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Mana, Djibrilla, Souare Konsala, and Ibrahima Adamou. "Diversité et importance socio-économique des Loranthaceae parasites des plantes ligneuses des Monts Mandara dans la Région de l’Extrême-Nord, Cameroun." International Journal of Biological and Chemical Sciences 15, no. 2 (June 22, 2021): 578–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijbcs.v15i2.16.
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Les Loranthaceae constituent des ressources précieuses pour les populations locales africaines. Cependant, peu d’ethnies connaissent l’importance socio-économique des Loranthaceae de par le manque d’études ethnobotaniques sur ces espèces. Afin de contribuer à la valorisation et à la gestion durable des Loranthaceae parasites des plantes ligneuses, une approche associant deux méthodes a été adoptée. L’une, basée sur des relevés de surface et l’autre sur une enquête ethnobotanique relative aux connaissances locales des Loranthaceae dans 9 Arrondissements de la Région de l’Extrême-Nord du Cameroun. Au total, 4 genres (Agelanthus, Globimetula, Phragmanthera et Tapinanthus) et 7 espèces parasites (Agelanthus dodoneifolius, Globimetula braunii, Phragmanthera capitata, Tapinanthus bangwensis, T. belvisii, T. globiferus et T. ophiodes) ont été inventoriés et identifiés dans les Monts Mandara. Il ressort aussi que ces espèces parasites sont utilisées en pharmacopée dans des recettes médicinales et magico-religieuses (45,56%), pour traiter des infertilités (32,70%) et des troubles mentaux (32,36%). Les résultats ont aussi montré que Mangifera indica (35,74%) et Senna singueana (34,41%) sont les hôtes des parasites les plus sollicités. Aussi ont-ils révélé que la commercialisation des Loranthaceae constitue une source de revenu économique et une ressource importante en pharmacopée pour les populations locales des Monts Mandara. Ces résultats pourraient servir de référence pour la recherche de stratégies d’exploitation et de conservation durable de cette diversité végétale.Mots clés : Loranthaceae, Espèces parasites, pharmacopée, Monts Mandara, Cameroun.
English Title: Diversity and socio-economic importance of Loranthaceae parasites of woody plants of Mandara Mountains in the Far-North Region, Cameroon
Loranthaceae are valuable resources for local African populations. However, few ethnic groups know the socio-economic importance of Loranthaceae due to the lack of ethnobotanical studies on these species. In order to contribute to the enhancement and sustainable management of Loranthaceae parasites of woody plants, an approach combining two methods was adopted. One, based on surface surveys and the other on an ethnobotanical survey relating to local knowledge of Loranthaceae in 9 Subdivisions of the Far North Region of Cameroon. In total, 4 genera (Agelanthus, Globimetula, Phragmanthera and Tapinanthus) and 7 parasitic species (Agelanthus dodoneifolius, Globimetula braunii, Phragmanthera capitata, Tapinanthus bangwensis, T. belvisii, T. globiferus and T. ophiodes) have been inventoried on the Mandara Mountains. It also appears that these parasitic species are used in pharmacopoeia in medicinal and magico-religious recipes (45.56%), to treat infertility (32.70%) and mental disorders (32.36%). The results also showed that Mangifera indica (35.74%) and Senna singueana (34.41%) are the hosts of most solicited parasites. They also revealed that the commercialisation of Loranthaceae constitutes a source of economic income and an important resource in pharmacopoeia for the local populations of the Mandara Mountains. These results could serve as a reference of strategies for the sustainable exploitation and conservation of this plant diversity.Keywords: Loranthaceae, parasitic species, pharmacopoeia, Mandara mountains, Cameroon.
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VAN BEEK, WALTER E. A. "INTENSIVE SLAVE RAIDING IN THE COLONIAL INTERSTICE: HAMMAN YAJI AND THE MANDARA MOUNTAINS (NORTH CAMEROON AND NORTH-EASTERN NIGERIA)." Journal of African History 53, no. 3 (November 2012): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000461.
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ABSTRACTA rare document, the diary of a slave raider, offers a unique view into the sociopolitical situation at the turn of the nineteenth century in the colonial backwater of North Cameroon. The Fulbe chief in question, Hamman Yaji, not only kept a diary, but was by far the most notorious slave raider of the Mandara Mountains. This article supplements the data from his diary with oral histories and archival sources to follow the dynamics of the intense slave raiding he engaged in. This frenzy of slaving occurred in a ‘colonial interstice’ characterized by competition between three colonial powers – the British, the Germans and the French, resilient governing structures in a region poorly controlled by colonial powers, and the unclear boundaries of the Mandara Mountains. The dynamics of military technology and the economics of this ‘uncommon market’ in slaves form additional factors in this episode in the history of slavery in Africa. These factors account for the general situation of insecurity due to slave raiding in the area, to which Hamman Yaji was an exceptionally atrocious contributor. In the end a religious movement, Mahdism, stimulated the consolidation of colonial power, ending Yaji's regime, which in all its brutality provides surprising insight in the early colonial situation in this border region between Nigeria and Cameroon.
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Chétima, Melchisedek. "“Vernacularising Modernity?” Rural–Urban Migration and Cultural Transformation in the Northern Mandara Mountains." Africa Spectrum 53, no. 1 (April 2018): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971805300104.
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This article explores the different ways in which new houses built by migrants from the Mandara Mountains to bigger cities in Cameroon function as an important site for studying their relations within the cities and within their communities of origin. I argue that these new houses constitute both a powerful resource for addressing migrants’ stories about their migratory experiences and a constituent element of these experiences. In many circumstances, the migrants interviewed were unable to speak separately of their migratory experiences and their homes. Thus, the impact of their mobility to cities goes far beyond the mere ownership of the houses; they also manage to change their perceptions of themselves, to restructure their models of social interaction with other migrants, and to change the balance of their relations with the village. The article ends by proposing to connect the two sides of the village/city duality to find out how the local is a product of the global and how the local has reappropriated the global, giving it a meaning.
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Maceachern, Scott. "Selling the Iron for their Shackles: Wandala–Montagnard Interactions in Northern Cameroon." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 247–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370003334x.
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The Muslim Wandala state controlled large areas of the plains south of Lake Chad between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries a.d. The Wandala also engaged in an extremely complex, and often hostile, set of relations with the inhabitants of the Mandara Mountains, which bordered their state to the south and closely adjoined successive Wandala capitals. These Wandala – montagnard relationships had diverse economic, ritual, political and military aspects. Their complexity appears to be due in large part to the fact that the Wandala and many of the montagnard groups share ethnic origins, and to the violent processes by which differentiation took place and the Wandala gained hegemony on the plains. These processes probably began with a Wandala use of trading advantages to gain access to the Kanuri market system and the subsequent use of products so obtained to expand their dominion.
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MacEachern, Scott, David A. Scott, Molly O'Guinness Carlson, and Jean-Marie Datouang Djoussou. "Iron Artefacts from the DGB-1 Site, Northern Cameroon: Conservation, Metallurgical Analysis and Ethnoarchaeological Analogies." Journal of African Archaeology 11, no. 1 (October 25, 2013): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3213/2191-5784-10230.
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In 2008, a number of iron artefacts were recovered from an interior courtyard on the DGB-1 site during fieldwork in 2008. DGB-1 is a large multi-function site located in the northeastern Mandara Mountains of Cameroon, and dating to the mid-second millennium AD. The iron artefacts recovered included a cache of spear/arrow points found buried under a living floor, as well as a local hoe and a chain and a ‘barrette’ probably not of local provenance. This discovery has a number of points of interest: (1) ethnoarchaeological reenactments of iron smelts in the 1980s in the same region provide a rare opportunity for comparison of iron-working techniques over about five centuries in sub-Saharan Africa; (2) the variability in different forms of iron (including eutectoid steel) used in these artefacts; and (3) the welding of different forms of iron to produce composite artefacts.
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Kemeuze, VA, PM Mapongmetsem, DJ Sonwa, E. Fongnzossie, and BA Nkongmeneck. "Plant diversity and carbon stock in sacred groves of semi-arid areas of Cameroon: case study of Mandara Mountains." International Journal of Environment 4, no. 2 (June 3, 2015): 308–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ije.v4i2.12659.
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The Mandara Mountain eco-region is one of the most important mountain areas of Cameroon. It is often considered as a refuge for several plant and wildlife species. This area is fragile and vulnerable, and faces severe threats from land use change, unsustainable exploitation of natural resources, desertification and climate change. Recent studies in sacred groves portrayed these land use types as indigenous strategies which can help to address these environmental problems. Understanding the plant diversity and carbon storage of these land use types in Mandara Mountain can be a good step towards their sustainable management for the delivery of diverse ecosystem services. In this perspective, we established a total of 10 nested circular plots of 1257 m2 each, in the sacred grove of the Mouhour village in Mandara Mountain, and all trees and shrubs with average diameter at breast height (dbh) ≥ 2.5 cm were counted. Tree biomass was estimated on the basis of DBH and understory biomass using destructive method. A total of 182 woody plants were measured, belonging to 21 species, 18 genera and 12 families. The richest family is Combretaceae with 5 species, followed by Caesalpiniaceae and Mimosaceae (3 species each). The analysis of species diversity indexes shows a relative important biodiversity and the vegetation structure showed a high occurrence of small-diameter of plant species. Mean aboveground carbon stock of 31.13 ± 10.8 tC/ha was obtained in the study area. Isoberlinia doka showed the greatest carbon stock (5.7 tC/ha) followed by Boswellia dalzielii (3.9 tC/ha), Acacia senegal (3.5 tC/ha), Anogeissus leiocarpus (3.3 tC/ha) and Terminalia laxiflora (3.1 tC/ha). These results suggest that the sacred groves of Cameroon dry lands need to be taken into account in national environment protection policies as an alternative to respond to international agreements related to biodiversity conservation, combatting desertification and climate change. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ije.v4i2.12659 International Journal of Environment Vol.4(2) 2015: 308-318
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David, Nicholas. "PATTERNS OF SLAVING AND PREY–PREDATOR INTERFACES IN AND AROUND THE MANDARA MOUNTAINS (NIGERIA AND CAMEROON)." Africa 84, no. 3 (July 23, 2014): 371–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000382.
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ABSTRACTWhile from the sixteenth to the early twentieth century there was a lasting and elastic demand for slaves in Central Africa, the practices by which they were acquired had to be adapted to the physical and human terrain, the technologies available and the socio-cultural postures of the predator and prey societies. In this paper, I sketch the changing patterns of these variables in six slaving zones in and around the northern Mandara Mountains. Using historical sources, information from the diary of Hamman Yaji, a Fulani chief and active slaver, and data gathered in the course of ethnographic research in three of these zones by myself and colleagues, I show that in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the extraction of slaves from particular sub-regions within these zones was highly variable, as is evident in the interfaces between the decentralized prey societies and the predatory states. Besides providing fresh perspectives on slaving and evidence for evaluating the constructions of historians, such studies open the way for research on the mutual accommodations to slaving affecting the societies and cultures of both prey and predators.
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Mana, Djibrilla, Souare Konsala, and Ibrahima Adamou. "Altitudinal Distribution of Loranthaceae Parasites of Woody Plants on the Mandara Mountains in the Far North Region, Cameroon." East African Scholars Journal of Agriculture and Life Sciences 3, no. 10 (October 14, 2020): 318–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjals.2020.v03i10.002.
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Bayoï, James Ronald, and François-Xavier Etoa. "Assessment of Microbiological Quality and Safety during the Processing of Traditional Beers made from Sorghum in the “Mandara” Mountains of the Far-North Region of Cameroon." European Journal of Biology and Biotechnology 2, no. 2 (April 8, 2021): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejbio.2021.2.2.156.
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Indigenous beers are very popular and widely consumed by people from northern Cameroon because of its low cost. Despite their appeal, microbial quality of these beverages remains a serious call for concern. This work was aimed to investigate microbial changes and hazards of contamination during the processing of two special sorghum beers brewed in northern Cameroon. Producers were observed during the production and samples were collected at different stages for analysis of microbiological parameters such as total count, fungi, spore-forming bacteria, Coliforms and E. coli using referenced methods. Total count ranged from 13.5 x 103 to 195 x 103 CFU/mL and 0.16 x 103 to 660 x 103 CFU/mL; fungi from 0.26 x 103 to 22 x 103 CFU/mL and 0.22 x 103 to 85 x 103 CFU/mL; E. coli from 0.69 x 102 to 13.6 x 102 CFU/mL and 0.65 x 102 to 3.8 x 102 CFU/mL during the production of the red “té” and white “mepdli” beers, respectively. Spore-forming bacteria and Coliforms (total and fecal) were detected in all the collected samples. Bacterial spores were also enumerated in red (38 x 103 CFU/g) and white (62.5 x 103 CFU/g) sorghum grains used as the main raw materials for the production of “té” and “mpedli” beers. The results suggest that the processing of both turbid beers using the traditional method are exposed to microbial contamination. Increase of microbial loads after soaking, adding of the supernatant (red beer only) and malted flour (white beer only) after the heating step means that control measures are needed to prevent contamination after these sensitive stages. Proper handling of raw materials, adequate implementation of heating and fermentation were found as effective critical control points. Training of producers on the hazards analysis and good manufacturing and hygiene practices have been suggested as strategies to improve the safety of indigenous beers.
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Wright, David K., Scott MacEachern, and Jaeyong Lee. "Analysis of Feature Intervisibility and Cumulative Visibility Using GIS, Bayesian and Spatial Statistics: A Study from the Mandara Mountains, Northern Cameroon." PLoS ONE 9, no. 11 (November 10, 2014): e112191. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0112191.
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Vansina, Jan. "Linguistic Evidence for the Introduction of Ironworking into Bantu-Speaking Africa." History in Africa 33 (2006): 321–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0022.
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Did Africans once independently invent the smelting of metals or did they obtain this technology from Europe or the Middle East? This continues to be an unresolved and hotly disputed issue, mainly because the dates for the earliest appearance of smelting in Africa south of the Sahara remain inconclusive. All the earliest sites in Western and West-Central Africa from Walalde in Senegal to the Tigidit cliffs and Termit in Niger, the firki plains south of lake Chad, Taruga, and perhaps Nsukka in Nigeria, Ghwa Kiva (Nigeria), and Doulo (Cameroon) in the Mandara mountains, Gbabiri (Ndio district) in the Central African Republic, and a few sites in Rwanda, Burundi, and Buhaya cannot be dated more closely than between 840 and 420 BCE. Greater precision is impossible because the C14 curve runs flat during these four centuries, hence all these sites yield the same date. (Alpern, Killick, Me Eachern, Holl, Jézégou/Clist, Kanimba Misago). If the earliest “real” dates fell before 800 BCE, they would support independent invention, while later dates strengthen the case for borrowing. Still, this information does tell us that ironworking was adopted in the northern parts of West and West -Central Africa and in the region of the Great Lakes within the span of a mere four centuries.The emergence of ironworking must have left linguistic traces in the relevant terminology irrespective of whether it spread by borrowing or by independent invention—hence historical linguistics can contribute to this debate. That approach is best tested by an examination of the relevant vocabulary in Bantu languages because the historical study of those languages is further advanced than that of any other language family in Africa (Nurse/Phillipson). Moreover Bantu-speakers occupy a large portion of the continent.
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MACEACHERN, SCOTT. "DWELLING AND BELONGING IN THE MANDARA MOUNTAINS - The Dancing Dead: Ritual and Religion among the Kapsiki/Higi of Northern Cameroon and Northeastern Nigeria. By Walter E. A. van Beek. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. xii-345. $99, hardback (ISBN 9780199858149)." Journal of African History 53, no. 3 (November 2012): 433–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000655.
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Gvoždík, Václav, Tadeáš Nečas, Matej Dolinay, Breda M. Zimkus, Andreas Schmitz, and Eric B. Fokam. "Evolutionary history of the Cameroon radiation of puddle frogs (Phrynobatrachidae: Phrynobatrachus), with descriptions of two critically endangered new species from the northern Cameroon Volcanic Line." PeerJ 8 (March 3, 2020): e8393. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.8393.
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The Cameroon Volcanic Line, a mountain chain located between West and Central Africa, is a region of numerous endemic diversifications, including of puddle frogs (Phrynobatrachus). This study reviews the phylogeny and taxonomy of puddle frogs of the “Cameroon radiation,” which is a clade containing mainly montane but also at least three lowland species. Molecular data revealed a novel evolutionary lineage from high altitudes in the northern part of the mountains. Puddle frogs from the new, minute-sized (SVL < 20 mm) lineage are identified using molecular, morphological and acoustic data and described as two new species, Phrynobatrachus arcanus sp. nov. (Gotel Mountains, Cameroon–Nigeria) and P. mbabo sp. nov. (Tchabal Mbabo, Cameroon). The tadpole of the first species is also described. Phylogenetic analyses placed the new lineage to the proximity of the recently described lowland small-sized taxa (P. horsti, P. ruthbeateae). Based on the inferred phylogeny, we propose five species groups within the Cameroon radiation: P. arcanus, P. chukuchuku, P. ruthbeateae, P. steindachneri, and P. werneri. The taxonomically enigmatic P. hylaios is proposed to be a member of the P. ruthbeateae species group. The basal radiation evolved during the late Miocene with subsequent diversifications occurring during the Pliocene, while closely related terminal taxa originated during the Pleistocene. We recommend that the newly described species are categorized as Critically Endangered due to their limited ranges and because recent surveys did not identify any individuals at the type localities. This further supports the need for conservation interventions in the mountains of Cameroon and Nigeria.
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Adelberger, Jörg. "Eduard Vogel and Eduard Robert Flegel: The Experiences of Two Nineteenth-Century German Explorers in Africa." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172104.
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The Muri Mountain range is located in the area formed by the boundaries between the federal states of Bauchi, Taraba, and Adamawa in Northern Nigeria. Various small, linguistically, and partly culturally distinct ethnic groups inhabit this mountain region. The Muri Mountains may be counted among those regions of Africa about which academic knowledge was rather scarce until recent times. Here I shall recount the experiences of two nineteenth-century German explorers of Africa, Eduard Vogel and Eduard Robert Flegel, who played an important part in the history of research on the Muri Mountains. Approaching the region from different directions, Vogel and Flegel were the first Europeans to gain detailed knowledge of vthe area and its inhabitants. The Muri Mountains, in themselves, were not a focus of attention for the two travelers, but just an incidental issue on which they touched during their voyages.Most European travelers of that time bypassed the Muri Mountains. This becomes obvious when looking at contemporary maps, on which one can hardly find any geographical information on the area between present-day Gombe and the river Benue until the 1870s (compare the two maps in Rohlfs 1872). Previously, in 1851 Heinrich Barth had arrived at Yola, coming via the Mandara Mountains. After a short stay, however, he had to return to Borno. In the itineraries he collected at Yola, the names of Tangale and Chongom are mentioned as stations on the way from Yola to Dukku (cf. Barth 1857, 2: 701, 708-09, 601-02).
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van Beek, Walter E. A. "Haunting Griaule: Experiences from the Restudy of the Dogon." History in Africa 31 (2004): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003399.
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It really was a chance occasion, just before Christmas 2003. On my way to the Dogon area I had greeted my friends in Sangha, and was speaking with a Dutch friend, when a French tourist lady suddenly barged into the hall of the hotel and asked me: “There should be a cavern with a mural depicting Sirius and the position of all the planets. I saw it in a book. Where is it?”. My friend smiled wrily, amused by the irony of situation: by chance the lady had fallen upon the one who had spent decennia to disprove this kind of “information”. “In what book?” I asked, and named a few. It was none of these, and she could not tell me. Cautiously (maybe she had planned her whole trip around this Sirius “experience”) I explained to her that though there was a lot to see, this particular mural did not exist. She left immediately, probably convinced she stumbled on a real ignoramus.In retrospect I never meant to criticize Marcel Griaule, it just happened as a consequence of other choices, which eventually led me to Dogon country. After completing my PhD thesis on the Kapsiki/Higi of northern Cameroun and northeastern Nigeria, I started scouting for a second area of field research. For two reasons, I wanted a comparable setting: to allow myself to feel at home easily because I seemed to have less time, and to use in general the approach of controlled comparison. In my first field research I had made a more or less classic ethnography of a group of comparable size (150,000) in a similar environment, living in the Mandara Mountains south of Lake Chad and straddling the border between northern Cameroun and North Eastern Nigeria.
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van Santen, José C. M. "Islam, gender and urbanisation among the Mafa of north Cameroon: the differing commitment to ‘home’ among Muslims and non-Muslims." Africa 68, no. 3 (July 1998): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161256.
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The history of the town of Mokolo, in the heart of the land of the Mafa (in northern Cameroon), exhibits a specific pattern of urbanisation that seems characteristic of Islamic frontier zones generally in Africa. The town was founded as a settlement for converted slaves towards the end of the nineteenth century by Fulbe chiefs who regularly raided the area. Since that time urbanisation has largely gone hand in hand with Islamisation. It has involved, therefore, a marked change of identity for Mafa converts in the town, with drastic consequences for their relationship with their areas of origin in the mountains. The article emphasises, moreover, that the implications of Islamisation/urbanisation differ along gender lines. Although for both men and women the Muslim community in town provided specific forms of social security, the motives for migration, and the ways men and women were included in the urban community, differed sharply. In the 1980s, owing to political changes at the national level, the pressure to convert to Islam decreased throughout northern Cameroon. Since then the number of migrants to town who do not convert has increased rapidly. Mokolo used to be a Muslim town. In the 1990s, however, it has become more and more a Mafa town, and thus symbolises the revival of Mafa ethnicity as a truly region-wide force.
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Haller, Tobias. "Rules which pay are going to stay: Indigenous institutions, sustainable resource use and land tenure among the Ouldeme and Platha, Mandara Mountains, Northern Cameroon1." Bulletin de l’APAD, no. 22 (December 1, 2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/apad.148.
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