information), this paper provides a better understanding of the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet and of Chinese gastronomy in general, in terms of their history, development, and cultural significance.

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Heroldová, Helena. "Court Beads: Manchu Rank Symbols in the Náprstek Museum." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 40, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/anpm-2019-0017.

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Abstract Court beads worn with formal dress represented one of the symbols of social standing of the Qing dynasty aristocracy and officialdom. The appearance of court beads and material used for their production were prescribed in the 18th century encyclopaedic work The Illustrated Regulations for Ceremonial Paraphernalia of the Imperial Court. Nowadays, court beads are found in antiquities markets and in museum collections. The Náprstek Museum in Prague also keeps a small collection distinguished from the several tens of pieces of Qing dynasty formal dress, dress accessories, and other signs of social rank, the number of these items are surprisingly few. In order to answer the question about the scarcity of the objects, the origin of the collection has been studied.

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Namsaraeva, S. B. "Typology of Heqin Marriage Alliances: Manchu-Chinese and Manchu-Mongol Marriages during the Qing Dynasty." Humanitarian Vector 13, no. 4 (2018): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2018-13-4-158-165.

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Phillips, Andrew. "Contesting the Confucian peace: Civilization, barbarism and international hierarchy in East Asia." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 4 (July 4, 2017): 740–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117716265.

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International Relations scholars have turned to China’s tributary system to broaden our understanding of international systems beyond the ‘states-under-anarchy’ model derived from European history. This scholarship forms the inspiration and foil for this article, which refines International Relations scholars’ conceptualizations of how international hierarchy arose and endured in East Asia during the Manchu Qing Dynasty — China’s last and most territorially expansive imperial dynasty. I argue that existing conceptions of East Asian hierarchy overstate the importance of mutual identification between the region’s Confucian monarchies in sustaining Chinese hegemony. Instead, we can understand Qing China’s dominance only once we recognize the Manchus as a ‘barbarian’ dynasty, which faced unique challenges legitimating its rule domestically and internationally. As ‘barbarian’ conquerors, Manchus did not secure their rule by simply conforming to pre-existing Sinic cultural norms. Instead, like other contemporary Eurasian empires, they maintained dominance through strategies of heterogeneous contracting. Domestically, they developed customized legitimacy scripts tailored to win the allegiance of the empire’s diverse communities. Internationally, meanwhile, the Manchus strategically appropriated existing Confucian norms and practices of tributary diplomacy in ways that mitigated — but did not eliminate — Confucian vassals’ resentment of ‘barbarian’ domination. East Asian hierarchy may have been more peaceful than Westphalian anarchy, but the absence of war masks a more coercive reality where the appearance of Confucian conformity obscured more fractious relations between Qing China and even its ostensibly most loyal vassals.

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Dai, Yingcong. "A Disguised Defeat: The Myanmar Campaign of the Qing Dynasty." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (February 2004): 145–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001040.

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The Qing Myanmar campaign (1765-1770) was the most disastrous frontier war that the Qing dynasty had ever waged. In the beginning, the Qianlong emperor (r. 1735-1795) of the Qing dynasty had envisaged winning this war in one easy stroke, as he deemed Myanmar no more than a remote barbarian tribe without any power. But he was wrong. After the Green Standard troops in Yunnan failed to bring the Myanmar to their knees, Qianlong sent his elite Manchu troops in. A regional conflict was thus escalated into a major frontier war that involved military maneuvers nationwide. At the front, the Manchu Bannermen had to deal with the unfamiliar tropical jungles and swamps, and above all, the lethal endemic diseases. Not only did one after another commander-in-chief of the Qing dynasty fail to conquer Myanmar, but the Qing troops also suffered extremely heavy casualties. After a gruelling four-year campaign, a truce was reached by the field commanders of the two sides at the end of 1769 with the Qing invading expedition failing to conquer Myanmar and withdrawing in disarray. To rehabilitate itself, the Qing dynasty kept a heavy military lineup in the border areas of Yunnan for about one decade in an attempt to wage another war while imposing a ban on inter-border trade for two decades.

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Choi, Hyoung-Seob. "Chinese Novels translated into the Manchu language in Qing Dynasty." Chinese Studies 54 (March 31, 2016): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.14378/kacs.2016.54.54.5.

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Sepe, Agostino. "Back to the Roots: The Imperial City of Shenyang as a Symbol of the Manchu Ethnic Identity of the Qing Dynasty." MING QING YANJIU 16, no. 01 (February 14, 2011): 129–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01601006.

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At the UNESCO meeting held in Suzhou on the 2nd of July 2004, the Imperial City of Shenyang was listed as a World Cultural Heritage Site, so that now it is recorded together with the Forbidden City of Beijing as one single item: Imperial Palaces of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Ming Qing gongdian 明清宮殿. Nevertheless, the importance of Shenyang Palace is not at all due to its similarity to the one in Beijing. The part of the Shenyang Imperial City built before the Manchu conquest of Beijing in 1644 mirrors the culture of the Manchu people and the institutions of its rulers in its architectural style. The part built during Qianlong’s reign, on the other hand, is evidence of the devotion of Later Qing emperors (from Kangxi to Daoguang) towards their ancestors and their Manchu origins. At the same time, the palace also reflects the sinicization of the Manchus and the merging of the two different cultures and institutional systems, both in some of its buildings and in its whole. These two aspects clearly distinguish the Palace from the Forbidden City and confer it with immense historical and cultural value. It is, therefore, from these points of view that I will deal with Shenyang Imperial City in this paper, whose purpose is to demonstrate how the palace is a symbol of the origins and the history of China’s last dynasty. The most ancient sources I will base my work on are Qing shilu 清實錄 (I will mainly refer to the sections regarding the Qing emperors from Nurhaci to Qianlong) and Manwen laodang 滿文老檔, which is a source of the utmost importance for the study of Qing history before the conquest of Beijing.

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長山. "The influences of written Manchu in Qing Dynasty on written Mongolian." ALTAI HAKPO ll, no. 27 (June 2017): 203–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15816/ask.2017..27.010.

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Crossley, Pamela Kyle. "Manzhou yuanliu kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (November 1987): 761–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057101.

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During the Qianlong period (1736–95) in China, knowledge of Manchu origins, much of which had been of a folk or informal character, was given documentary institutionalization—that is, incorporation into the Qing (1636–1912) imperial cultural mosaic by the act of writing something official about it. Much but by no means all of Manchu civilization was derived from Jurchen culture (tenth–seventeenth centuries), which was primarily a folk culture in which oral tradition, shamanic ritual, and clan custom were the mainstays of orderly social life. Inseparable from those folk traditions were elements of tribal rule that affected political life in many ways in the Later Jin (1616–35) and early Qing periods. To the extent that Manchu society retained the archaic forms through the Qing era, the folk heritage was brought into conflict with the political institutions and classical traditions of conquered China, especially the emperorship. The history of the Qing court and its relation to the Manchus may be viewed as the aggregate of the processes by which the dynasty attempted to resolve this conflict through formalization of the old culture. In its political aspects this meant the progressive bureaucratization, regulation, and depersonalization of the state in displacement of the personal, diffused authority that had once been vested by tradition in the clans and confederations. In its cultural and ideological facets, it meant the documentation of descent, myth, clan history, and shamanic practice; what had once been various and mystically obscure was now made visible, manageable, and standard.

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Smirnova, Nataliya Vladimirovna. "On the question of studying the examination system during the reign of the Manchu Qing Dynasty. The image of a student in the stories of Pu Songling." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 5 (April 22, 2021): 394–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2105-07.

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The stories of the Chinese writer Pu Songling about the extraordinary are well known all over the world: there are translations in English, French, German and Spanish. The article, based on the study of the stories of Pu Songling in the translations of the outstanding Russian orientalist Vasiliy Mikhailovich Alekseev (1881-1951), presents the image of a student and the features of the examination system (keju) during the reign of the Manchu Qing Dynasty in China (1644-1911). The importance of fiction in the study of the content of the institution of state examinations is emphasized. Artistic images help to see the uniqueness and specificity of the keju system. Highly qualified translations of Liao Zhai's stories and V.M. Alekseev's comments create the image of a student - "a criminal in prison", "a bee frozen by the end of autumn", "a sick bird released from a cage", "a monkey on a leash", "a fly that has drunk poison", "a turtle dove whose eggs have broken". The materials of the article can be useful in preparing for classes in "History" study field. These stories allow considering the system of state examinations (keju) during the Qing Dynasty as a specific phenomenon of Chinese culture. The author considers three types of exams in the period of the Manchu Qing Dynasty - county-regional, provincial and metropolitan with a specific system of tasks and levels of difficulty for each level.

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Kim, Loretta E. "Bannerman Tales (Zidishu): Manchu Storytelling and Cultural Hybridity in the Qing Dynasty." Chinese Historical Review 27, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1547402x.2020.1831178.

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Scott, Mary. "Bannerman Tales (Zidishu): Manchu Storytelling and Cultural Hybridity in the Qing Dynasty." Journal of Chinese Literature and Culture 6, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 504–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23290048-8042071.

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Setzekorn, Eric. "Chinese Military History and the Qing Dynasty, 1644–1911: New Perspectives on a Dynamic Empire." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 36, no. 1 (June 28, 2016): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03601005.

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Over the past twenty years, historical research has re-evaluated Chinese historical use of military power and political control. From 1644 to 1911, the Qing Empire was unquestionably a successful state, ruling a massive area extending from the Sea of Japan to Central Asia and the borders of India. Recent scholarship has focused on the explicitly “imperial” nature of the Qing Empire and the conflicted territorial and ethnic legacies of this last Chinese dynasty. In addition, historians have reevaluated the role of the Qing ruling military elite, drawn from the Manchu people, with tenuous cultural connections to their ethnically Han subjects, in an attempts to clarify patterns of “Chinese” imperialism and determine if the Manchu goals and practices are part of a broader Chinese military tradition. Despite the challenges of understanding the complex nature of the Qing Empire, the undeniable skill in military conquest redrew territorial boundaries, re-located ethnic groups and developed patterns of military and political power that continue to resonate throughout Asia.

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Lieberman, Victor. "The Qing Dynasty and Its Neighbors." Social Science History 32, no. 2 (2008): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010786.

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Peter C. Perdue'sChina Marches Westargues that the Qing dynasty's ability to break through historical territorial barriers on China's northwestern frontier reflected greater Manchu familiarity with steppe culture than their Chinese predecessors had exhibited, reinforced by superior commercial, technical, and symbolic resources and the benefits of a Russian alliance. Qing imperial expansion illustrated patterns of territorial consolidation apparent as well in Russia's forward movement in Inner Asia and, ironically, in the heroic, if ultimately futile, projects of the western Mongols who fell victim to the Qing. After summarizing Perdue's thesis, this essay extends his comparisons geographically and chronologically to argue that between 1600 and 1800 states ranging from western Europe through Japan to Southeast Asia exhibited similar patterns of political and cultural integration and that synchronized integrative cycles across Eurasia extended from the ninth to the nineteenth centuries. Yet in its growing vulnerability to Inner Asian domination, China proper—along with other sectors of the “exposed zone” of Eurasia—exemplified a species of state formation that was reasonably distinct from trajectories in sectors of Eurasia that were protected against Inner Asian conquest.

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Chia, Ning. "The Solon Sable Tribute, Hunters of Inner Asia and Dynastic Elites at the Imperial Centre." Inner Asia 20, no. 1 (April 16, 2018): 26–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340098.

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Abstract This article discusses the political and cultural importance of the Qing sable tribute for the expression and maintenance of imperial authority by focusing on the Solon, the largest sable-hunting group of the Qing dynasty in Heilongjiang. The political use of fur tribute items at the Qing centre reveals how the privilege of wearing fur defined the boundaries of the ruling hierarchy and, therefore, why sable tribute throughout the dynasty was a mechanism for maintaining relations between the Manchu court and the hunting population. The high demand for sable and other furs by the Qing emperor and other members of the political elite explains why the Qing empire needed the hunting population and their native places in the borderlands.

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Khusnutdinova, Elvina Albertovna, Dmitry Evgenyevich Martynov, and Yulia Aleksandrovna Martynova. "The Qing Policy of Self-Isolation in China." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n5p11.

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This article discusses the difficult period of the XVII - XIX century in China's development. As a result of Manchu taking over China, the Qing empire was formed, and historiographers differ in evaluating the results of its rule. On the one hand, the Qing dynasty inherited the sinocentric view of the world from its predecessors - China was declared as the center of the universe, and all other states as sidelined vassals, who should not be subject to equal treatment. Manchu attempted to apply this doctrine in practice, which resulted in a significant expansion of the state, the annexation of Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang, and border wars with Russia, Vietnam and Burma. The self-isolation policy led to economic stagnation while the population was growing strongly. These problems could not have been resolved within the bounds of the traditional society.

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Cullen, Christopher, and Catherine Jami. "Christmas 1668 and After: How Jesuit Astronomy Was Restored to Power in Beijing." Journal for the History of Astronomy 51, no. 1 (February 2020): 3–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828620901887.

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This article offers new insights into a series of dramatic events that took place at the imperial Chinese court in December 1668, in which astronomy, politics, and religion all played major roles. Jesuit missionaries had served the Manchu rulers of the Qing 清dynasty as official astronomers since the dynasty seized Beijing in 1644. But in autumn 1664, the Jesuits at court were imprisoned as a result of a prosecution launched by a Chinese scholar, Yang Guangxian 楊光先. After initial sentences of death or banishment on those Jesuits principally concerned had been commuted to house arrest in May 1665, they spent the next few years confined to their residence, while their missionary colleagues elsewhere in China were removed to Canton. As a result of what took place during the months from December 1668 to summer 1669, the Jesuits were restored to imperial favour, and the responsibility for astronomy was once more placed in their hands. In this article, which arises from our research for a book-length study in preparation, we use a number of previously unexploited contemporary accounts in languages including Portuguese, French, Latin, Chinese, and Manchu to reveal a new picture of the close interplay of political and astronomical events that took place during the period of the Jesuits’ rehabilitation by the Qing court.

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Bazarov, Boris V., Ekaterina V. Sundueva, Chingis Ts Tsyrenov, and Evgenii V. Nolev. "“Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty”: Peculiarities of Acquisition and Structure of the Monument." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2019): 530–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2019-2-530-544.

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Based on generalization of the Russian, Mongolian, and Chinese scholarship, the article presents a structural characterization of the Qingshilu (“Truthful record of the Qing dynasty”), historical monument of the Manchu rule over China. The authors describe the complex process its creation in great detail. The analysis clarifies the issue of identifying the language of the primary source, which, in turn, increases opportunities of revealing the full potential of the historical and cultural heritage of the multilingual variants of the manuscript. Having studied historiographical discourse on the correlation between multilingual variants of Qingshilu in the historical works in Old Mongolian, Manchu, and Chinese, the authors conclude that it is possible to turn up new data on the history and culture of the Mongolian peoples of the Qing period by scrutinizing the materials of the 2“Truthful record of the Qing dynasty” published in 2013 in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China on the basis of the Mongolian variant of the Qingshilu. Concerning the structure of the Qingshilu, discrepancies in assessments of its total volume should be noted. Following the analysis of Russian and foreign scientific literature on the “Truthful record of the Qing dynasty,” a need has emerged to demarcate notions of semantically close terms reflecting the structure of the monument. Since in the source studies on the Qingshilu corpus there is no uniform and well-formed terminological tradition, the authors offer a system of terms and notions developed on the basis of refined description of the language of the original oeuvre. Such system is necessary for correct analysis and description of the sizeable and multilayered structure of the Qingshilu corpus. An attempt has been made to reconstruct the contents and determine places where all sets of the manuscript books of the Qing chronicle are kept.

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Lee, Seonae. "Change in Manchu-Mongol Relationship During Qing Dynasty Seen Through Oath, Letter, and Seal." Journal of School Social Work 75 (August 31, 2019): 243–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37924/jssw.75.9.

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Rankin, Mary Backus, and Kauko Laitinen. "Chinese Nationalism in the Late Qing Dynasty: Zhang Binglin as an Anti-Manchu Propagandist." Pacific Affairs 65, no. 1 (1992): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760226.

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Yan, Lanlan, and Xiangyang Bian. "Historiography Analysis of Qing Dynasty Clothing Review in ‘Geng Yi Ji’." Asian Social Science 11, no. 28 (November 22, 2015): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v11n28p29.

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<p>‘Geng Yi Ji’, written by Eileen Chang, is the important literature for fashion research of the Republic Period of China, and most of scholars in fashion field also focus on this part, they mensioned this article in lots of books. While, there is nearly no literature talk about the fashion of Qing dynasty in ‘Geng Yi Ji’. In fact, compare with the fashion in the Republic Period, the fashion in Qing dynasty is also a mian part of ‘Geng Yi Ji’. This thesis analyzes Eileen Chang’s Qing dynasty fashion review in ‘Geng Yi Ji’ through historiography point, in order to explore certain fashion culture and fashion history in ancient China. The thesis analyzes three fashion reviews of Eileen Chang, briefly including ‘over the course of three hundred years of Manchu rule, women lacked anything that might be refeered to as fashion’, ‘the details of ancient Chinese clothes were completely pointless, such as the soles of cotton shoes inscribed with patterns’, ‘the dissipation of energy on irrevevant matter, marked the attitude toward life of the leisure class in China, such as the three or more pippgs and trimmings on coats’. Through the historiography analysis, it explores the real fashion trends in Qing dynasty, the culture connotation of fashion decoration in ancient China, the root and development of coat embroidery borders.</p>

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Noh, Ki-Shik. "From Mongol to Manchu: Transition in Power Structure in Inner Asia during the Ming Dynasty." Journal of Ming-Qing Historical Studies 20 (February 29, 2004): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31329/jmhs.2004.02.20.67.

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Yoon, Jin-Young. "The Image Making of the Manchu dynasty as documents in the records of foreign missionaries." Journal of Ming-Qing Historical Studies 37 (April 30, 2012): 113–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31329/jmhs.2012.04.37.113.

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Ning, Chia. "Manchu Archives and Studies on Frontier and Ethnic Groups in Qing Dynasty ed. by Uyunbilig." China Review International 20, no. 1-2 (2013): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2013.0016.

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Li, Yu. "Training Scholars not Politicians." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 4 (October 2003): 919–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03004086.

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Conventional wisdom dictates that Chinese literati in the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), like their forerunners in previous dynasties, were politically active. Chinese Marxist historians tend to portray the Qing literati as politicians rather than scholars. Tang Zhiju, a China-based historian and the author of a book with an explicitly political title, Jindai Jingxue yu Zhengzhi (Modern Classical Learning and Politics), argues that the forefather of the Qing Evidential Research School, Gu Yanwu (1613–1682), used classical learning to maintain the Han people's national consciousness, and that the founders of the Gongyang New Text School, Zhuang Cunyu (1719–1788) and Liu Fenglu (1776–1829), applied the ‘sublime words with deep meaning’ in the Gongyang Chunqiu (Gongyang Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals) to justify the Manchu's tianming (mandate of heaven). In late Qing, Tang contends, the New Text scholars Kang Youwei (1858–1927) and Liang Qichao (1873–1929) studied the classics with the intention of political reform, while the Old Text scholar Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936) developed the tradition in Confucianism of jingshi (managing the world) for anti-Manchu revolution.

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Ryavec, Karl E. "Manchu Empire or China Historical GIS? Re-mapping the China/Inner Asia Frontier in the Qing Period CHGIS." Inner Asia 6, no. 2 (2004): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481704793647126.

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AbstractThis study critiques the China Historical Geographic Information System in terms of its failure to distinguish between regions of Chinese civilisation that were directly incorporated into an imperial field administration and Inner Asian regions under indigenous polities. Although the focus of this study is on eastern Tibet, specifically China’s southwestern Tibetan Frontier in Sichuan, the general methodological approach employed is relevant to the entire Inner Asian cultural region. Despite China’s long history, only some eastern Tibetan communities located along the transition zone between the eastern Tibetan Plateau and agrarian China were integrated into the traditional Chinese field administration. Most of this expansion occurred during the last dynasty known as the Qing or Manchu, c. 1644–1911.

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Elliott, Mark C. "The Manchu-Language Archives of the Qing Dynasty and the Origins of the Palace Memorial System." Late Imperial China 22, no. 1 (2001): 1–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/late.2001.0002.

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Jia, Jianfei. "Horse Theft, Law, and Punishment in Xinjiang during the Qianlong Reign." Ming Qing Yanjiu 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340007.

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There are a large number of criminal cases in the Manchu archives, which occurred in Mongolia and Xinjiang and were reported to the Qing emperors. These criminal cases can be roughly divided into two groups: homicide cases and horse theft cases. Based on the records of the Manchu archives, this paper will focus upon horse theft cases in Xinjiang during the Qianlong reign. Xinjiang was a place populated by many ethnic groups under the Qing rule. In the Qing records, we found that almost all of the ethnic groups were involved in horse theft cases. The questions at issue are: why did such horse theft cases matter in the Qing dynasty, especially to the extent they even had to be reported to the central government and the Qing emperors? Based on what law were the criminals of different peoples punished in the judicial trials?My arguments are as follows: based on the Qing records, one can learn that the legislation in Xinjiang had been less mature than that in China proper, and there had not been specific regulations or laws on criminal cases including horse theft being enacted by the Qing court in Xinjiang; the law was subject to variation based on the emperors’ own will, which largely reflects the limitations and challenges that the Manchu rulers were facing during their reign in such a newly-conquered multi-cultural territory. What is certain is: first, in general, the ethnicities of horse theft criminals and owners of the stolen horses were considered by the Qing magistrates, and the criminals were punished on the basis of their and the owners’ ethnicities, thus, a diversified statutory base appeared to be applied in these trials. Second, the punishment for criminals in horse theft in Xinjiang at the time was more severe than that in other parts of the Qing Empire, and the penalties were generally borrowed from that inDaqing lüli, which, to some extent, could reflect the strong influences of Chinese and Manchu legislation.

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Chang, Che-chia. "The Qing Imperial Academy of Medicine: Its Institutions and the Physicians Shaped by Them." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 41, no. 1 (June 25, 2015): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-04101003.

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This paper is intended to explain the changes in the activities of the Imperial Academy of Medicine during the Qing dynasty (1644-1911). By tracing its precedents and comparing their functions, I will explain its role during the Qing dynasty. Furthermore, the seemingly hidebound institutional codes in fact reveal interesting information about the dynamics of the Academy. Through examining the impacts of the regulations on personnel and their careers, we are able to explain the very different requirements of the Qing rulers for their medical service. Up until the Ming period (1368-1644) there was an institutional boundary between medical services for the palace and those for the state, even though they shared the same personnel. The Qing was the first dynasty in which even this unclear line disappeared. In this sense, the Qing Academy did not simply copy the tradition of its predecessors. Instead, the services for the emperor’s individual needs became more and more central to its mission. Thus, the common people’s rather critical perceptions of the bureau were largely true. In spite of its increased emphasis on serving the imperial household, the Qing Academy retained its connections with the government. As an alien regime, the Manchu court’s concern for the security of its rulers was much higher than during the previous dynasty. To meet the needs of the new regime, the device of the Qing Academy emphasized fostering elites rather than selecting them. Now the Academy not only provided medical education to the junior members as in earlier periods, but also shaped them in behavior. This affected both the organization of the Imperial Medical Academy, and the strategies of the physicians employed in it.

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Elliott, Mark C. "The Limits of Tartary: Manchuria in Imperial and National Geographies." Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 3 (August 2000): 603–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658945.

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This essay examines the transformation from undifferentiated frontier to geographic region of that part of northeast Asia controversially referred to as Manchuria. This transition—from space to place, as it were—long has tended to be seen primarily in terms of the extension of colonial interests into China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. However, as I shall argue, the invention of this place began much earlier, in the seventeenth century, and owed substantially to the efforts of China's Manchu rulers, who claimed it as their homeland, the terre natale of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912). Even as the area was joined to the larger empire, Qing emperors took care to invest what I define as “Greater Mukden” with a unique identity.

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Milburn, Olivia. "Representations of History in the Poetry of Zheng Jing." Ming Qing Yanjiu 21, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 58–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340014.

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Abstract Zheng Jing 鄭經 (1642–1681), the first classically trained Chinese-language poet to write about Taiwan’s landscape, also addressed a number of other themes. This paper will consider his small group of historical poems dealing with the achievements of the founders of earlier imperial dynasties; his poems about contemporary events, in particular the ongoing conflict between the Qing government and the remnants of the Southern Ming dynasty (which he supported) on Taiwan; his poems about his experiences as a military commander; and his poems criticizing the Manchu imperial house for their alien customs and culture. These works aren’t read here as straightforwardly autobiographical; instead we’ll interpret them as works of literature, ones carefully constructed to send specific political messages to a contemporary readership.

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Lee Jae-kyung. "Secretive Contacts between Joseon and the Ming Dynasty after the Second Manchu Invasion of Joseon in 1637." military history ll, no. 103 (June 2017): 233–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh.2017..103.233.

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Shen Wei. "A Center of Studies in Manchu Literature ― the Archives of Qing Dynasty in Liaoning Provincial Archives Bureau." ALTAI HAKPO ll, no. 19 (June 2009): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15816/ask.2009..19.012.

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Wadley, Stephen. "Bannermen Tales (Zidishu): Manchu Storytelling and Cultural Hybridity in the Qing Dynasty by Elena Suet-Ying Chiu." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 80, no. 1 (2020): 222–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jas.2020.0009.

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Jing, Sun. "Study on the Administrative Divisions in China’s Border Areas from the Perspective of Nation-state Building --- Changes to the Administrative Divisions in Inner Mongolia in the 20th Century." Asian Social Science 14, no. 6 (May 28, 2018): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n6p98.

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From the end of the Yuan Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty, when Inner Mongolia was still a special administrative region of the Qing Empire, the Mongolian nomad's territory went through numerous significant changes. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the administrative divisions in Inner Mongolia underwent three major changes and after continuous integration they were incorporated into the administrative territory of the People's Republic of China in a manner that was compatible with the behavior of a modern nation-state. Such changes can neither be ascribed to the natural process of national development and it’s accompanying fissions nor to the sinocization of Inner Mongolian initiated by Han migrants. Instead, it is derived from the game of power played in the region by various forces, from the Manchu and Han peoples, to the Mongolians, Russians and Japanese, and the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party in the period of surging modern nationalism. This is evidenced by the changes of division in Hulunbuir in particular. This case is enough to demonstrate that the issues of China’s border and nations are not simply equivalent to the binary opposition between Central Plains and border areas, between Han and ethnic minorities, but a process teeming with complex and diverse points of contention, political wrestling matches and other interactions.

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Restif-Filliozat, Manonmani. "The Jesuit Contribution to the Geographical Knowledge of India in the Eighteenth Century." Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00601006.

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While the mapping activities of French Jesuits in China and New France have been extensively studied, those in India have received less attention. While benefiting from the French crown’s interest in using the Jesuits as a tool for empire, they did not help develop an overarching imperial structure like that of Spain and Portugal or that of the Manchu Qing Dynasty. The work of Jean-Venant Bouchet (1655–1732), Louis-Noël de Bourzes (1673–1735), Claude Moriset (1667–1742), Claude-Stanislas Boudier (1686–1757), Gaston-Laurent Cœurdoux (1691–1779), and many others was instead important in building linkages between institutions and individuals in Europe and India. It further allowed commercial cartographers in Paris and London like Guillaume Delisle (1675–1726), Jean-Baptiste d’Anville (1697–1782), and James Rennell (1742–1830) to develop a more sophisticated picture of the interior of India.

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Im, Kaye-Soon. "On the Manchu and Chinese Relations at the end of the Qing Dynasty: A Legal Case of Manchu Soldiers Beating a Chinese District Magistrate at the Jingzhou Garrison in 1899." Journal of Ming-Qing Historical Studies 10 (April 30, 1999): 53–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31329/jmhs.1999.04.10.53.

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Hyeok-Rae Kwon. "Memories of the Manchu Wars of the Seventeenth Century in East Asia and Literary Descriptions of the Qing Dynasty." Korea Journal 50, no. 3 (September 2010): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/kj.2010.50.3.128.

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Waley-Cohen, Joanna. "Commemorating War in Eighteenth-Century China." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 869–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016826.

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Reviewing his long reign in 1792, the Qianlong Emperor (r. 1736–1795) hailed his military triumphs as one of its central accomplishments. To underscore the importance he ascribed to these successes, he began to style himself ‘Old Man of the Ten Complete Victories’ (Shi Quan Lao Ren), after an essay in which he boldly declared he had surpassed, in ‘Ten Complete Military Victories’ (Shi Quan Wu Gong), the far-reaching westward expansions of the great Han (206 BCE–220 CE) and Tang (618–907) empires. Such an assertion, together with the program of commemoration discussed below, served to justify the immense expense incurred by frequent long-distance campaigning; to elevate all these wars to an unimpeachable level of splendor even though some were distinctly less glorious than others; and to align the Manchu Qing dynasty (16–191 i) with two of the greatest native dynasties of Chinese history and the Qianlong Emperor personally with some of the great figures of the past.

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Tsybenov, B. D. "A new Source on the Relationship between Hulun Buir and Outer Mongolia in 1912—1915." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 2 (March 3, 2021): 422–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-2-422-435.

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A little-known source — the manuscript “Historical information on the fragility of the political situation of Hulunbuir”, stored in the State Archives of the Irkutsk region is considered. Description of the manuscript, clarification of its dating, determination of the probable source base was performed by the author of the article. A comparative analysis of the historical facts presented in the manuscript was carried out. It was found that in the first two sentences the anonymous author outlined the essence of the uncertain situation that developed with the annexation of Hulun Buir to Outer Mongolia in 1912. Other components of the text are characterized: little-known information about the trip to Urga of the Bargut lama Lobsanchjamba and then about the visit of the delegation of Hulun-Buir; data on the meeting of the delegates with the Russian consul V. F. Lyuba and a description of his reaction to the fact of the annexation of Hulun-Buir to Outer Mongolia; finally, it is said about the disappointment of the ruler of Hulun-Buir — Shenfu, who realized the dependence of Hulun-Buir on the dependent, in turn, Outer Mongolia, etc. An analysis of the contents of the last page of the manuscript allows us to conclude that part of the Hulunbuir officials, close to the Manchus, expressed open dissatisfaction with the situation. The author of the article suggests that some of the Daurian officials, unlike the Barguts, who sincerely believed in the creation of a unified Mongolian state, tended to restore the Manchu dynasty and were unhappy with the unclear future of Hulun Buir.

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Dubrovskaya, Dinara V. "EXCEPTION TO THE RULE: HOW ADAPTATION GENIUS MATTEO RICCI FAILED TO UNDERSTAND CHINESE PAINTING." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 126–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-126-135.

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The article looks into an interesting case of artistic accommodation, which for a number of reasons did not happen during the time of the leader and one of the founders of the Jesuit mission in China, Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), a successful preacher and author of the so called ‘Matteo Ricci Rules’, justifying the need to adapt missionary activities and preaching to the beliefs, traditions and culture of the host country. The author proposes for her analysis two opposite figures — the Chinese Jesuit of the second generation, provincial landscape painter Wu Li (1632–1718) and Italian painter who worked at the court of the emperors of the Manchu Qing dynasty Giuseppe Castiglione (Lan Shining; 1688–1766), trying to show the long way of the adaptation of artistic techniques from the time of the mission’s founder Matteo Ricci, who did not accept and did not understand Chinese painting, and Wu Li, who did not see the value of European painting, to Lan Shining and his patrons, the Qing emperors, who created a sophisticated ‘Occidentalist’ style, combining features of Western and Chinese painting. The author concludes that Matteo Ricci, even though he used visual materials in his sermons as an aid to verbal preaching, missed the great opportunity of preaching through the brush, while Giuseppe Castiglione and his colleagues, European masters working at court, essentially continued to use ‘Ricci’s Rules’ and the accommodative method of preaching through the adaptation of European painting techniques to the Chinese ones, using the appropriate direct wishes and orders of the crowned representatives of the non-Chinese dynasty.

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Brown, Tristan G. "A Mountain of Saints and Sages: Muslims in the Landscape of Popular Religion in Late Imperial China." T’oung Pao 105, no. 3-4 (November 11, 2019): 437–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10534p06.

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AbstractNear the beginning of the Qing dynasty (1636-1912), the mausoleum of a Sufi saint, the Pavilion of Lingering Illumination, was constructed on an ancient Daoist mountain in the town of Baoning, Sichuan province. Over the following centuries, the shrine became one of the most heavily patronized religious sites in the province. There, state officials oversaw rain-making rituals, local gentry supplicated for success in the civil examinations, and Manchu bannermen bestowed dedications celebrating the empire’s military campaigns in Xinjiang. While Qing officials recognized it as an Islamic site, many of the town’s residents treated it like any other Chinese shrine, emphasizing its connections to the region’s fengshui and its efficacy for rain-making. Through exploring the shrine’s history, this article provides a new window into Islam as a “local religion” in China, a survey of the flexible religious contours of the imperial state, and a richer understanding of Qing patronage for the institutions of minority groups. It argues that this Islamic site played a central role in the wider social life and governance of the area.

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Kim JuWon and LEE Hyoung Mee. "From Manwen Yuandang to Manwen Laodang : A Study on the Revision of the Manchu Historical Records of the Early Qing Dynasty." Journal of Humanities, Seoul National University 74, no. 3 (August 2017): 11–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17326/jhsnu.74.3.201708.11.

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Kuzmin, Sergey L. "Динамика правового статуса Монголии в XX в." Desertum Magnum: studia historica Великая степь: исторические исследования, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2712-8431-2020-9-1-58-67.

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This article is aimed at determining Mongolia’s status based on historical documents and contemporaries’ evaluation. It discusses the change in the legal status of Mongolia from the collapse of Qing Empire till the mid XX century. As it is shown, Mongolia was not part of China but was in vassal — suzerain relationship with the Manchu Dynasty of Qing Empire. Qing ‘new policy’ of Chinese colonization destroyed this relationship which led to national liberation movement of Mongols. Dynasty abdication and the formation of the Republic of China gave new legitimate ground for independence Mongolia. Declaration of independence of Mongolia on December 29, 1911 as the culmination of this movement was legitimate and was not a revolution. The treaty signed in 1912 between Russia and Mongolia may be considered as de jure recognition of the independence but not the autonomy of Mongolia. The rightful recognition of the autonomy was recorded in the agreement of 1915 between Russia, China and Mongolia. Outer Mongolia became the state under the formal suzerainty of China and the protectorate of Russia. The abolishment of autonomy and occupation of Outer Mongolia by China in 1919 was illegal. In 1921 baron R. F. Ungern reinstated the autonomy and in fact the independence of Outer Mongolia. From the take-over of the Mongolian People’s Party until adoption of constitution by the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1924 the country status was undefined. From 1924 until recognition by China in 1946 the Mongolian People’s Republic was de facto independent country with the implied (silent) recognition by the USSR. Reunion of Inner Mongolia and Barga with the Outer Mongolia / Mongolian People’s Republic was the historical choice of their peoples.

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Burton-Rose, Daniel. "The Literati-Official Victimization Narrative." Journal of Religion and Violence 6, no. 1 (2018): 106–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv201851452.

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This article describes the Confucian cycle of apotheosis in which deceased sages and worthies served as a model for the living who in turn aspired to become paragons for future generations, thereby achieving a form of immortality. It explores the way in which victimhood was strategically employed to perpetuate power relations beneficial to local landowners through a case study of support over a hundred and fifty year period by a major familial lineage in the Yangzi delta region for one of the most prominent victims of factional violence in the late Ming dynasty (1368–1644): Donglin current member Zhou Shunchang (1584–1626). Influential patriarchs in the Peng familial lineage of Suzhou cultivated indignation in local society about the injustices suffered by righteous literati-officials such as Zhou Shunchang. The driving motivation of the Pengs’ memorialization of Zhou was to decry physical harm of literati-officials by state agents and to perpetuate the Donglin current program of governance centered on the counsel of literati-officials. In continuing Zhou’s memory through textual and ritual interventions, the Pengs put forward a vision of local autonomy while simultaneously aligning their own interests with those of the Manchu Qing (1644-1911) rulers.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Manchu Dynasty'

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