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Journal articles on the topic 'Manuscrits nahuatl'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Tavárez, David. "Nahua Intellectuals, Franciscan Scholars, and the Devotio Moderna in Colonial Mexico." Americas 70, no. 02 (October 2013): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500003229.

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In 1570, the Franciscan friar Jerónimo de Mendieta bestowed a rare gift on Juan de Ovando, then president of the Council of Indies. Mendieta placed in Ovando's hands a small manuscript volume in superb Gothic script with illuminated initials and color illustrations, one of several important manuscripts he had brought to Spain for various prominent recipients. Were it not for its contents, one could have thought it a meticulous version of a breviary or a book of hours, but its contents were unprecedented. This tome contained a scholarly Nahuatl translation of the most popular devotional work in Western Europe in the previous century. It was Thomas à Kempis's Imitation of Christ, which caught Iberian Christians under its spell between the 1460s and the early sixteenth century by means of multiple Latin editions and translations into Portuguese, Catalan, and Spanish, including a version in aljamiado (Spanish in Arabic characters). Indeed, a decisive turning point in the Iberian reception of this work had taken place three decades earlier, through the 1536 publication of Juan de Ávila's influential Spanish-language adaptation.
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2

Tavárez, David. "Nahua Intellectuals, Franciscan Scholars, and theDevotio Modernain Colonial Mexico." Americas 70, no. 2 (October 2013): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2013.0106.

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In 1570, the Franciscan friar Jerónimo de Mendieta bestowed a rare gift on Juan de Ovando, then president of the Council of Indies. Mendieta placed in Ovando's hands a small manuscript volume in superb Gothic script with illuminated initials and color illustrations, one of several important manuscripts he had brought to Spain for various prominent recipients. Were it not for its contents, one could have thought it a meticulous version of a breviary or a book of hours, but its contents were unprecedented. This tome contained a scholarly Nahuatl translation of the most popular devotional work in Western Europe in the previous century. It was Thomas à Kempis's Imitation of Christ, which caught Iberian Christians under its spell between the 1460s and the early sixteenth century by means of multiple Latin editions and translations into Portuguese, Catalan, and Spanish, including a version in aljamiado (Spanish in Arabic characters). Indeed, a decisive turning point in the Iberian reception of this work had taken place three decades earlier, through the 1536 publication of Juan de Ávila's influential Spanish-language adaptation.
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3

Reeves, Henry M. "Sahagún's “Florentine Codex”, a little known Aztecan natural history of the Valley of Mexico." Archives of Natural History 33, no. 2 (October 2006): 302–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2006.33.2.302.

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Franciscan missionary Fray Bernardino de Sahagún arrived in New Spain (Mexico) in 1529 to proselytize Aztecs surviving the Conquest, begun by Hernán Cortés in 1519. About 1558 he commenced his huge opus “Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España” completed in Latin–Nahuatl manuscript in 1569. The best surviving version, the “Florentine Codex”, 1579, in Spanish–Nahuatl, is the basis for the editions published since 1829. The first English translation was issued in 13 volumes between 1950 and 1982, and the first facsimile was published in 1979. Book 11, “Earthly things”, is a comprehensive natural history of the Valley of Mexico based on pre-Cortésian Aztec knowledge. Sahagún's work, largely unknown among English-speaking biologists, is an untapped treasury of information about Aztecan natural history. It also establishes the Aztecs as the preeminent pioneering naturalists of North America, and Sahagún and his colleagues as their documentarians.
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4

Clayton, Mary L. "A Trilingual Spanish-Latin-Nahuatl Manuscript Dictionary Sometimes Attributed to Fray Bernardino de Sahagún." International Journal of American Linguistics 55, no. 4 (October 1989): 391–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466127.

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5

Núñez, Paula Gabriela. "La incompleta re-construcción peronista de la frontera: Un análisis desde la región del Nahuel Huapi, Argentina (1946-1955)." Estudios Fronterizos 16, no. 31 (January 1, 2015): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.21670/10.21670/ref.2015.31.a04.

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Este trabajo analiza el efecto económico del peronismo en la región del Nahuel Huapi, revisando aspectos materiales y simbólicos de este sito de frontera con Chile, asociado al Parque Nacional existente en la región y a la ciudad de Bariloche. Con este objetivo, se problematizan el autorreconocimiento y los vínculos con otras regiones, en diálogo con los procesos materiales del periodo. El aporte que presenta este manuscrito es reconocer que, a pesar de que el peronismo es vivido como uno de los grandes quiebres del desarrollo en la región del Nahuel Huapi, y sobre todo en la localidad de San Carlos de Bariloche, los documentos dan cuenta de procesos de continuidad, que discuten el relato rupturista existente.
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6

Núñez, Paula Gabriela. "La incompleta re-construcción peronista de la frontera: Un análisis desde la región del Nahuel Huapi, Argentina (1946-1955)." Estudios Fronterizos 16, no. 31 (January 1, 2015): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.21670/ref.2015.31.a04.

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Este trabajo analiza el efecto económico del peronismo en la región del Nahuel Huapi, revisando aspectos materiales y simbólicos de este sito de frontera con Chile, asociado al Parque Nacional existente en la región y a la ciudad de Bariloche. Con este objetivo, se problematizan el autorreconocimiento y los vínculos con otras regiones, en diálogo con los procesos materiales del periodo. El aporte que presenta este manuscrito es reconocer que, a pesar de que el peronismo es vivido como uno de los grandes quiebres del desarrollo en la región del Nahuel Huapi, y sobre todo en la localidad de San Carlos de Bariloche, los documentos dan cuenta de procesos de continuidad, que discuten el relato rupturista existente.
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7

Fedorova, Liudmila L. "The emblematic script of the Aztec codices as a particular semiotic type of writing system." Written Language and Literacy 12, no. 2 (December 15, 2009): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.12.2.08fed.

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This paper addresses the use of emblems in the representation of language units in writing systems. The emblematic principle works in the early stages of writing as a transition to morphosyllabic writing; the Aztec manuscripts show the most typical examples of this. Phono-emblems function as subtitles or inscriptions to the pictorial compositions of common content. Language structure should be noted as one of the factors constraining the development of the Aztec script. It may be the polysynthesism of the structure of the Nahuatl language, which allows long series of syllables within an incorporative complex. Emblems are restricted to a certain number of positions, so they may not have been able to maintain the strict order of a morpheme row, as needed for predicative phrase; only name phrases with more transparent/predictable structure could be written phonetically. In modern writing, the emblematic principle is used along with the linearity principle: while the latter unrolls the text in the consequent order, the former represents hierarchic information as an integral graphic composition.
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8

Castaño, Victoria Ríos. "The Herbal of the Florentine Codex: Description and Contextualization of Paragraph V in Book XI." Americas 75, no. 3 (July 2018): 463–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.30.

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In contemporary studies, three texts dating from the second half of the sixteenth century continue to be treated as essential primary literature concerning pre-Hispanic and early colonial medicine. These are the herbal Libellus de medicinalibus indorum herbis (1552), composed by the Nahuas Martín de la Cruz and Juan Badiano in the Imperial College of Santa Cruz of Tlatelolco; the Historia natural de Nueva España, written by Philip II's protomédico (royal physician) Francisco Hernández, a “scientific envoy” in New Spain in the 1570s; and the Florentine Codex, the only extant manuscript of the 12-book encyclopedia on the world of the Nahuas, Historia universal de las cosas de Nueva España (ca. 1577), which was directed by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún.
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9

Mundy, Barbara E. "The Emergence of Alphabetic Writing: Tlahcuiloh and Escribano in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." Americas 77, no. 3 (July 2020): 361–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.36.

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ABSTRACTOver the course of the sixteenth century in Mexico (New Spain), alphabetic writing replaced pictography as the chosen form of written expression in indigenous communities. A new social role, that of the native language escribano (notary), emerged, eventually to become a principal cultural broker in the colonial period. Despite the indigenous escribano's importance, his origins and the source of his authority within the native sphere are poorly understood. This article offers a close reading of a corpus of hybrid pictographic-alphabetic documents, written in Nahuatl and created between 1553 and 1572 in the indigenous cabildo (town council) of Mexico-Tenochtitlan. Within this important body, escribanos appear early in the documentary record; it was within the established indigenous ecosystem of governance that escribanos first found a niche.Here, pictography flourished, as did performances unique to the indigenous sphere. The corpus reveals how escribanos worked side by side with indigenous tlahcuilohqueh, or painters, who drew on a long-established tradition of manuscript painting and cartography to create property maps. These maps adhered to established codes, both social and visual. Initially preeminent in itself, the work of the tlahcuilohqueh came to supply meaning and public authority to the work of the escribano in this crucial formative period.
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10

Bleichmar, Daniela. "Painting the Aztec Past in Early Colonial Mexico: Translation and Knowledge Production in the Codex Mendoza." Renaissance Quarterly 72, no. 4 (2019): 1362–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2019.377.

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The “Codex Mendoza” is one of the earliest, most detailed, and most important postconquest accounts of pre-Hispanic Aztec life. Nahuas and Spaniards manufactured the codex through a complex process that involved translations across media, languages, and cultural framings. Translations made Aztec culture legible and acceptable to nonnative viewers and readers by recasting indigenous practices, knowledge, ontology, and epistemology. Following a stratigraphic approach that examines the process through which natives and Spaniards created a transcultural manuscript, the article examines the multiple interpretations and negotiations involved in producing images, books, and information about the indigenous world in early colonial Mexico.
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11

Ortiz Arroyo, Joel. "El uso del Método Galarziano en dos documentos pictográficos del centro de México." Diálogos Revista Electrónica 9 (January 20, 2008): 3505. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v9i0.31800.

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El presente trabajo abordará el tema de la escritura tradicional nahua en dos códices de contenidoeconómico elaborados en el centro de México durante el siglo XVI, en los que fue registrado elpago de tributos de forma local, así como los personajes que se ocupaban de la recaudación y elpersonaje a quien era entregado el total del tributo.Para la realización del mismo estudio nos apoyamos en fuentes históricas como los cronistas delsiglo XVI y en investigaciones recientes que tratan sobre el sistema de tributo y la importanciaque tuvo este en la época prehispánica y posteriormente en época de la colonia; lo cual ayudó enla realización de la lectura de los códices.La lectura de estas dos pictografías se realizó bajo el método propuesto por el Dr. JoaquínGalarza, el cual está basado en la lógica del pensamiento indígena nahua, que es el origen de loscódices. Este método tiene como sustento el análisis sistemático y exhaustivo de la totalidad delos elementos pintados en los códices y está creado de tal manera que puede ser aplicable a losdiferentes grupos de manuscritos indígenas tradicionales.
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12

Fallena Montaño, Rosa Denise. "De máscaras y espejos: la iconotropía del diablo medieval en el códice Glasgow ms. Hunter 242." Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teoría del Arte 32 (December 21, 2020): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/anuario2020.32.003.

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El propósito de este artículo es analizar las construcciones iconográficas y los procesos iconotrópicos de la figura del diablo en los dibujos del manuscrito Glasgow Hunter 242, elaborado alrededor de 1583 por artistas de la provincia indígena de Tlaxcala en la Nueva España. En virtud de la amplia polisemia y de su paradójica naturaleza, el diablo ha tenido una iconografía mutante y discontinua. Esto permitió que, según los discursos de la idolatría durante la evangelización de la Nueva España, Lucifer se ocultara bajo la forma de los “falsos dioses” con la intención de engañar a los indígenas. Sin embargo, a la vez, en estos dibujos se revela una lectura más profunda sobre la adaptación de las imágenes de las deidades nahuas en una nueva realidad en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI.
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13

Jordan, Keith. "SERPENTS, SKELETONS, AND ANCESTORS?: THE TULA COATEPANTLI REVISITED." Ancient Mesoamerica 24, no. 2 (2013): 243–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536113000205.

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AbstractSince Acosta's work in the 1940s, relief carvings of serpents entwined with partially skeletonized personages on the coatepantli at Tula have frequently been identified as images of the Nahua Venus deity, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. Comparing these Toltec sculptures with this deity's iconography in Late Postclassic to Colonial period manuscripts, however, provides no support for this identification. Based on the northern Mesoamerican cultural connections of the Toltecs, the author suggests parallels between the coatepantli reliefs and the public display of ancestral and sacrificial human remains at Chalchihuites sites. Identification of the coatepantli figures as venerated ancestors from an ancestral cult is also supported by iconographic and archaeological evidence from Tula. Parallels to the coatepantli images in depictions of both living elites and ancestors juxtaposed with serpents from other Mesoamerican art traditions bolster this interpretation. On the basis of the evidence, the author hypothesizes that the skeletonized figures at Tula symbolize deceased kings and honored warriors rather than conquered foes.
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14

Haskett, Robert. "A Guide to Nahuatl Language Manuscripts Held in United States Repositories. By John Frederick Schwaller. Berkeley, California: Academy of American Franciscan History, 2001. Pp. xii, 176. Bibliography. Index. No price." Americas 60, no. 3 (January 2004): 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0014.

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15

Knowlton, Timothy W. "FILTH AND HEALING IN YUCATAN: INTERPRETING IX HUN AHAU, A MAYA GODDESS." Ancient Mesoamerica 27, no. 2 (2016): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536116000237.

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AbstractThis paper analyzes the roles and attributes of the Maya goddess Ix Hun Ahau, the female manifestation of Hun Ahau that appears in the Ritual of the Bacabs. This Colonial Yucatec text is our earliest surviving source for how Maya cosmology provided a framework for healing practices. Although the extant manuscript dates to the late eighteenth century, it is the culmination of centuries of interethnic interaction, including innovations emerging from the intellectual exchange that characterized Mesoamerica during the Late Postclassic period (ca. A.D. 1200–1500). The accoutrements and activities ascribed to this goddess in the incantations identify her as a Maya parallel to Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina, the Nahua goddess of weaving, sexuality, pollution, and its purification. Pollution concepts and purification practices that are otherwise peripheral in the Ritual of the Bacabs are specifically related to Ix Hun Ahau, suggesting that early intellectual exchange between Mesoamerican peoples extended to medical cosmologies as well.
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16

Rojas, Araceli. "CASTING MAIZE SEEDS IN AN AYÖÖK COMMUNITY: AN APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF DIVINATION IN MESOAMERICA." Ancient Mesoamerica 27, no. 2 (2016): 461–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536116000304.

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AbstractRecent investigation among the Ayöök (Mixe) people of Oaxaca showed that the on-going use of a 260-day calendar complements the divinatory technique of casting maize seeds. This paper offers a detailed description of this mantic practice as a means to approach and better understand precolonial divinatory practices and the people who practiced them, such as thetonalopouhqueamong the Nahua. In particular, this new data will also serve to shed light on the use of the pictorial manuscripts that portray the 260-day calendar, such as the so-called Borgia Group Codices. Along these lines, historical and colonial accounts, origin narratives, visual culture, and the archaeology surrounding divination will also be re-examined. This article will show that, similar to the Ayöök contemporary daykeepers and diviners, those that lived in the past were also wise women and men who were specialized in managing the complicated system of symbolism surrounding prognostication and prescription set out over 260 days. Furthermore, they employed divination for medical purposes and aided people with afflictions, curing them of sickness.
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17

De Ávila Blomberg, Alejandro. "Yerba del coyote, veneno del perro: la evidencia léxica para identificar plantas en el Códice de la Cruz Badiano." Acta Botanica Mexicana, no. 100 (January 27, 2012): 489. http://dx.doi.org/10.21829/abm100.2012.42.

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La terminología botánica registrada en el Códice de la Cruz Badiano no ha sido estudiada desde el trabajo precursor de Garibay en 1964. Un análisis etimológico de los nombres de las plantas, sustentado en las investigaciones recientes sobre la fonología, gramática y la composición léxica del náhuatl clásico, nos permite proponer nuevas identificaciones para algunas especies ilustradas en el manuscrito, cotejándolas con las designaciones que reciben en las variantes nahuas contemporáneas mejor documentadas. La lista de plantas que podemos determinar de manera confiable, con base en la evidencia léxica, iconográfica y etnobotánica, deja entrever un patrón biogeográfico inesperado: el número de géneros con afinidad meridional supera con mucho a los taxa de distribución boreal. Inferimos por ello que buena parte del conocimiento farmacológico de las élites precolombinas se originó en las tierras bajas tropicales, como lo indican en forma análoga las materias primas vegetales y animales empleadas en las artes suntuarias. Esta línea de investigación, que relaciona la historia natural de México con la medicina tradicional y la cultura material de los pueblos indígenas, puede aportar nuevas pistas para esclarecer la historia temprana de la civilización mesoamericana. Para concluir, examinamos el papel que jugó el Códice, como primer texto botánico que se conservó del Nuevo Mundo, en los proyectos de la Academia de los Linceos y el curso de la ciencia occidental en el siglo XVII.
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18

Oudijk, Michel. "Anales de Tlatelolco: Los manuscritos 22 y 22bis de la Bibliothèque de France. Susanne Klaus. Fuentes Mesoamericanas, Vol. 2. Verlag Anton Saurwein, Markt Schwaben, 1999. 201 pp., Nahuatl text, Spanish transcription, tables, geneaology, bibliography, index, (paper)." Latin American Antiquity 12, no. 1 (March 2001): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971772.

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19

Horcasitas, Fernando, and Alfred E. Lemmon. "El Tratado de Santa Eulalia: un manuscrito musical náhuatl." Tlalocan 12 (May 6, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1997.143.

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Lemmon and Horcasitas present the paleography andtranslation of a Nahuatl colonial manuscript on music theory from SantaEulalia, a Kanjobal (Mayan) town in the Cuchumatan mountains of Guatemala.Their translation and an earlier study were published in 1980 in Chile. Theimportant Nahuatl text is included here. Lemmon provides an introductionregarding to colonial Guatemalan music, citing a number of recent studies,while Horcasitas situates the use of Nahuatl in the region as a linguafrancaand the existence of Nahuatl varieties in Guatemala. He analyzesthe language used in the manuscript, and concludes that it shows closer ties tothe colonial Valley of Mexico dialects than to Pipil, the Nahuatl dialect moredeeply rooted in Guatemala. Taking into consideration the errors he finds,Horcasitas suggests that the writers either did not know Nahuatl, or werelittle trained in writing the language.
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20

Foladori, Guillermo. "Un documento histórico de Zongólica, Veracruz." Tlalocan 7 (April 30, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.tlalocan.1977.15.

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The original manuscript of this ethnohistorical poem is preserved in the cathedral of Puebla. Composed by a local poet during the eighteenth century, it describes the Nahuatl speaking community of Zongolica in Veracruz, covering its geography, climate, history, the cultivation of tobacco, flora and the way of life of the natives.
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21

Gómez, Luis Diego. "Vanilla planifolia, the first Mesoamerican orchid illustrated, and notes on the de la Cruz-Badiano Codex." Lankesteriana 8, no. 3 (December 31, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/lank.v8i3.18321.

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The Codex Barberini lat. 241 or Codex Badianus is a manuscript by Martín de la Cruz, entitled Libellus Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis and the first New World herbal, written in 1552. It includes 249 medicinal plants of which only 184 are illustrated. Among the plants depicted is tlilxochitl which is the Nahuatl name, even to this day, for Vanilla planifolia Andrews. Thus, the illustration of that plant in the Codex constitutes the first illustration of a Mesoamerican orchid done for European readers and antedates the publication of the genus and its species by two centuries. Some new historical aspects of the Codex are presented.
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22

Brian, Amber. "Revising the Narrative of the Conquest of Mexico: Bernardino de Sahagún’s 1585 Relación de la conquista de esta Nueva España." Textual Cultures 13, no. 2 (October 9, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/textual.v13i2.31592.

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2021 represents the five-hundred-year anniversary of the fall of Tenochtitlan, the capital of the Aztec empire. This essay addresses the rendering of the events that culminated in the Spanish domination of that region in two texts associated with the Franciscan friar Bernardino de Sahagún (1499–1590). The first is Book Twelve of the Florentine Codex, a bilingual manuscript written collaboratively with Indigenous intellectuals in Nahuatl with a Spanish translation and accompanied by nearly two thousand illustrations that represent a third text. Completed in 1579, under increasing scrutiny by religious authorities, the manuscript was confiscated and sent to Europe, eventually coming to reside in the Medici Library in Florence. In 1585, Sahagún, authored Relación de la conquista de esta Nueva España, which sought to revise the narrative of the conquest found in Book Twelve. Sahagún’s revision reveals how the narrative of the conquest changed in the hands of the Franciscan friar as the sixteenth century drew to a close.
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23

Haemig, Paul D. "A comparison of contributions from the Aztec cities of Tlatelolco and Tenochtitlan to the bird chapter of the Florentine Codex." Huitzil, Revista Mexicana de Ornitología 19, no. 1 (October 30, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.28947/hrmo.2018.19.1.304.

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The Florentine Codex is a Renaissance-era illuminated manuscript that contains the earliest-known regional work on the birds of México. Its Nahuatl language texts and scholia (the latter later incorporated into its Spanish texts) were written in the 1560s by Bernardino de Sahagún’s research group of elite native Mexican scholars in collaboration with Aztecs from two cities: Tlatelolco and Tenochtitlan. In the present study, I compared the contributions from these two cities and found many differences. While both cities contributed accounts and descriptions of land and water birds, those from Tlatelolco were mainly land birds, while those from Tenochtitlan were mainly water birds. Tlatelolco contributed over twice as many bird accounts as Tenochtitlan, and supplied the only information about medicinal uses of birds. Tenochtitlan peer reviewed the Tlatelolco bird accounts and improved many of them. In addition, Tenochtitlan contributed all information on bird abundance and most information about which birds were eaten and not eaten by humans. Spanish bird names appear more frequently in the Aztec language texts from Tenochtitlan. Content analysis of the Tenochtitlan accounts suggests collaboration with the water folk Atlaca (a prehistoric la­custrine culture) and indigenous contacts with Spanish falconers. The Renaissance-era studies of Sahagún’s research group, on a now lost island in the formerly vast, bird-rich wetlands of the Valley of México, constitute the birth of Mexican ornithology and, coincidently, give the history of Mexican ornithology a distinctive, Aztlán-like beginning, significantly different from the ornithological histories of neighboring countries
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Patrick-Encina, Dämixi Geraldine. "El calendario hñahñu. Un análisis epistémico y semántico para establecer su estructura." Ra Ximhai, April 30, 2011, 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35197/rx.07.01.2011.05.dp.

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La presente investigación se ha realizado en el marco de un estudio de mayor envergadura que la autora se encuentra desarrollando acerca de la conceptuación de orden tiempo-espacio de dos culturas de filiación lingüística otomangue: la otomí y la maya. Se han manejado dos premisas: primero, que ambas civilizaciones habrían participado en la estructuración del ciclo de 260 días y el de 365 días, y que habrían perpetuado el ciclo de 260 días de forma sincrónica, a pesar de su separación geográfica; segundo, que la cultura nahua habría introducido ciertos cambios al calendario hñahñu para darle un carácter propio, tales como desfasar levemente el ciclo, e iniciar el año en una fecha previa a la del arranque anual otomí. Luego, se ha hecho un estudio comparativo de los días cargadores mexica y hñahñu, empleando como soporte calendárico el ciclo maya Tzolk’in de 260 días identificado en el transcurso del estudio calendárico maya (Patrick, Manuscritos 1-4). Así, se ha logrado dilucidar que: el año hñahñu-otomí está estructurado para el seguimiento a la Luna en el marco del año solar orientado; que el ciclo de 365 días comienza el 29 de marzo gregoriano; que el día que nombra al año (o cargador) es el número 359, es decir, el penúltimo día de la veintena 18, llamada Ambuœndaxi en el Códice Huichapan, que corresponde al 22 de marzo, día equinoccial; que la tradición de celebrar en 19 de marzo el „Año Nuevo‟ hñahñu en el Estado de México, puede obedecer a que trascendió la fecha del calendario juliano; y que con base en información etnográfica obtenida en campo, el cierre de cien cuentas de Anuixuii (52 años) representadas en el collar de cien cuentas „thebe‟, se dio en 2006-2007, en el año 1 Anqua (1 Conejo).
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