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1

Liu, Mingming. "Varieties of alternatives: Mandarin focus particles." Linguistics and Philosophy 40, no. 1 (December 24, 2016): 61–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10988-016-9199-y.

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2

Li, Bin. "Prosodic features of Mandarin utterance final particles." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 121, no. 5 (May 2007): 3202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4782474.

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3

Hasanah, Hana Nurul. "Partikel Fatis Bahasa Mandarin dalam Drama Televisi: Kajian Awal terhadap Partikel Le." Paradigma, Jurnal Kajian Budaya 2, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v2i2.26.

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<p>One of the characteristics of non-standard language varieties is employing phatic particles in the beginning of the sentence, in the middle or in the end of it. In Mandarin language, one phatic particle that is commonly used by Mandarin speakers is le particle. This research generally aimed at describing the functions of phatic particle le found in television drama series. The series from which the data were gathered is Zan Jia Na Xie Shir, the first part from the first episode. From 78 phatic particles found in the drama series, of which 47 of them are le as phatic particle; 10 of them are distributed in the middle of the sentence and 37 of them are distributed in the end of the sentence. Based on the result, the function of “le” in the middle of the sentence is starting a new talk and maintaining a talk. Meanwhile, the function of “le” in the end of the sentence is maintaining a talk and ending a talk. Therefore, it seemed that the function of le as phatic particle tend to not inline with its distribution in the sentence.</p>
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4

Yueh-chin, Chang. "Les indices acoustiques et perceptifs des questions totales en mandarin parlé de Taïwan." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 27, no. 1 (December 15, 1998): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028_027_01-03.

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This study confirms previous acoustic findings that yes-no questions and declarative questions have a higher register than declarative sentences. However, our perception tests show that in the formation of Mandarin questions intonation is not as important as in French. For yes-no questions with question particles, the question particles play the main role. The subjects perceived the yes-no questions without particles and the declarative questions as showing surprise on the part of the speaker, or as surprised questions. The study suggests that in Mandarin, question intonation and surprise intonation are one and the same.
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Hao, Yuxin, Xun Duan, and Qiuyue Yan. "Processing Aspectual Agreement in a Language with Limited Morphological Inflection by Second Language Learners: An ERP Study of Mandarin Chinese." Brain Sciences 12, no. 5 (April 21, 2022): 524. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/brainsci12050524.

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Previous studies on the neural cognitive mechanisms of aspectual processing in second language (L2) learners have focused on Indo-European languages with rich inflectional morphology. These languages have aspects which are equipped with inflected verb forms combined with auxiliary or modal verbs. Meanwhile, little attention has been paid to Mandarin Chinese, which has limited morphological inflection, and its aspect is equipped with aspectual particles (e.g., le, zhe, guo). The present study explores the neurocognitive mechanism of Mandarin Chinese aspect processing among two groups of late Mandarin Chinese proficient learners with Thai (with Mandarin Chinese-like aspect markers) and Indonesian (lack of Mandarin Chinese-like aspect markers) as their first language (L1). We measured event-related potentials (ERPs) time locked to the aspect marker le in two different conditions (the aspect violation sentences and the correct sentences). A triphasic ELAN-LAN-P600 effect was produced by the Mandarin Chinese native speakers. However, there was no ELAN and LAN in Indonesian native speakers and Thai native speakers, except a 300–500 ms negativity widely distributed in the right hemisphere and P600-like effect. This suggests that both groups of Mandarin Chinese learners cannot reach the same level as Mandarin Chinese native speakers to process Mandarin Chinese aspect information, probably due to the complex feature of Mandarin Chinese aspect maker, the participants’ L2 proficiency and age of L2 acquisition.
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6

Badan, Linda, and Chiara Romagnoli. "The acquisition of Mandarin sentence final particles by Italian learners." International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching 58, no. 4 (November 26, 2020): 475–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iral-2017-0090.

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AbstractThis article deals with the acquisition of four Mandarin sentence final particles ma, a, ba, ne by Italian native speakers. The research gives a contribution to the study of sentence final particles from an acquisition and didactic perspective, which has been scarcely investigated in the linguistic literature. The article proposes a quantitative and qualitative experimental analysis with two groups of Italian learners, one at elementary proficiency level and one at intermediate level. The research shows that ne and ba are the most challenging particles to acquire by Italian learners. We argue that this due to the fact that ne and ba are highly polyfunctional and they do not simply determine the type of clause. The functions of ne and ba tested in this paper, in fact, are better defined as discourse particles, whose meaning is highly dependent from the context. Moreover, the experiment demonstrates not only that the proficiency level is straightforward correlated to the mastery of sentence final particles, as expected, but also that the didactic tools play a crucial role. As a matter of fact, the results of this study opens up a number of pedagogical implications in relation to the teaching of Mandarin sentence final particles to Italian learners.
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7

Saft, Scott. "Stance in Talk: A Conversation Analysis of Mandarin Final Particles." Journal of Pragmatics 39, no. 2 (February 2007): 428–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2006.01.004.

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8

Tu, Xianghua. "Stance in Talk: A Conversation Analysis of Mandarin Final Particles." Journal of Pragmatics 38, no. 9 (September 2006): 1515–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2006.03.008.

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9

Zhang, Niina Ning. "Sentence-final aspect particles as finite markers in Mandarin Chinese." Linguistics 57, no. 5 (September 25, 2019): 967–1023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0020.

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Abstract In Mandarin Chinese, sentence-final aspect particles ne, le, and laizhe may occur in some types of embedded clauses, but not in other types, such as the complement of a control verb, a raising verb, lai ‘come’ and qu ‘go’, a non-epistemic modal, and the prepositional complementizer dui ‘to’. These latter types of clauses systematically show properties of nonfinite clauses in other languages. They are intrinsically embedded, ban pro-drop, their clause boundaries may be invisible for binding, and they disallow a speaker-oriented adverb and an epistemic modal. The restrictions on the distribution of the particles indicate that they are used in finite clauses only, although the language has no tense or case marker. The paper argues that finite clauses show speaker-oriented properties whereas nonfinite ones do not; instead, nonfinite clauses exhibit higher-clause-oriented properties. Identifying the role of speaker in the finiteness distinction reveals the capacity of finite clauses, whether or not the capacity is marked overtly.
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10

Quan, Lihong, and Jinlong Ma. "A study of repeat-formatted repair initiations in Mandarin Chinese conversation." Chinese Language and Discourse 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 158–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cld.18014.qua.

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Abstract Using the methodology of Conversation Analysis (or CA), this study examines three types of other-initiated repair initiators (henceforth OIs) that repeats some element in the trouble-source (henceforth repeats) in Chinese conversation: repeats suffixed with question particles ma (吗), repeats suffixed with question particles a (啊), and question-intonated repeats. It attempts to explore the differences between these typical formats, in terms of their forms/functions and the epistemic stance of the speaker who initiates repair. The main research findings indicate that question-intonated repeat implements an understanding check while repeat suffixed with question particles (ma or a) tends to serve different functions, in that, ma-suffixed repeat is inquiry-implicated while a-suffixed repeat contributes to constructing surprise, (dis)agreement or (dis)belief.
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11

Wei, Ting-Chi. "The Structure of Split Questions in Mandarin Chinese." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 41, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2020-0001.

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AbstractThis article proposes a pro analysis for split questions (SQs) in Chinese, dissimilar to the biclausal account employing focus movement and deletion in Arregi 2010 and the one employing the silent head in Kayne 2015 and Tang 2015. SQ consists of a wh-clause and a tag clause. We argue that the entire SQ is an information/confirmation-seeking question, represented by a Speech Act Phrase (SAP)-shell structure (Speas and Tenny 2003; Oguro 2017, etc.) with wh-clause in its specifier and the tag in its complement. The tag of Chinese SQ is a base-generated clause, [pro (copula) tag ma/ne], composed of an empty subject pro, an optional copula, a tag, and a final particle, instead of being derived from a fully-fledged structure parallel to the wh-part akin to those of English and Spanish SQs. Such a pro analysis overcomes difficulties encountered in the other accounts regarding the distribution of the final particles and their clause-typing, the optionality of the copula, the ubiquitous uses of tag, the connectivity effects, and the island-insensitivity. Analytically, two seeming variants of SQ imply that the derivation of an SQ depends on whether its tag moves and whether a copula exists.
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12

Hsiao, Pei-Yi, and One-Soon Her. "Taxonomy of questions in TaiwanSouthern Min." Concentric. Studies in Linguistics 47, no. 2 (November 17, 2021): 253–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/consl.00029.her.

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Abstract Contra the conventional four-way distinction of syntactically-formed questions in Taiwan Southern Min (TSM): (i) yes-no, (ii) A-not-A, (iii) disjunctive, and (iv) wh-questions (e.g., Lau 2010a), we justify a more revealing dichotomy of confirmation-seeking (CS) polar questions and information-seeking (IS) constituent questions, based on a suite of semantic and syntactic tests proposed in extensive literature for Mandarin and adapted further for TSM, where A-not-A belongs to the disjunctive type, which is in turn a subcategory of IS constituent questions. Controversies over the proper status of some sentence-final question particles and kám questions are also deliberated. Dismissing some alleged polar question particles as polar or A-not-A tags, we recognize nih and honnh as interrogative polar particles. We also show that kám has two underlying forms. One is a portmanteau word of the modal kánn and the negator m̄ and thus forms a whether-or-not disjunctive question (Huang 1988a, 1991). However, when kám is short for kámkong ‘don’t tell me’, similar to the Mandarin nandao, it appears in a polar question.
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13

Reese, Brian, and Hooi Ling Soh. "Parenthetical "I'm telling you" as a marker of private evidence." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4360.

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We present an analysis of parenthetical uses of the English expression I'm telling you as a discourse particle, i.e., an expression that conveys information about the epistemic states of discourse participants with respect to the propositional content of an utterance (Zimmermann 2011). The analysis connects I’m telling you to other discourse particles that mark the speaker’s assumptions about whether the (evidence for the) asserted proposition is shared knowledge between the speaker and addressee and whether or not the (evidence for the) proposition is ``verifiable on the spot'', e.g. German ja (Kratzer 1999, 2004), Mandarin de (Soh 2018).
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14

Hsieh, Shelley Ching-yu, Mei-Rong Wang, and Meg Ching-yi Wang. "The interaction between Mandarin Chinese and English." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 24, no. 1 (April 18, 2014): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.24.1.07she.

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This paper explores the linguistic and interactional properties of computer-mediated communication in Taiwan. We collected data from messages posted asynchronously on Internet websites. The three primary sources of messages were, in volume order, online Bulletin Board Systems (BBSs), chatrooms, and MSN messenger. We identify innovative uses of English and Mandarin Chinese hybrids, examine their function, and examine the online interlocutors’ ideologies when using them. Because of computer hardware and software, English plays an essential role even in a Mandarin-dominant online discourse by offering English expressions, words, pronunciations, and Roman letters to give loanwords, euphemisms, abbreviations, sentence-final particles, and emoticons in unique ways. The resultant hybrid language forms are easier to type, playful, funny, friendly, and trendy. The writer’s personality and cultural mentality are disclosed in such communication. Many speakers are alarmed about the effects of this language practice — the online interaction between English and Mandarin Chinese — on the development of Chinese in Taiwan.
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15

Bruening, Benjamin. "Wh-in-Situ Does Not Correlate with Wh-Indefinites or Question Particles." Linguistic Inquiry 38, no. 1 (January 2007): 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2007.38.1.139.

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Two theories, the Clausal Typing Hypothesis (Cheng 1991) and the unselective binding theory of wh-in-situ, have linked wh-in-situ to two other phenomena typologically: the use of a question particle, and the use of wh-words as indefinites. This article shows, through a typological survey and a detailed comparison of Passamaquoddy and Mandarin Chinese, that there is no connection between wh-in-situ and either property. Passamaquoddy uses wh-words as indefinites in all the contexts Chinese does, but it is a robust wh-movement language. Crosslinguistically, languages of all possible types are attested: most crucially, wh-in-situ languages without question particles exist, and wh-in-situ languages that do not use wh-words as indefinites also exist. In fact, most languages, regardless of whether they are wh-movement or wh-in-situ languages, have question particles, and most languages use wh-words as indefinites.
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16

Shu, Chih-hsiang. "On embedded contrastive focus in Mandarin Chinese." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 6, no. 1 (July 2, 2019): 76–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.19003.shu.

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Abstract This article investigates the previously undocumented focus-sensitiveness of certain scope-bearing expressions in Mandarin, and argues that the syntactic effects of this property should be accommodated by a structure that involves multiple dependencies and inherited dependencies. At the empirical side, it is shown that in Mandarin, certain quantificational expressions as well as typical focusing adverbs have to occur at positions where they (i) c‑command and (ii) be as close as possible to the contrastive foci that they associate with. The similarity to the typical association-with-focus configurations is captured under a unified Agree analysis that incorporated previous variable-adjunction-site analysis for focusing particles in German, while the additional dependencies in these structures are accounted for by multiple Agree and feature inheritance. This analysis is compared with some alternative approaches, which do not have equal empirical coverage or require more complex theoretical assumptions.
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17

Fang, Hongmei, and Kees Hengeveld. "A mitigator in Mandarin: the sentence-final particle ba (吧)." Open Linguistics 6, no. 1 (June 27, 2020): 284–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2020-0018.

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AbstractIt has been widely claimed in the literature that the sentence-final particle ba in Mandarin Chinese is a modal element. This article argues against this claim and shows that ba is an element that has a unified mitigating function with scope over the utterance as a whole. Using the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG), and more specifically its hierarchical, layered organization, the article provides several arguments that support this new classification of ba. First, ba, like mitigators in general, but unlike modal elements, can occur in sentences with different basic illocutions. Second, ba may co-occur with modal elements of all different subtypes and thus cannot be a modal element itself. Third, ba may occur in sentences in which the speaker is highly confident of the propositional content. Fourth, unlike modal elements, ba may occur in certain types of non-propositional utterances. And fifth, the position that ba occupies with respect to other sentence-final particles shows that it has scope over the utterance as a whole. After thus arguing for the status of ba as a mitigator, we show how the general mitigating function of ba can acquire the more specific mitigating effects that have previously been attributed to it in the literature.
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18

Chiu, Liching Livy. "The Interaction Between Modals and SFPs in Mandarin Chinese: A Cartographic Approach." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 42, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2021-0006.

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Abstract Both sentential final particles (SFPs) and high modals commonly convey the speakers’ knowledge of the world, their judgments, intentions, and subjective attitudes. This paper aims to explore the correlations between high modals and sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese (MC). Specifically, two high modals of MC show the behavior of being unable to precede the subject and eliminating their epistemic reading in the presence of SFPs. The phenomenon discussed in this paper is specifically exemplified with yinggai ‘should’ and keneng ‘be likely to’ in MC. We give an analysis about which modals and SFPs are interlaced in terms of their scope positions, so as to explain the phenomena.
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19

Li, Bin, and Jinping Zhu. "Effectiveness of prosodic features in the perception of mandarin utterance‐final particles." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 123, no. 5 (May 2008): 3882. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2935796.

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20

Xiang, Yimei. "Function Alternations of the Mandarin Particle Dou: Distributor, Free Choice Licensor, and ‘Even’." Journal of Semantics 37, no. 2 (March 4, 2020): 171–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffz018.

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Abstract Many languages have particles that possess multiple logical functions. Take the Mandarin particle dou for example. Varying by the item it is associated with and the prosodic pattern of the environment it appears in, dou can trigger a distributivity effect, license a pre-verbal free choice item, or evoke an even-like inference. Considering universal grammar a simple system, we need to figure out, for a multi-functional particle, which of its functions is primary, what parametric variations are responsible for the alternations in function, and how these variations are conditioned. In this paper, I argue that the seemingly unrelated functions of dou share the same source: dou is a pre-exhaustification exhaustifier operating on sub-alternatives. Uniformly, dou affirms the truth of its propositional prejacent, negates the exhaustification of each sub-alternative, and presupposes a non-vacuity inference that there is at least one sub-alternative. Alternations in function result from minimal weakening operations on the semantics of sub-alternatives. In particular, sub-alternatives are primarily weaker alternatives, and the non-vacuity presupposition of dou yields a distributivity effect. When the semantics of sub-alternatives is weakened under particular syntactic or prosodic conditions, dou gains its other logical functions.
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21

Wang, Wei. "Grammatical conformity in question-answer sequences: The case of meiyou in Mandarin conversation." Discourse Studies 22, no. 5 (May 7, 2020): 610–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445620916371.

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This article probes into grammatical conformity in Mandarin by examining meiyou, a multifunctional negative form, in question-answer sequences. Using a conversation analysis approach, it discovers that, as a conforming answer to polar questions, meiyou acquiesces to all the terms and constraints of the question and maximizes the progressivity of the sequence. As a non-conforming response to polar questions, it mitigates the disagreement by avoiding a pointed syntactic negation. Meiyou can also respond to Q-word questions, problematizing the inference incorporated in the question. This study not only contributes to the cross-linguistic research on negative particles in talk-in-interaction but also reveals that grammatical conformity is a crucial dimension in Mandarin response design, providing further confirmation of the link between grammar, action, and sequence organization.
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22

Purba, Dias Fitriani. "Analisis Kalimat Imperatif Bahasa Mandarin dalam Film Our Times." JoLLA: Journal of Language, Literature, and Arts 2, no. 5 (May 23, 2022): 709–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um064v2i52022p709-723.

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Abstract: This article aims to describe the Structure of Chinese imperative sentences in the Our Times movie. This research theory used syntactic theory. This research used a descriptive qualitative research method. The data of this research are dialogues from every character that contain imperative sentences. The data source in this research is the “Our Times” movie which was released in 2015 by director Frankie Chen. The data collection technique in this research is the observation technique and the note-taking technique. Researchers analyzed the imperative structure in Our Times movie through the use of the subject, the use of the predicate, and the use of particles. These structures are mostly found and used by characters in the school conversations, especially between the students and the teachers. The researchers found 143 imperative sentences in the Our Times movie which is 70 imperative sentences that used the subject, 20 imperative sentences that indicate Chinese imperative predicate and 50 imperative sentences that indicate Chinese imperative particles. Keywords: imperative sentence; imperative structure; OurTimes movie; syntactic analysis Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan struktur kalimat imperatif bahasa Mandarin yang terdapat dalam film Our Times. Teori penelitian ini adalah teori sintaksis. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Data pada penelitian ini berupa percakapan-percakapan yang dituturkan oleh setiap tokoh yang mengandung kalimat imperatif. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah film Our Times yang dirilis pada tahun 2015 dan disutradarai oleh Frankie Chen. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teknik simak dan teknik catat. Peneliti menganalisis struktur imperatif dalam film Our Times melalui penggunaan subjek, penggunaan predikat, dan penggunaan partikel. Struktur kalimat imperatif ini banyak ditemukan dan digunakan oleh para tokoh dalam percakapan yang terjadi di sekolah terutama antara para siswa dan para guru. Peneliti menemukan 143 kalimat imperatif di dalam film Our Times yang terdiri dari 70 kalimat imperatif yang menggunakan subjek, 20 kalimat imperatif yang menunjukkan penggunaan predikat dan 50 kalimat imperatif yang menunjukkan penggunaan partikel. Kata Kunci: kalimat imperatif; struktur imperatif; film Our Times; analisis sintaksis
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23

Medved, Igor, Nediljka Gaurina-Međimurec, Borivoje Pašić, and Petar Mijić. "Green Approach in Water-Based Drilling Mud Design to Increase Wellbore Stability." Applied Sciences 12, no. 11 (May 25, 2022): 5348. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app12115348.

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Wellbore instability is one of the most serious problems that can occur during drilling, mainly during drilling oil or gas wells through rocks that contain a higher proportion of clay, such as shales. To prevent wellbore instability, oil companies apply different approaches to strengthen wellbore walls, and use different shale swelling inhibitors. The aim of this research was to apply a green approach and the concept of the circular economy in mud design, and to determine whether mandarin peel powder, which is a waste material, can be used as an inhibitor of shale swelling. For that purpose, pellets consisting of bentonite and quartz in a 50:50 ratio were prepared using a compactor, and bentonite-based drilling mud (BM) with and without mandarin peel powder in concentrations of 0.5, 1, 1.5 and 2% by volume of water. The swelling of quartz–bentonite pellets after 2 and 24 h in each drilling-mud sample was determined at room temperature and 90 °C using a linear swell meter. On the basis of laboratory research, we concluded that increasing the concentration of mandarin peel powder reduces pellet swelling. By adding mandarin peel powder particles between 0.1 and 0.16 mm to the base mud at a concentration of 2% by volume of water, the following was achieved: 44% reduction in API filtration, 61.54% reduction in PPT filtration, 45% reduction in pellet swelling after 24 h at room temperature, and 48.6% reduction of pellet swelling after 24 h at 90 °C.
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Erlewine, Michael Yoshitaka. "Low sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese and the Final-over-Final Constraint." Journal of East Asian Linguistics 26, no. 1 (November 15, 2016): 37–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10831-016-9150-9.

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Handayani, Yayan Yunita, and Yulie Neila Chandra. "The Modal Particles in the Storybook 原我这么棒 Yuánlái Wύ Zhème Bàng By Li Huizhen Partikel Modalitas dalam Buku Cerita 原来我这么棒 Yuánlái Wǒ Zhème Bàng Karya Li Huizhen." Bambuti 2, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53744/bambuti.v2i2.16.

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Particles in Mandarin can be divided into three kinds, namely structural, aspectual, and modality or modal particles. The particles have their own functions, as well as having grammatical meanings. This article discusses the particles of modality in the children's storybook entitled原我这么棒(Yuánlái Wύ Zhème Bàng) 'I'm So Great' by Li Huizhen. Particles of modality are widely used in the context of the conversation in the storybook, namely 啊 a, 吧 ba, 啦la, 了le, 啰luo, 吗ma, 嘛ma, 哪na, 呢ne, 呀ya, 哟yo. Through distributional analysis methods, as well as with the technique of evaporation and transfer analysis, the modality particles can be matched with phatic particles in Indonesian, such as 'ya', 'lah', 'sih', 'lho', and 'dong' which are generally located behind sentences, and some behind clauses. However, the meaning of the particles is uncertain and unsteady because each depends on the context of the sentence or the meaning of the sentence. The presence of modality particles in a sentence can change the meaning of a sentence, its type of sentence, or its language function.
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Soh, Hooi Ling. "Mandarin Chinese sentence final de as a marker of private evidence." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4307.

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In this paper, I present new empirical observations regarding discourse restrictions and interpretative effects associated with Mandarin Chinese sentence final de in a bare de sentence. I propose an analysis of de as a discourse marker that marks “private evidence”. I then consider a prediction of the analysis regarding the distribution of de in yes/no questions. I show that the pattern of restrictions observed with de in yes/no questions follows from the proposed analysis, coupled with a specific proposal about the syntax of de, and certain standard assumptions about the syntax of yes/no questions and modal auxiliaries. Specifically, I argue that de heads a projection below TP and above a modal projection for non-epistemic modals. I then discuss apparent counter-examples to the proposed discourse restrictions and suggest that the apparent counter-examples are not bare de sentences, but rather shi…de sentences with a silent shi. The proposed analysis has implications on the syntax of modal auxiliaries, the relation between bare de sentences and shi…de sentences, and the syntax of discourse particles. It connects de with discourse particles that mark the speaker’s belief about whether the (evidence for the) asserted proposition is shared knowledge between the speaker and the hearer and whether the (evidence for the) proposition is “verifiable on the spot” (e.g., German ja (Kratzer 1999, 2004; Gutzmann 2009); English parenthetical I’m telling you (Reese and Soh 2018)).
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Tantucci, Vittorio, and Aiqing Wang. "Diachronic change of rapport orientation and sentence-periphery in Mandarin." Discourse Studies 22, no. 2 (December 11, 2019): 146–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445619893777.

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This article provides a corpus-based analysis of formal structure and rapport orientation of evaluative speech acts in written Mandarin starting from the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) leading up to the present. It focuses on illocutional concurrences (IC) where the change of rapport management with the interlocutor significantly correlates with evaluative speech acts. The IC are holistic patterns that emerge at various levels of an utterance. They contribute both locally (i.e. at the morphosyntactic level) and peripherally (i.e. at the illocutionary level) to the encoding of contextually and temporally situated speech acts or pragmemes. Mixed methods of hierarchical clustering and multiple correspondence analysis indicate that the recent history of evaluative speech acts in written Chinese is characterised by a shift from prevalently rapport-maintaining orientation to utterances more overtly marked for (im-)politeness. Evaluative language in written Mandarin became less mitigated at the structural level and increasingly oriented towards rapport enhancement and rapport challenge. This shift significantly intersects with a progressive replacement of clause-final particles during the 20th century, especially after the so-called ‘May the 4th Movement’.
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Pan, Victor Junnan. "Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 39, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2018-0004.

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Abstract Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential le” and eryi are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (vP) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential le and eryi are C-domain elements. First, I argue that shi ‘be’, in the negative form – bu shi ‘not be’ – should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by le or eryi. The apparent narrow scope of le and eryi is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb shi ‘be’ but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by le or eryi. This explains why sometimes le or eryi does not have scope over the subject. Third, the wh-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle le because the ∃-closure triggered by le applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (Huang 1982). The ∃-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the wh-subject as a variable. The position where ∃ is generated remains independent of whether the ∃-closure is triggered by low particles, such as le, or by high particles, such as the yes–no question particle ma. Therefore, the low peripheral particles le and eryi are still within the CP domain and thus higher than vP.
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Cher Leng, Lee. "Compliments and Compliment Responses of Singapore Chinese University Students." Global Chinese 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 169–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/glochi-2015-1007.

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Abstract This paper examines the compliments and compliment responses of Singapore Chinese university students from naturally occurring data. Both Mainland China and Taiwan have received more attention in compliments research. Unlike China and Taiwan, Singapore is in the outer circle (Kachru 1992) of the Mandarin speaking community. Although the population of Singapore comprised of three-quarters of ethnic Chinese, Mandarin is taught in school as a second language with the medium of instruction of all other subjects being English (see Lee 2012). The different language environment and cultural bearings from the Mainland Chinese and Taiwan Chinese are reflected in this study. This study shows that unlike Taiwan college students (Wang and Tsai 2003) whose preferred compliment topic is Appearance, Singapore Chinese students prefer to compliment on Ability/Performance. Contrary to all other studies on Chinese compliment responses which show that Chinese are more modest and therefore tend to Reject compliments, this study shows that there are overall more Accept compliment responses especially between close friends. This is due to the predominant English-speaking environment in Singapore. In addition, Appreciation Token which is known to be a western response to compliments is also used more frequently by Singapore Chinese students. The linguistic features of code-switching to English and the presence of local discourse particles (from southern Chinese dialects and Malay language) are unique features of the diasporic colloquial Mandarin spoken in Singapore.
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Chan, Tsan Tsai. "Sentence-final particles in multiple phases? Some evidence from language contact." Yearbook of the Poznan Linguistic Meeting 7, no. 1 (September 25, 2021): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/yplm.2021.7.1.

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Cinque’s (1999) cartographic theory associates one meaning with one functional head. As such, if applied to sentence-final particles (SFPs), cartographic assumptions ought to group semantically similar SFPs onto the same functional head cross-linguistically (cf. Pan 2019; Sybesma & Li 2007). However, I show that aspectual and restrictive focus SFPs in Cantonese and Mandarin (Sinitic, Sino-Tibetan) seemingly contradict Cinque by occupying different structural positions despite their semantic closeness. To shed light on the problem, I adduce novel data from Guangzhou Cantonese and Singapore Cantonese, demonstrating that SFPs borrowed into these varieties are treated differently according to their structural height. Likewise citing scopal and other facts, I ultimately make a case for placing SFPs in multiple phases (Chomsky 2000 etc.), following Erlewine (2017) and Biberauer (2017), but contra Pan (2019), a.o. To accommodate Cinque (1999), I ultimately submit that different-phase SFPs constitute distinct lexical classes, which each cluster separately, but in the same semantically determined sequence compatible with cartographic assumptions.
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31

Gerner, Matthias. "Perfect in the Yi group." Studies in Language 26, no. 2 (September 13, 2002): 337–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.26.2.06ger.

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The languages of the Yi group shed new light on the Perfect forms of other languages through their perfect particles. Several Yi languages display two perfect particles which unite in one paradigmatic picture the English type and the Mandarin type. I will first present Liangshan Nuosu’s ta33 (stative perfect) and o44 (dynamic perfect) with Klein’s aspect-tense terminology (1992) and will then establish a formal definition of the notion of stative and dynamic perfect. It appears that both perfects have in common their relating the utterance situation to the discourse topic (in Klein’s terminology: TU þ TT). I will claim that the property ‘TU þ TT’ is the essence of perfect and can be viewed as an aspect-tense characterization of ‘current relevance’, a vague term that is employed by an array of authors without precise definition.
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Lovisolo, Osvaldo, Gian Paolo Accotto, Vera Masenga, and Addolorata Colariccio. "An isolate of Apple stem grooving virus associated with Cleopatra mandarin fruit intumescence." Fitopatologia Brasileira 28, no. 1 (January 2003): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0100-41582003000100008.

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A citrus tatter leaf isolate (CTLV-Cl) of Apple stem grooving virus (ASGV) has been found to be associated with a fruit rind intumescence in Cleopatra mandarin (Citrus reshni) in Limeira (SP). The CTLV-Cl was mechanically transmitted to the main experimental herbaceous hosts of CTLV. Chenopodium quinoa and C. amaranticolor reacted with local lesions and systemic symptoms while other test plants reacted somewhat differently than what is reported for CTLV. A pair of primers designed for specific detection of ASGV and CTLV amplified the expected 801 bp fragment from the CTLV-Cl-infected plants. Typical capillovirus-like particles were observed by the electron microscope in experimentally infected C. quinoa and C. amaranticolor leaves.
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Alsager, Haroon Nasser. "The Syntax of Yes/No Questions in Modern Standard Arabic." International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no. 5 (July 15, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n5p179.

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Interrogative structures have been investigated in wide range of languages including but not limited to English, Italian, French, and Mandarin Chinese. Thus, this paper presents an analysis of the syntactic structure of yes/no questions based on feature-checking analysis (i.e., [Q], phi-features, [T], [Polarity], and EPP). First, I briefly discuss the feature-checking analysis in the declarative clauses in Modern Standard Arabic. Then, I analyze the interrogative structure in main clauses (hal, ʔa-) and in embedded clauses (idhaa) in MSA. Finally, this paper displays and discusses the findings showing that there are three types of feature-checking in yes/no particles in Modern Standard Arabic.
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Li, Feifei, Joan Borràs-Comes, and M. Teresa Espinal. "On the interpretation of response particles méi(yǒu) and bù to negative polar questions in Mandarin Chinese." Journal of Pragmatics 200 (October 2022): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2022.08.013.

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Han, Yiting. "Chinese L2 users as active social agents: Sentence final particles variation and identities." Applied Pragmatics 1, no. 1 (May 20, 2019): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ap.00003.han.

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Abstract This study investigated the sociolinguistic pragmatic performance of eight advanced Chinese learners from a variationist sociolinguistic perspective, focusing on the variable appearance versus absence of Mandarin sentence final particles (SFPs) in non-interrogative sentences. These learners participated in a Chinese TV talk show and have become popular on social media platforms. The speech data from the talk show (400 tokens) and online data from Chinese social media platform Weibo (400 tokens) were collected and analyzed. These Chinese L2 users productively demonstrated variation in their use of SFPs in non-interrogative sentences, in that they added SFPs to a sentence in around 20% of variable contexts. Rbrul (logistic regression) analyses revealed that the variable presence of SFPs was conditioned by their duration of time spent in China and gender-related personalities. Follow-up case analyses explored how they made use of SFPs in different situations and how they were received by other participants. The study found that these Chinese L2 users became active social agents who made decisions to shift styles in different contexts or to strengthen their identities. The results are discussed within a broader context of identity, language socialization, and L2 social agency. This study also attempts to offer pedagogical implications for the acquisition of Chinese SFPs.
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Deshmukh, S. D., S. R. Patil, and A. M. Sonkamble. "Green Synthesis of Silver Nano-Particles using Different Plant Leaf Extract for Nagpur Mandarin Coating - An Eco-Friendly Approach." International Journal of Current Microbiology and Applied Sciences 9, no. 6 (June 10, 2020): 1132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20546/ijcmas.2020.906.140.

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37

Shim, Jae-Han, Md Musfiqur Rahman, Ahmed A. Zaky, Shin-Jee Lee, Ara Jo, Seung-Hee Yun, Jong-Bang Eun, et al. "Simultaneous Determination of Pyridate, Quizalofop-ethyl, and Cyhalofop-butyl Residues in Agricultural Products Using Liquid Chromatography-Tandem Mass Spectrometry." Foods 11, no. 7 (March 22, 2022): 899. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/foods11070899.

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An analytical method was developed to simultaneously determine pyridate, quizalofop-ethyl, and cyhalofop-butyl in brown rice, soybean, potato, pepper, and mandarin using LC-MS/MS. Purification was optimized using various sorbents: primary–secondary amine, octadecyl (C18) silica gel, graphitized carbon black, zirconium dioxide-modified silica particles, zirconium dioxide-modified silica particles (Z-SEP), and multi-walled carbon nanotubes (MWCNTs). Three versions of QuECHERS methods were then tested using the optimal purification agent. Finally, samples were extracted using acetonitrile and QuEChERS EN salts and purified using the Z-SEP sorbent. A six-point matrix-matched external calibration curve was constructed for the analytes. Good linearity was achieved with a determination coefficient ≥0.999. The limits of detection and quantification were 0.0075 mg/kg and 0.01 mg/kg, respectively. The method was validated after fortifying the target standards to the blank matrices at three concentration levels with five replicates for each concentration. The average recovery was within an acceptable range (70–120%), with a relative standard deviation <20%. The applicability of the developed method was evaluated with real-world market samples, all of which tested negative for these three herbicide residues. Therefore, this method can be used for the routine analysis of pyridate, quizalofop-ethyl, and cyhalofop-butyl in agricultural products.
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38

Hsieh, Chen-Yu Chester. "Linguistic typology, language modality, and stuff like that." Studies in Language 43, no. 1 (June 12, 2019): 92–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.18009.hsi.

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Abstract Pragmatic particles termed general extenders (GE) have been examined across languages and are found to serve multiple functions. Despite the fruitful findings, few study the use of GEs in different language modalities and in typologically more different languages such as Chinese. This research aims to contribute to this literature by investigating the use of the GE zhilei(de) (zld), ‘of that kind,’ in spoken and written Chinese. Data from corpora of spoken and written Chinese suggest that zld displays some distinctive patterns in its form and function, partly due to the typological traits of Mandarin Chinese. The results also indicate that the language modality where zld is deployed may have impacts on its structural and functional distribution. The current article thus holds implications not only for the literature of GEs but also for the study of the interface between linguistic typology, language modality, and pragmatic expressions.
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Hsieh, Chen-Yu Chester, and Lily I-Wen Su. "Construction in conversation." Review of Cognitive Linguistics 17, no. 1 (August 20, 2019): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rcl.00029.hsi.

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Abstract Although the Construction Grammar (CxG) model has yielded fruitful findings, the role that pragmatics plays in language has not yet been fully considered in this theoretical framework. The recent development of spoken corpora, however, enables construction grammarians to develop a new approach called Interactional Construction Grammar, which incorporates interactional factors into CxG analysis to account for patterns that involve interpersonal functions and global contexts. Adopting this approach, the present study attempts to examine the use of a complement-taking mental predicate xiangshuo in Taiwan Mandarin conversation and analyze the co-occurrence patterns of this cognitive verb with different subjects. We identify three sequential patterns in which xiangshuo most frequently occurs, including account-giving, contrast-projecting and involvement-constructing, and argue that only by taking into account the sequential context and interactional function can the distribution patterns of subjects and particles that recurrently collocate with xiangshuo be explained.
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40

Rangkuti, Devi Nurlela, and Vivi Adryani Nasution. "Analisis Penggunaan Partikel Fatis 啦 la dan 吧 ba dalam Film Our Times." JoLLA: Journal of Language, Literature, and Arts 2, no. 2 (February 16, 2022): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um064v2i22022p167-179.

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Abstract: This study aims to determine the use of 啦 la and 吧 ba modal particles and to find out the similarities and differences between the two in Chinese sentences. This research used contextual semantic theory and also qualitative descriptive methods. Data collection in this study used the listening method and continued with note-taking technique. The data analysis method in this study is using the agih method and followed by 2 techniques, lesap technique and replaced technique, as well as the method of presenting the results of data analysis which is presented in the form of explanations about modal particles that contained in the Our Times film. The data taken in the form of dialogues which has the modal particles 啦 la and 吧 ba. The results obtained from this study are modal particles 啦 la and 吧 ba are generally found in descriptive, imperative, interrogative sentences, also as a pauses in a sentence, but only modal particles 啦 la can be used in exclamatory sentences and can be used on imperative sentences which means prohibition. Keywords: modal particles; 啦 la; 吧 ba; contextual semantics; Our Times Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui penggunaan partikel fatis啦 la dan 吧 ba serta mencari persamaan dan perbedaan keduanya dalam kalimat bahasa Mandarin. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori semantik kontekstual dan juga metode deskriptif kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode simak dan dilanjutkan dengan teknik catat. Adapun metode analisis data dalam penelitian ini yaitu memakai metode agih dan dilanjutkan dengan 2 teknik, yaitu teknik lesap dan teknik ganti, serta metode penyajian hasil analisis data yang disajikan dalam bentuk penjelasan-penjelasan mengenai partikel fatis yang terdapat dalam film Our Times. Data yang diambil berupa dialog-dialog yang terdapat partikel fatis 啦 la dan 吧 ba di dalamnya. Hasil yang didapat dari penelitian ini adalah partikel fatis啦 la dan 吧 ba umumnya terdapat dalam kalimat deskriptif, imperatif, interogatif, juga sebagai jeda dalam sebuah kalimat, tetapi hanya partikel fatis啦 la yang dapat digunakan dalam kalimat eksklamatif serta dapat digunakan pada kalimat imperatif bermakna larangan. Kata kunci: partikel fatis; 啦 la; 吧 ba; semantik kontekstual; Our Times
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Xiong, Jiajuan, and Feng-fan Hsieh. "Same Degree of Intensification with Different Degrees of Sentential Projections." Lingua sinica 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linguasinica-2021-0001.

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Abstract In Chengdu Chinese, degree intensifiers for APs/VPs are attested to pair with three different types of sentence-final particles (SFPs), i.e., the FinP-level, the FocP-level and the ExclP-level SFPs, which function to complete a sentence, encode a focus and express exclamation. In our analysis, a degree intensifier projects a DegP, which pairs with one of the three sentential projections, viz., FinP, FocP and ExclP. This pairing is motivated by feature checking, as intensifiers contain the uninterpretable semantic features of [+Fin], [+Foc] or [+Excl], which need to be checked by sentential projections. Due to the inalienable sentential functions, intensifiers are barred from occurring in any kind of non-finite contexts. Furthermore, FinP and FocP are within the vP-domain, whereas ExclP is in the CP domain. Thus, ExclP-type intensifiers, unlike FinP-type and FocP-type intensifiers, defy relativization. This study of associating degree intensification with sentential functions not only explains the syntactic behaviors of Chengdu intensifiers but also sheds new light on the well-known Mandarin hen puzzle.
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He, Yuanjian. "Some observations on dialectal lexis interference in Putonghua." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 16, no. 2 (October 12, 2006): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.16.2.08he.

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How dialectal lexis may interfere with Putonghua spoken in a region has long been talked about but has rarely received much attention in scholarly literature. The issue is often complicated by the fact that there is a lack of a set of commonly recognized criteria with which to define regional Putonghua varieties vis-à-vis the regional dialects. Against this background, I have in this paper first argued for taking Putonghua education and use at, after and beyond school as the bench mark for defining regional Putonghua varieties either as true linguistic entities or as conceptual entities. Then, I have examined how question words and interrogative particles in the Chengdu dialect find their way into the Putonghua spoken in that region, attributing the lexical interference to two main factors. The first is the salient linguistic connection between Putonghua and the Chengdu dialect, which is a major southwestern branch of Mandarin, and the second is more sociolinguistically related, being associated with the speaker’s education and need for using Putonghua at work against a rapidly developing regional economy.
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43

Xu, Zhuqing, Jiaming Liao, Dongzhuo Zhang, Shaoli Liu, Luhao Zhang, Shaozhu Kang, Linting Xu, et al. "Isolation, Characterization, and Transcriptome Analysis of an ISKNV-Like Virus from Largemouth Bass." Viruses 15, no. 2 (January 30, 2023): 398. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/v15020398.

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Largemouth bass (Micropterus salmoides) is an important commercial fish farmed in China. Challenges related to diseases caused by pathogens, such as iridovirus, have become increasingly serious. In 2017, we detected iridovirus-infected diseased largemouth bass in Zunyi, Guizhou Province. The isolated virus was identified as an infectious spleen and kidney necrosis virus (ISKNV)-like virus (ISKNV-ZY). ISKNV-ZY induces a cytopathic effect after infecting mandarin fish brain (MFB) cells. Abundant hexagonal virus particles were observed in the cytoplasm of ISKNV-ZY-infected MFB cells, using electron microscopy. The whole genome of ISKNV-ZY contained 1122,48 bp and 122 open reading frames. Phylogenetic tree analysis showed that ISKNV-ZY was most closely related to BCIV, indicating that it is an ISKNV-like megalocytivirus. ISKNV-ZY-infected largemouth bass started to die on day six and reached a death peak on days 7–8. Cumulative mortality reached 100% on day 10. Using RNA sequencing-based transcriptome analysis after ISKNV-ZY infection, 6254 differentially expressed unigenes (DEGs) were identified, of which 3518 were upregulated and 2673 downregulated. The DEGs were associated with endocytosis, thermogenesis, oxidative phosphorylation, the JAK-STAT signaling pathway, the MAPK signaling pathway, etc. These results contribute to understanding the molecular regulation mechanism of ISKNV infection and provide a basis for ISKNV prevention.
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44

Roy, Avijit, Andrew L. Stone, Jonathan Shao, Gabriel Otero-Colina, Gang Wei, Nandlal Choudhary, Diann Achor, et al. "Identification and Molecular Characterization of Nuclear Citrus leprosis virus, a Member of the Proposed Dichorhavirus Genus Infecting Multiple Citrus Species in Mexico." Phytopathology® 105, no. 4 (April 2015): 564–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/phyto-09-14-0245-r.

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Citrus leprosis is one of the most destructive diseases of Citrus spp. and is associated with two unrelated virus groups that produce particles primarily in either the cytoplasm or nucleus of infected plant cells. Symptoms of leprosis, including chlorotic spots surrounded by yellow haloes on leaves and necrotic spots on twigs and fruit, were observed on leprosis-affected mandarin and navel sweet orange trees in the state of Querétaro, Mexico. Serological and molecular assays showed that the cytoplasmic types of Citrus leprosis virus (CiLV-C) often associated with leprosis symptomatic tissues were absent. However, using transmission electron microscopy, bullet-shaped rhabdovirus-like virions were observed in the nuclei and cytoplasm of the citrus leprosis-infected leaf tissues. An analysis of small RNA populations from symptomatic tissue was carried out to determine the genome sequence of the rhabdovirus-like particles observed in the citrus leprosis samples. The complete genome sequence showed that the nuclear type of CiLV (CiLV-N) present in the samples consisted of two negative-sense RNAs: 6,268-nucleotide (nt)-long RNA1 and 5,847-nt-long RNA2, excluding the poly(A) tails. CiLV-N had a genome organization identical to that of Orchid fleck virus (OFV), with the exception of shorter 5′ untranslated regions in RNA1 (53 versus 205 nt) and RNA2 (34 versus 182 nt). Phylogenetic trees constructed with the amino acid sequences of the nucleocapsid (N) and glycoproteins (G) and the RNA polymerase (L protein) showed that CiLV-N clusters with OFV. Furthermore, phylogenetic analyses of N protein established CiLV-N as a member of the proposed genus Dichorhavirus. Reverse-transcription polymerase chain reaction primers for the detection of CiLV-N were designed based on the sequence of the N gene and the assay was optimized and tested to detect the presence of CiLV-N in both diseased and symptom-free plants.
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45

Iskandar, Denni, Mulyadi Mulyadi, Khairina Nasution, and Ridwan Hanafiah. "A Study of types and core constituents of Acehnese relative clauses." Studies in English Language and Education 8, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 397–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/siele.v8i1.18164.

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This research aims to determine and explain the types and the core constituents of Acehnese relative clauses which so far have not been thoroughly discussed. To collect data for this study, a direct elicitation technique is used, and the data is then analyzed through a qualitative descriptive technique. The results showed that the relative clauses in Acehnese were clauses embedded as modifiers of noun phrases. Similar to the relative clauses’ theory proposed by experts in the Acehnese, there are five types of relative clauses: relativization of subject, relativization of predicate, relativization of object, relativization of possessive, and relativization of noun. Relative clauses in Acehnese are formed by connecting core nouns and relative clauses through the connecting word ‘nyang’, except for the relative clause of the predicate element through the ellipsis of the predicate element. The basic structure of the Acehnese relative clauses is the arrangement of the main constituents preceding (postnominal) the relative clauses. The constituents that described the relative clauses could form words or phrases depending on the reference to the meaning of the relative clauses. In the Acehnese, the following elements do not exist: (1) relative clauses that can be reduced by adverbials such as in English, (2) relative pronouns as in German and relative particles such as in Chinese Mandarin; and (3) the attachment of relative suffixes to verbs as in Korean.
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46

Kendrick, Kobin H. "Adjusting epistemic gradients: The final particle ba in Mandarin Chinese conversation." East Asian Pragmatics 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2018): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/10.1558/eap.36120.

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In Mandarin Chinese conversation, the final particle ba contributes to the formation of a variety of social actions. Using the methods of conversation analysis, this article examines the use of the ba particle in answers to questions, informings, and assessments. It is argued that the particle serves as a turn-constructional resource for the adjustment of the epistemic gradient invoked in the sequence, downgrading the speaker’s epistemic position. In assessment sequences, the epistemic adjustment made by the particle also serves to solicit a response from the recipient who invariably has knowledge of the matter in question. An analysis of the ba particle in terms of epistemic gradients and their adjustment unifies two accounts of the particle’s function put forward in the literature.
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47

Septevany, Elvira, Liu Dandan, Qin Weifen, and Lu Xing. "THE COMPARISON BETWEEN STRUCTURAL PARTICLE “地” IN MANDARIN AND STRUCTURAL PARTICLE “DENGAN” ATAU “SECARA” IN INDONESIAN." Lire Journal (Journal of Linguistics and Literature) 5, no. 1 (March 21, 2021): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/lire.v5i1.105.

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The uses of structural particle “地 dengan/secara” in Mandarin or in Indonesian have similarities and differences. In order to compare these two words, the writer uses contrastive analysis which is a study to identify the differences and similarities between Indonesian and Mandarin structural particle. The data collection technique was done by using purposive sampling technique. It was taken randomly from Modern Indonesian books and then compared with structural particle in Mandarin. The result of this analysis is that there are similarities and differences in the use of the structural particle “地 de” in Mandarin and “dengan” or “secara” in Indonesian. Besides, there are also differences in word usage. The difference can be seen from the uses of structural particle “地 de” in Mandarin and the structural particle “dengan” or “secara” in Indonesian in other words. The “地” marker in Mandarin can only corresponds to the adjective word class while the Indonesian language is more flexible because the structural particle “dengan” or “secara” can match the adjective, verb, noun, or adverb word class. The structural particle “dengan” or “secara” when corresponding to the word class will indicate a method, style, or manner of doing something.
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48

Etxeberria, Ed, Pedro Gonzalez, and Javier Pozueta. "(461) Endocytic Uptake of Quantum Dots and Endocytic Markers into `Sweet Lime' Juice Cells." HortScience 40, no. 4 (July 2005): 1047C—1047. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.40.4.1047c.

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To determine whether the mechanisms of sucrose accumulation into the low acid `Sweet Lime' (Citrus limmetioides Blanco) juice cells are consistent with those previously reported for the more acidic cultivars, we followed similar developmental changes in determinants of sink strength. In addition, we followed the incorporation and distribution of quantum dots and fluorescent endocytic probes into the cell with time of incubation. As in other citrus fruits, sucrose levels, sucrose synthase, sucrose phosphate synthase, and sucrose phosphate phosphatase increased throughout fruit development. The pH however, was much higher than in the more acidic cultivars. Sucrose uptake into energized plasmalemma vesicles was inhibited by gramicidin, in accordance with the presence of an active symport mechanism of sucrose from the apoplast into the cytosol. On the contrary, tonoplast vesicles were shown to lack active transport mechanism of sucrose into the vacuole. In conformity with recent findings showing the occurrence of an endocytic mechanism in `Murcott' mandarin, `Sweet Lime' juice cells were shown to incorporate membrane-impermeable dyes into their vacuoles in the presence of sucrose. High-definition confocal microscopy revealed the co-localization of membrane-impermeable markers in cytoplasmic vesicles, in membrane-bound intermediate structures such as the endosome and multi-vesicular body, and the eventual distribution of such fluorescent particles. The data provide strong evidence for an endocytic system of transport that allows direct incorporation of sucrose from the apoplast to the vacuole and for the visualization of intermediate distribution and cargo centers in the cell.
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Medved, Igor, Nediljka Gaurina-Međimurec, Karolina Novak Mavar, and Petar Mijić. "Waste Mandarin Peel as an Eco-Friendly Water-Based Drilling Fluid Additive." Energies 15, no. 7 (April 1, 2022): 2591. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15072591.

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Drilling fluid represents the most important fluid that must fulfill numerous important assignments during drilling operations. Many commercially available additives for water-based drilling fluid fall into the category of non-degradable and environmentally hazardous materials. Significant development in this area can be made by using biodegradable materials as additives in drilling fluids. The objective of this study was to determine whether mandarin peel powder particle size affects the properties of the drilling fluid. In this paper, mandarin peel was used in the form of a dry powder divided into particle sizes smaller than 0.1 mm, and between 0.1 mm and 0.16 mm. Mandarin peel powder was added to a water-based drilling fluid in four different concentrations (0.5, 1, 1.5, and 2% by volume of water). By increasing the mandarin peel powder concentration, the API filtration reduced up to 42%, PPT filtration significantly decreased up to 61.54%, while the rheological parameters generally increased but remained within acceptable limits. It is determined that the optimal concentration of mandarin peel powder is up to 1.5% by volume of water.
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Shi, Yuxin, and Gregory Scontras. "Mandarin has subjectivity-based adjective ordering preferences in the presence of de." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4711.

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Abstract:
We investigate adjective ordering preferences in Mandarin, a language that has been claimed to have English-like preferences, but only in the absence of the linking particle de (Sproat & Shih 1991). Extending the experimental methodology of Scontras et al. (2017), we find evidence of robust adjective ordering preferences in Mandarin when de is present. Moreover, the Mandarin preferences are predicted by adjective subjectivity, as in English and other unrelated languages.
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