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Journal articles on the topic 'Manuscripts, Samaritan'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Zewi, Tamar. "Representation of Arabic and Syriac in the Samaritan Version of Saadya Gaon’s Translation of the Pentateuch." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 8, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00702009.

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Abstract Saadya ben Joseph al-Fayyumi (Saˁīd b. Yūsuf al-Fayyūmī, Saadya Gaon, b. Egypt 882—d. Baghdad 942) translated the Pentateuch as well as several other parts of the Bible into Arabic in the first half of the 10th century. The translation, named tafsīr by Saadya himself, was transmitted in two versions, one in Hebrew letters, probably intended for and used by Jewish-Rabbanite communities, and another in Arabic letters, probably intended for and used by other communities. Several manuscripts holding a Saadyan version in Arabic letters were used by Christian communities in the Near East. Some of these manuscripts probably reached the Samaritans, or at least one Samaritan community. The main source consisting of the Samaritan version of Saadya Gaon’s translation of the Pentateuch is MS London BL OR 7562. The article discusses the status of this manuscript among the other Samaritan Arabic translations, its characteristics, and demonstrates the reflections of Arabic and Syriac vocabulary in its Samaritan script.

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2

Schorch, Stefan. "The Allographic Use of Hebrew and Arabic in the Samaritan Manuscript Culture." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 8, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00702008.

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Abstract In the 10th/11th century, Arabic became both the vernacular and literary language of the Samaritan community, along with the two languages of the liturgy: Samaritan Hebrew and Samaritan Aramaic; Samaritan Neo Hebrew was also employed at this time mainly for the composition of religious poems. Together with the introduction of the Arabic language, the Samaritans started to use the Arabic script, along with the Samaritan Hebrew formal and cursive scripts. In comparison with the use of the Arabic script, the Samaritan Hebrew script served mostly for more sacred texts or was employed in order to mark certain textual passages with a higher degree of sacredness. Allography of Arabic in Samaritan Hebrew letters is attested in Samaritan manuscripts since the beginning of the 13th century, although it was introduced most probably at an earlier date. This allography is employed mainly for the Arabic translation of the Samaritan Torah, for the Arabic translations of prayers, and for Samaritan Hebrew or Samaritan Aramaic quotes in Arabic texts. The replacement of Arabic by Modern Israeli Hebrew as the primary vernacular among the Samaritans living in the State of Israel led to a revival of Samaritan Hebrew allography for Arabic texts in the 20th century, mainly in festival poems in Arabic language, which are performed at certain occasions, although not all congregants are still familiar with the Arabic language and script. A close analysis demonstrates that Samaritan Hebrew allography of Arabic is the result of an intense contact between two scribal cultures, both of which were well established amongst the Samaritans. The allographic use of the Samaritan Hebrew script for writing Arabic texts originally did not aim to make these texts more accessible to Samaritan readers, but rather was employed to mark Arabic texts as belonging to the realm of the sacred.

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3

Schorch, Stefan. "The Value of the Samaritan Versions for the Textual History of the Samaritan Pentateuch." Textus 30, no. 1 (January 18, 2021): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589255x-bja10011.

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Abstract The Samaritan Aramaic Targum presents an extremely literal translation of SP, but the measure of literalness varies between different manuscripts. Further textual differences between these manuscripts can be related to different Hebrew Vorlagen, or to different interpretations of one and the same Hebrew Vorlage. It can thus be concluded that the Samaritan Targum tradition does not represent a single Aramaic translation of SP, but rather consists of several translations, based on different Hebrew Vorlagen. SAT and also the Samaritan Arabic translation are therefore important witnesses for the textual history of SP, relating to the written transmission of SP in the period before the 12th century CE, for which no Hebrew manuscripts are extant, and also to the Samaritan vocalization. This evidence demonstrates that the textual variety found in the Hebrew manuscripts of SP was already present in the transmission of SP between the 1st and the 11th century CE.

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4

Crown, Alan D. "Samaritan literature and its manuscripts." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 76, no. 1 (March 1994): 21–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.76.1.2.

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5

Crown, Alan D. "Manuscripts, cast type and Samaritan palaeography." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 72, no. 1 (March 1990): 87–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.72.1.6.

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6

Haralambakis, Maria. "A Survey of the Gaster Collection at the John Rylands Library, Manchester." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89, no. 2 (March 2013): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.2.6.

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In 1954 and 1958 the John Rylands Library acquired a significant portion of the library of Dr Moses Gaster (1856–1939). As a scholar and bibliophile, Gaster collected manuscripts, printed books, pamphlets and amulets. His collection reflects his wide ranging interests: philology (including Romanian language, folklore and literature), Judaica, magic and mysticism, and Samaritan studies. This article presents a survey of the varied Rylands Gaster collection. It includes an inventory of the miscellaneous manuscript sequence, a complete handlist of Gaster‘s German manuscripts and an introduction to the archival material.

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7

Tal, Abraham. "Samaritan Scribes and Manuscripts (review)." Jewish Quarterly Review 93, no. 3-4 (2003): 682–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2003.0010.

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8

Tarshin, Alina. "Fluctuations in State and Number among Nouns and Adjectives with the Gentilic Suffix in Samaritan Aramaic." Aramaic Studies 17, no. 1 (May 24, 2019): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01701006.

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Abstract In Samaritan Aramaic we find the gentilic suffixes -’Cā:y, -’Cā: and -Cāʔi. Originally these suffixes signified different grammatical categories, but eventually they became interchangeable. This article examines all the forms with a gentilic suffix that are documented in the oral tradition of Samaritan Aramaic along with additional data derived from the manuscripts. It is suggested that fluctuations in state and number among these forms arose due to the phonetic resemblance between the various suffixes as well as due to the identical spelling of the suffixes -’Cā:y and -Cāʔi. It is shown that the manuscripts preserve traces of a more ancient stage of the use of gentilic suffixes and that most of the lexemes with the suffix are characterised by fossilised inflection. Thus, it is suggested that the fluctuations emerged during a later period, after Samaritan Aramaic was no longer spoken.

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9

Markova, Alla. "Judeo-Spanish Manuscripts in the Firkovitch Collections." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 9, no. 1-2 (July 20, 2020): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20201007.

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Abstract This paper presents several rather unexpected manuscripts that have been discovered in the Firkovitch collections. These collections, which are preserved in the National Library of Russia, are best known for Hebrew, Karaite, Samaritan, and Judeo-Arabic manuscripts, and have attracted the interest of specialists in Middle-Eastern languages and cultures. It is generally not known that they also contain manuscripts written in a western language. In the course of my research on the collections, however, I have come across approximately twenty manuscripts in Judeo-Spanish.

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10

Ali, Watad. "A Linguistic Issue In By NafīS AL-Dīn Abū L-Faraj Ibn Al-Kaṯār (Thirteenth Century)." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 531–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgaa018.

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Abstract The treatise by Nafīs al-Dīn Abū l-Faraj Ibn al-Kaṯār, also known as Shams al-Ḥukamā, active circa the end of the thirteenth century CE, is written in Middle Arabic in the Arabic script. Verses of the Torah and quotes from Samaritan religious poems are written in Samaritan Hebrew letters. The treatise is extant in a number of Samaritan manuscripts kept in various libraries in Israel and abroad. While the title of this work is , its contents encompass numerous topics in a variety of fields: linguistics, exegesis, religious law and more. Among the linguistic issues it addresses, for example are topics in phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics. The present article discusses two interrelated linguistic issues in phonology and morphology, the first dealing with the conjugation of irregular verbs: the phonological discussion focuses on the concept of ‘iwaḍ (compensation) and in morphology we discuss I/y verbs and, by the way, also I/n verbs. In addition, I examine this work's affinities with the grammatical theories expounded by the Samaritan grammarian Ibn Mārūṭ and the rabbinic grammarian Yehuda Ḥayyūj.

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11

Crown, Alan D. "The morthology of paper in Samaritan manuscripts: A diachronic profile." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 71, no. 1 (March 1989): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.71.1.5.

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12

Tov, Emanuel. "Rewritten Bible Compositions and Biblical Manuscripts, With Special Attention To the Samaritan Pentateuch." Dead Sea Discoveries 5, no. 3 (1998): 334–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851798x00163.

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13

Crown, A. D. "Studies in Samaritan scribal practices and manuscript history: IV: An index of scribes, witnesses, owners, and others mentioned in Samaritan manuscripts with a key to the principal families therein." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 68, no. 2 (March 1986): 317–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.68.2.4.

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14

Dušek, Jan. "The Importance of the Wadi Daliyeh Manuscripts for the History of Samaria and the Samaritans." Religions 11, no. 2 (January 29, 2020): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11020063.

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In this article, we deal with the topic of the Samaria papyri from Wadi Daliyeh in three main parts implied by the title. First, we briefly summarize the basic data related to the manuscripts. Second, we analyze their significance for the history of Samaria. Third, the last section is devoted to the meaning of the papyri for the history of the Samaritans.

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15

Tal, Abraham. "Tibåt Mårqe: A New Edition with English Translation." Religions 11, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11010052.

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This contribution presents a short introduction to the new edition of Tibåt Mårqe. The oldest manuscript of Tibåt Mårqe dates from the 14th century but only fragments of it are preserved. Previous editors of Tibåt Mårqe included those fragments in their editions which, by necessity, were based on a later, less reliable version of this collection of Samaritan midrashim. The recent discovery of large portions of the 14th century manuscript of Tibåt Mårqe in the National Library of Russia in St. Petersburg made it possible for me to fill most of the gaps. The new edition presented here is therefore based on an improved instrument of research in the domain of Samaritan culture.

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16

Cioată, Maria. "Moses Gaster, Friedrich Horn and the Background to the Settlement of Samarin (1882)." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 92, no. 1 (March 2016): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.92.1.2.

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This article presents a forgotten manuscript of a personal account of one of the first Jewish settlers who departed from Romania to Palestine in 1882 and helped found the colony of Samarin, which was later taken over by Baron de Rothschild and renamed Zichron Yaakov. Friedrich Horn, a schoolmaster with Austrian nationality who had settled in Romania fifteen years before his departure to Palestine, gave the manuscript of his unfinished work Nationaltraum der Juden to Moses Gaster. Gaster kept it among his collection of manuscripts. He considered it a diary rather than as Horn obviously had in mind, a contribution to historiography intended to be published. The text provides significant evidence concerning the underappreciated role of Jews from Romania in the historiography of Zionism.

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17

ROTHSCHILD, Jean-Pierre. "Trois manuscrits liturgiques samaritains." Revue des Études Juives 148, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rej.148.1.2012862.

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18

Bruning, B. E. "The Twice-Assembled Tabernacle." Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 3 (May 14, 2016): 288–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00703002.

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Exodus 35–40, a text-critical and literary-historical crux, reports the construction of the Tabernacle in two forms, neither of which conforms exactly to the instructions for the Tabernacle that Moses receives in chapters 25–31. The two surviving forms of the construction report differ in both the length and the order of their reports: the shorter form of chapters 35–40, now attested only by the Old Greek (OG) translation of Exodus, and the longer, attested in all known Hebrew manuscripts. The most dramatic difference appears in the two forms of chapters 36–39, the manufacture of the Tabernacle’s components; but a similar pattern is also evident in the two forms of Exodus 40, where the assembly of the Tabernacle is related. In light of the evidence of textual pluriformity of scriptural books in the later Second-Temple claim and increasing scholarly confidence in the testimony of OG translators and its use, many now argue that literary edition, not translation, accounts for the diverging forms of Exodus 35–40. Further examination of Exodus 35–40 in light of this claim remains a desideratum. The present article examines Exodus 40 in its two forms, the shorter in OG and the longer in the Masoretic Text (MT) and the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP), as a means of exploring the implications of the claim that OG and MT (etc.) represent variant literary editions of Hebrew texts of Exodus 35–40. Not only does a shorter Hebrew text of Exodus 40 appear to be both the Vorlage of OG and the basis of a revised, expanded edition now attested in MT and SP, but it also suggests an even earlier form of Exodus 40, part of which is now incorporated into Leviticus 8. Recognition of this multi-stage development of Exodus 40 suggests that an already composite, pre-pentateuchal Tabernacle Account (now found in Exodus–Numbers) stands before the Pentateuch represented by the MT especially in Exodus–Numbers. If so, scholarly accounts of both the composition and the transmission of the Pentateuch – or rather, its composition-and-transmission history – are due significant revision, beginning with reassessment of the textual evidence of the Tabernacle chapters in OG Exodus.

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19

Anderson, Robert T. "Craft and Function in Samaritan Hebrew Manuscript Decoration." Hebrew Studies 33, no. 1 (1992): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.1992.0022.

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20

BOWMAN, John. "An Arabic Hijab Manuscript and Jewish and Samaritan Phylacteries." Ancient Near Eastern Studies 32 (January 1, 1994): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/anes.32.0.525741.

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21

Girón Blanc, Luis F. "Paralelos manuscritos de Maḥbéret nusḥaot šel ha-Torá." Sefarad 59, no. 1 (June 12, 2018): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/sefarad.1999.v59.i1.805.

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Maḥbéret nusḥaot šel ha-Torá es un manuscrito (s. XIII) que contiene textos bíblicos del Pentateuco hebreo-samaritano transcritos en caracteres árabes. Obra de autor anónimo, cita solamente pasajes que le llamaran la atención por algún motivo. Hay que pensar, pues, que se trataba de lecturas variantes respecto a las que el copista conocía. En el libro de Génesis hay 45 lecturas de las que 38 son todavía hoy lecturas únicas. A ellas se dedica este estudio.

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22

Zahn, Molly M. "The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Scribal Culture of Second Temple Judaism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 3 (August 25, 2015): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340103.

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The Samaritan Pentateuch (sp), along with its Qumran forebears, has deservedly been regarded as a key source of information for understanding the scribal culture of early Judaism. Yet studies have tended to emphasize the relative uniformity of the characteristic pre-sp readings as evidence of a scribal approach distinct within Second Temple Judaism. This article argues that both the uniformity and the distinctiveness of these readings have been overstated: there is more internal diversity within pre-sp than is usually recognized, and similar or identical readings are also preserved in other manuscript traditions. Rather than representing a distinctive scribal approach or school, the readings of pre-sp are better taken as a particularly concentrated example of scribal attitudes and techniques that appear to have been widespread in early Judaism.

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23

Faingold, Reuven. "D. Pedro II, manuscritos hebraicos e os orientalistas de São Petesburgo." Arquivo Maaravi: Revista Digital de Estudos Judaicos da UFMG 2, no. 2 (March 30, 2008): 114–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1982-3053.2.2.114-121.

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Este artigo aborda quatro momentos pouco conhecidos da vida do Imperador D. Pedro II. Analisaremos a sua forte paixão pela Bíblia e pelos manuscritos hebraicos da época; lembrando, também que, três dos quatro momentos escolhidos fazem parte da pequena caderneta de viagem (Diários 18‑19, maço 37, doc. 1057), guardada no Museu Imperial de Petrópolis, e publicada há alguns anos em edição crítica.1 São estes os episódios: 1) visita guiada à Universidade de São Petersburgo; 2) traduções realizadas durante sua viagem a Terra Santa; 3) visita aos judeus samaritanos na cidade de Nablus na Samária; 4) crítica aos monges de Saint Sabbá na Judéia.

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24

MORGENSTERN, ALAN, HAROLD BOVERMAN, and LINDA GANZINI. "A psychiatrist in hospice." Palliative and Supportive Care 1, no. 1 (March 2003): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478951503030104.

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Dr. Alan Morgenstern joined the psychiatry faculty at Oregon Health and Science University (OHSU) in 1965. He also served as chairman of psychiatry at Good Samaritan Hospital and Medical Center in Portland, Oregon. His many accomplishments include his part in a World Health Organization Travel-Study Fellowship. He served as a senior examiner for the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology and he published a critique of this process, which resulted in a humanization of the experience for examinees. While teaching at OHSU he had a tremendous impact on generations of students who were impressed by his humane approach to medicine. He received the OHSU Meritorious Achievement Award for Teaching. He also served as a captain in the United States Air Force School of Aerospace Medicine. His close friend, Harold Boverman, M.D., wrote, “He loved his family, his work, his patients, his friends, and his music; his license plate read ‘etude.’”Dr. Morgenstern contacted us regarding his hope that we would facilitate publishing this account of his experience as a hospice patient. This represents an edited version of his manuscript. L.G. and H.B.

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25

Rybakova, Nadezhda. "Manuscripts of spiritual and musical works by P. D. Samarin: an attempt of analysis." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series V. Christian Art 32 (December 31, 2018): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturv201832.161-187.

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26

Crown, A. D. "Studies in Samaritan scribal practices and manuscript history: V: Samitan bindings: A chronological survey with reference to Nag Hammadi Techniques." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 69, no. 2 (March 1987): 425–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.69.2.6.

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27

Himbaza, Innocent. "Le Pentateuque samaritain de Fribourg (Suisse) : un premier regard comparatif avec les manuscrits de Dublin et de Sichem." Semitica et Classica 10 (January 2017): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.sec.5.114944.

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28

Badalian, Dmitrii A. "Yu. F. Samarin, Slavophiles and the Struggle against “German Party” in 1840s-1870s." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-41-67.

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Slavophile Yu. F. Samarin was the first public figure who entered into continued opposition to the “German party”, which in this article is viewed as pro-Baltic (Ostseen) group in the court, government and public circles. The party included natives of the Baltic governorates, foreigners and some high rank Russian officials supporting their ideas.The instrument of their influence and power was considered to be the Third Section of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancellery (The Third Department). Samarin’s opposition to the “German party” was closely connected with the three series of his works: “Letter from Riga” manuscript (1848), articles on the situation in the Baltic governorates published in “Moskva” journal (1867) and the six issues of his book “ Remote Areas of Russia” (1868-1876). In the present article Samarin’s activity is viewed in the context of the opposition of the “German party” and the Slavophiles and polemics and discussions in Russian press in 1860-s.

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29

Maier, Johann. "Haseeb Shehadeh, The Arabic Translation of the Samaritan Pentateuch. Edited from the Manuscript with an Introductory Volume. Volume One: Genesis- Exodus, Jerusalem (Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities) 1989, XXI & 447 S." Biblische Zeitschrift 38, no. 2 (September 22, 1994): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25890468-03802029.

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30

"Euphemisms in the Samaritan Targum of the Pentateuch." Aramaic Studies 1, no. 1 (2003): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000003780094117.

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Abstract The Samaritan Aramaic version of the Pentateuch in general, and its later manuscripts in particular, are replete with euphemistic expressions of all kinds, seeking to 'purify' the language from embarrassing utterances, especially where the original was too candid in expressing matters in which discreetness is required, according to contemporary standards. This study focuses on four fields in which euphemism is common in the Samaritan Targum: 1. the dignity of the ancestors, 2. taboo expressions, 3. fear of death, 4. abomination and disgust. The means by which euphemism is achieved is also scrutinized.

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31

Pummer, Reinhard. "A Samaritan Manuscript in McGill University." Fontanus 5 (January 1, 1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/fo.v5i.65.

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32

Prabowo, Danu Priyo. "SERAT SULUK PAWESTRI SAMARIYAH: SEBUAH PENCARIAN TIRTAMARTA DALAM NUANSA KEJAWEN-KRISTIANI." Diksi 13, no. 1 (October 28, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/diksi.v13i1.6434.

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Manuscripts of Javanese literary texts with a Christian nuance are difficultto obtain. Compared with the development of the Hindu, Buddhism, and Moslemtraditions in Javanese literary culture, that of the Christian tradition is stillrelatively new. Only a few Javanese literary texts with a Christian nuance areassumed to be currently in existence.The writer has in hand a manuscript containing a Javanese literary texttitled Serat Suluk Pawestri Samariyah. Written in the style of tembang macapat, itis to be sung aloud and, according to the year to be guessed from the four-wordedJavanese phrase called a sengkalan there, it was written in 1853 in the Javanesecalendar or in 1921 A.D. and got into print as a book published in 1925 by A. C. Nix& Co., Bandung, telling about “toya gesang utawi tirtamarta sarta bab sajatiningpanembah”, or about the life-giving water or tirtamarta and about the essence ofprayers.According to a research on the literature, Serat Suluk Pawestri Samariyahhas never been scientifically studied. So this article attempts to show somethingnew to discover in the Javanese literary tradition by disclosing an acculturation to aChristian nuance in the manuscript in the essence of its content. The word sulukitself, according to the Javanese literary tradition, is at times used to call writingscontaining a mystical mixture of Islamic teachings called Tasawuf and Javaneseteachings called Kejawen. It is opined, however, that in the title of the manuscript itis intended to refer to the Christian nuance in the Javanese context of the text.Keywords: Javanese literary tradition, Christian nuanceA.

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33

Utkirbek Sobirjonovich, Madumarov. "THE ROLE OF SULTONKHUJA ADO IN THE LITERARY ENVIRONMENT OF KUKAND." EPRA International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research (IJMR), March 14, 2020, 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36713/epra4108.

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The details of Sultankhuja Ado, a descendant of Khoja Ubaydullah Ahror, are insufficient in the studies of independence and early literary studies. There is no information about his life in the manuscripts of the poet kept in the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan. We can briefly study the life and activity of the poet based on various sources dating from the 18th - 19th century. In some of the manuscripts we have seen, such as “Samaria” by Abu Tahirhoja, “Tazkiraii Kayiyumi” by P. Kayumiy, “Buyuk ma'naviy murshid” by B.Valihojaev, “Zapiski o Bukharskom Hanstve” by P.Demezon and I.V.Vitkevich, we have read the references in the sources and in the articles of several researchers. For example, literature scholar E. Shodiev notes that there are poems by the poet in "Bayozi Fakhri Rumoni". Sheikh-ul-Islam, Khujakalon Sultanhoja Ado was born in Samarkand. But the year of birth is unknown. He received his first religious education from his father Khudoyorbek. He later continued his education at the Kukeldash madrasah in Bukhara. He was one of the leading students of the Madrasah. He was promoted to the rank of the Sheikh-ul-Islam of Samarkand because of his profound knowledge of religion and deep thoughts.

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34

Dreher, Carlos A. "Quem Eram Realmente as Vacas de Basã? um exercício de interpretação à base da crítica textual." Caminhos 14, no. 1 (June 24, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v14i1.4819.

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Resumo: o artigo retoma a interpretação do texto de Amós 4.1-3 a partir de um exercício de crítica textual. Apercebe-se de incongruências gramaticais no emprego de sufixos masculinos onde seriam de esperar femininos, bem como uma forma verbal que apresenta a mesma inversão. Ao auscultar o aparato crítico da Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, verifica que não há testemunhas textuais – manuscritos ou versões – para qualquer alteração do texto hebraico. Assume que Amós pretendeu – deliberadamente – alterar tais formas femininas para o masculino. Conclui que Amós pretende, de fato, desqualificar os cortesãos de Samaria, utilizando uma linguagem tipicamente popular, com certeza nem um pouco politicamente correta a nossos olhos na atualidade, contudo, uma linguagem que demonstra mais uma vez a sua santa ira contra aqueles que oprimem os pobres de Deus. Palavras-chave: Amós. Texto bíblico. Crítica textual. Vacas de Basã. Defesa dos pobres.

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