Journal articles: 'Maoist and post-Maoist art'

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Hanlon, Don L. "Architectural Education in Post-Maoist China." Journal of Architectural Education (1984-) 41, no. 1 (1987): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1424905.

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Sullivan, Michael. "Art in China since 1949." China Quarterly 159 (September 1999): 712–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003453.

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Since the Communists came to power in 1949 Chinese art has seen extraordinary changes. For 30 years, the Party apparatus and its Marxist-Maoist ideology exerted so tight a control over cultural life that it is natural for the art of that period to be viewed primarily as a reflection or expression of political forces. To some degree that is unavoidable, and it is the approach taken by the authors of two important books on post-1949 Chinese art, while Jerome Silbergeld's monograph on the Sichuan eccentric painter Li Huasheng is a fascinating study of the way in which these forces affected the life and work of an individual artist.

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Lee, Jennifer Dorothy. "Chasing the sun: Qu Leilei's serial images in early post-Mao China." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00005_1.

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Abstract 'You always treat the sun as though it were yours.' Lining the frame of a pen-and-ink sketch, these words reflect conditions of possibility particular to the contemporaneity of early post-Mao China. Included in his Visual Diary series from the early 1980s, Qu Leilei's image-text turns inward the heavily socialized forms of visual and political expression from the revolutionary era. As instances of the artist's emerging private practice, such works, including etchings, line drawings, and fragments of prose poetry, are seldom addressed in existing scholarship on contemporary Chinese art. This article takes up a selective examination of Qu's diaristic ephemera from this historical moment following the Cultural Revolution (1966‐76) to explore how Qu's entries both maintain and transform aspects of revolutionary-era media and visuality. The article further considers the following questions: In what ways does Qu's Visual Diary reconfigure the serial images of revolutionary state-driven practices in the social landscape of still-Maoist Beijing? How do Qu's transfigured image-texts complicate the rejection of Maoist visual vanguardism in cultural practices after the revolution?

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Lee, Young Ji. "A Utopia of Self-Reliance." positions: asia critique 28, no. 4 (November 1, 2020): 756–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8606484.

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This essay examines Maoist China and its deep engagement with local/global capitalism during the Cold War period. It analyzes how the socialist realist utopian images of self-reliant Dazhai, a model village in Shanxi, contributed to the domestic and international image of Maoist China as a socialist country located outside the orbit of global capitalism by focusing on the fundamental predicaments that China, as a developing country, faced in realizing socialism within its territory. These quandaries included a shortage of foreign currencies, a commodity economy, the party-state’s economic policies that prioritized heavy industry, and dependency on trade relationships with capitalist countries. The author’s analysis provides an economic history of political art by juxtaposing socialist realist visual culture during the Learn from Dazhai in Agriculture campaign with the economic conditions of Maoist China enmeshed in the complex chains of commodity production/exchange, international divisions of labor, and worldwide processes of capital accumulation.

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Lin, Zhongxuan, and Yupei Zhao. "Beyond Celebrity Politics: Celebrity as Governmentality in China." SAGE Open 10, no. 3 (July 2020): 215824402094186. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020941862.

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This article investigates the crucial political dimension of celebrity. Specifically, it examines celebrities’ great potential for governmentality in the Chinese context by tracing the history of celebrities in Confucian, Maoist, and post-Maoist governmentalities. It concludes that this type of governmentality, namely, celebrity as governmentality, displays uniquely Chinese characteristics in that it is a set of knowledge, discourses, and techniques used primarily by those who govern. It also highlights the central role of the state as the concrete terrain for the application of this mode of governmentality throughout Chinese history. Finally, it notes the always evolving nature of governmentality, as observed in the phenomena of governing from afar and resistance from below. These findings help us rethink the contingent and diversified nature of the phenomena of celebrity and governmentality and challenge Western norms and political theories that covertly employ them.

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Wang, Yang. "Envisioning the Third World: Modern Art and Diplomacy in Maoist China." ARTMargins 8, no. 2 (June 2019): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00234.

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In the mid-1950s, China conducted robust cultural exchange with the Third World in tandem with a parallel political program to influence non-aligned nations in contestation to the Soviet Union and Western powers. This article examines this underrecognized facet of Maoist-era art through the international engagements of two Xi'an artists, Shi Lu (1919–1982) and Zhao Wangyun (1907–1977), who traveled to India and Egypt as cultural attaché of the Chinese state. By tracing the travels of the two artists in light of their artistic and theoretical formulations, this article argues that contact with decolonizing spheres of the Third World inspired Chinese artists to embrace forms of indigenous Chinese art like ink painting in rejection of Euro-American modernism. In solidarity with other non-Western art spheres that developed similar nativist responses to the hegemony of Western modernism, Chinese artists belonged to a global postwar movement to assert political independence through artistic autonomy and national style.

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Hoffmann, Michael. "Unfree labour after the Maoist Revolution in western Nepal." Contributions to Indian Sociology 51, no. 2 (April 26, 2017): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0069966717697417.

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What does ‘unfree labour’ mean in a post-revolutionary context? Based on an ethnographic fieldwork undertaken between 2008 and 2009 in the far-western lowlands of Nepal, this article argues that the brick kiln owners on the Nepal–India border continued their attempts to bind labour by handing out advances and delaying payments, despite the fact that the state had prohibited all forms of bonded labour under the Bonded Labour Abolition Act of 2001. However, the employers and the workers accepted this system of unfree labour only as long as it remained within certain boundaries. I conclude by suggesting that the Maoist Revolution should be judged as a partial revolution: although it addressed some inequalities, it neglected others due to an ideologically narrow framing of the meaning of unfree labour.

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Ho, Christine I. "The People Eat for Freeand the Art of Collective Production in Maoist China." Art Bulletin 98, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 348–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.2016.1150755.

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Winczewski, Damian. "Myśl wojskowa Mao Zedonga." Politeja 15, no. 55 (May 22, 2019): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.55.05.

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Mao Zedong’s Philosophy of WarThe aim of this article was to do some critical analysis of Mao Zedong military writing. Our method was to intepretate his manuscripts and compare his thesis to thesis of top marxists thinkers like Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg about the war and warfare. In next step we also compare Mao strategic thought with thought of classical masters of art of war like Carl von Clausewitz and Sun Zi. Finally we did some comments on political aspects in Maoist theory of war. In result we draw some conclusions. Firstly we can say that Mao did nothing new in marxist philosophy of war and his dialectics of war were vague and vulgar. Secondly we can say that his military writings was mostly influenced by Clausewitz through soviet military thought rather than Sun Zi. In the other hand his theory of guerilla warfare was to some extent original and finally we can describe Mao’s strategic thought as some kind of progress in twenty century art of war.

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Leung, Beatrice. "China's Religious Freedom Policy: The Art of Managing Religious Activity." China Quarterly 184 (December 2005): 894–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100500055x.

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This article examines how the policy of “religious freedom” has been used to enable the CCP to retain institutional and ideological control over the religious sector of Chinese society. In particular, it looks at how the clash between religious and communist ideologies has evolved, first in the Maoist period and then in the context of reform and openness with the attendant growth of materialism and social change since 1978. A softening in the control of religion to encourage national reconstruction and foreign investment led to a proliferation of religious activity that alarmed Party leaders and triggered a tightening of ideological control and important changes in religious policy. The new policy of “accommodation” and emphasis on “legality” became the watchwords of the Jiang Zemin era. With further development they remain important in the new regime of Hu Jintao.

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Wang, Shuchen. "Fashioning Chinese feminism: Representations of women in the art history of modern China." Critical Studies in Fashion & Beauty 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/csfb_00027_1.

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Artworks record history. The images of women’s fashion and beauty presented in the art history of modern China illustrate explicitly the challenging, changing and circuitous development of women’s rights and feminism in the country. In this study, I analyse and contextualize the most widespread representations of Chinese ‘modern women’s fashion’: (1) the geisha-like ladies of news illustrations before the 1911 Revolution, (2) the poster-calendar girls in the republican aesthetics of an early commercial society, (3) the papercutting folk art that profiles ‘half the sky’ in the uniform aesthetics of Marxist‐Leninist‐Maoist propaganda, (4) the gender-specific art themes and materials applied by female artists after the opening-up policy and (5) the feminist art in the Chinese contemporary art world. The resulting analysis helps to elucidate the interconnections among fashion, art and women’s status in China, in pursuit of modernity, the radical expansion of western colonization, domestic political turmoil and, in particular, longstanding patriarchal cultural norms and values.

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Chen, Xiaomei. "A Stage in Search of a Tradition: The Dynamics of Form and Content in Post-Maoist Theatre." Asian Theatre Journal 18, no. 2 (2001): 200–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.2001.0014.

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SCHULZ ZINDA, Yvonne. "The Transformations of PRC Academic Philosophy." Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 219–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.1.219-245.

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To mark a period of transformation in China, Xi Jinping has been drawing on elements of the Maoist legacy, not only in the political arena but also in academia. In 2014, New Philosophy of the Masses was published, an updated and expanded version of Ai Siqi’s Philosophy of the Masses. In May 2016, Xi Jinping (2016) delivered his “Talk at the Forum Discussing the Work in Philosophy and Social Sciences,” a title which is reminiscent of Mao Zedong’s (1980) “Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art” of 1942. Drawing on the background of China’s 1950s academic philosophy, a comparison will be drawn to Xi Jinping’s effect on China’s academic landscape.

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Castelli, Alberto. "Perspectives on Asia: is China kitsch?" International Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (September 22, 2020): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147959142000042x.

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AbstractDue to the introduction of the market economy, in the past four decades China has switched from being a “planned country” – planned economy, planned art – into a domestic version of cultural pluralism. Consumerism has refilled the vacuum left by the retreat of Maoist ideology. However, the overwhelming success of mass culture is sided by the progressive marginalization of the intellectuals or elite, featuring a culture that is kitsch in its ideological twist. In China, present-day cultural constructions provide a forum of debate for the identity of the whole nation, no more traditional, and not yet modern. In other words, consumerism and commercialism, triggered by products of market economy, have generated a cultural consumption of redundant bad taste. Kitsch indeed.1

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Yongbai, Tao. "Off the Margins." positions: asia critique 28, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-7913054.

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This article offers a chronological survey of the development of women’s art in China between 1990 and 2010. Outlining the historical circumstances that first resulted in the dearth of a female consciousness in Chinese art until the end of the twentieth century, this article touches on the divergent roots of the women’s liberation movement and western feminism, the Maoist era’s negation of femininity, and the lingering patriarchal structure of art institutions. It was only after a series of groundbreaking exhibitions exploring the female psyche in the 1990s that women artists found a space to voice their female subjectivities, and still they struggled to resist the slippery essentialism of a “women’s art” fad. The new millennium saw women artists expanding their thematic horizons, breaching important political and social issues as well as such subjects as ecology, astronomy, gemology, and urbanization, with many forgoing the label of feminist—or even women’s—art. Each sought to transcend the limitations of personal experience and achieve a greater human resonance. This study examines the work of thirteen women artists whose careers are relatively unknown in the English language, ultimately delving into the complex relationships among sex, gender, humanity, and art in contemporary China.

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Croizier, Ralph. "Art and Society in Modern China—A Review Article." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (August 1990): 587–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800051494.

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Until recently, modern Chinese art attracted little scholarly attention, either in China or in the West. Western art historians might occasionally glance at the more traditional kinds of painting in the twentieth century, but their serious publications were on the great periods of Chinese art, Ming or before. The contemporary China-watchers—social scientists and modern period historians—trained their gaze on the harder stuff of politics and economics, ideology and organization. In the United States and the West in general, art seemed to slip through the crack between ACLS- and SSRC-funded research projects. In China, anything on the twentieth century, even art, was too sensitive politically for safe handling. The result was that throughout the Maoist years modern Chinese art could occasionally pique the interest of collectors or dealers outside China or draw carefully calculated praise from critics and publicists within, but it was not a promising area for critical scholarship. Michael Sullivan's pioneering survey, Chinese Art in the Twentieth Century, London and Berkeley, 1959—strong on developments in the later Guomindang period when he was in China, but understandably rather out of touch with the main currents in the People's Republic—remained for almost thirty years the sole monument in a neglected field.

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Das, Raju J. "Class Relations, Material Conditions, and Spaces of Class Struggle in Rural India." Human Geography 2, no. 3 (November 2009): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277860900200306.

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For historical-geographical materialists, making history and geography means that existing conditions of life are not acceptable because they are exploitative and oppressive, and that new and better conditions of life can, and must, be created through political struggles against the class/classes responsible for the existing conditions. The act of making history (and geography) in a class-society is class struggle. This paper is about class and class struggle in the historical-geographical context of post-colonial India. It discusses how relations of class as well as caste- and gender-based social oppression have created extremely difficult conditions of living for workers and peasants in rural and tribal areas, which the post-colonial capitalist-landlord state has, more or less, failed to significantly mitigate. The conjunctural combination of unjust conditions of living and state failure has created a historical-geographical situation ripe for class struggle, one instance of which is the Naxalite movement, a part of the worldwide Maoist movement. Its growth and spatial spread are examined. Also discussed is the extent to which the Naxalites provide some immediate relief to poor people. Although this is a movement which has much appeal among the rural poor in many areas, it is not without some serious problems. The paper, therefore, discusses some of the major limitations of the Naxalite movement that partly grow out of (a specific interpretation of) the same historical-geographical conditions that have prompted it in the first place. In particular, the paper is critical of the Maoists underplaying society's capitalist character and of the use of violent method by some Naxalite groups as a means of class struggle.

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Qiliang He. "Between Business and Bureaucrats: Pingtan Storytelling in Maoist and Post-Maoist China." Modern China 36, no. 3 (March 22, 2010): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700409361126.

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Hanlon, Don. "Architectural Education in Post-Maoist China." Journal of Architectural Education 41, no. 1 (October 1987): 26–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10464883.1987.10758462.

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Shi, Anbin. "Toward a Chinese National-Popular: Cultural Hegemony and Counterhegemony in Maoist and Post-Maoist China." Social Semiotics 10, no. 2 (August 2000): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10350330050009434.

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Islam, Mohammad Tarikul. "Conflict Resolution and Civil Society: Experiences of Nepal in Post-Maoist Revolution." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 21, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598417728858.

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Peacemaking involves a set of goals, policies, and strategies, and those are directed to prevent the occurrence of armed conflicts and to avoid violence. Peacemaking solicits a legitimate framework through which all actors could peacefully participate in social, economic, and political life of the nation. The role of civil society groups in peacebuilding has not been adequately discussed in both academic writings and policy analysis of Nepal. The pro-democracy movement jointly launched by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-M) witnessed a shift in the political landscape of Nepal, bringing an end to the decade-old Maoist insurgency as King Gyanendra stepped down on April 24, 2006. Therefore, the study carefully exemplifies the various activities which different civil society groups performed and attempted to analyze their roles in the prolonged process of peacebuilding. The responsibilities of civil society in Nepal, particularly in the aftermath of Maoist Revolution, are found to be focused and calculated, and effective to some extent. Collective efforts of different civil society groups helped to restart searching common ground for conflict mediation and peace in Nepal after a decade-long Maoist conflict. The underlying community interests for conflict resolution have been the business for all and where civil society has a spirited stake.

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Yang, Dali. "Patterns of China's Regional Development Strategy." China Quarterly 122 (June 1990): 230–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000008778.

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The purpose of this article is to compare and contrast China's approaches to regional industrial development in the Maoist and post-Mao periods. By focusing on patterns of investment and regional shares of gross value of industrial output (GVIO), this article will argue that China's regional industrialization strategy has changed to one of uneven regional growth in the post-Mao period from the Maoist emphasis on eradicating regional industrial disparities through interior–orientated investments. In short, the post-Mao Chinese leadership has not only relaxed its Incantation of the Golden Hoop, or strait-jacket on the coastal region but has come to rely on the coastal region to provide the “engine of growth” for China's economic development.For the sake of simplicity, I will call the development strategy of the 1953–78 period the “Maoist development strategy.” Though it varied in degrees in different sub-periods, the Maoist strategy dominated China's industrialization efforts until it gradually faded out in the late 1970s. It relied on heavily redistributive measures in an attempt to equalize regional economic development, emphasized- Extensive rather than intensive modes of economic growth, and allowed no foreign direct investment in China.In contrast, the post-Mao Chinese leadership has gradually, but decidedly, reversed the Maoist model and come to adopt a new development strategy. This new strategy, which, for lack of a better term, I shall call the “uneven development strategy,” represents another attempt to bring China out of economic backwardness. Focusing on economic results, the new strategy emphasizes regional comparative advantage, accepts regional disparities as inevitable, encourages foreign investment and international interaction, and seeks to foster technological innovation.

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Manchanda, Rita. "Maoist Insurgency in Nepal." Cultural Dynamics 16, no. 2-3 (October 2004): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374004047750.

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Smith, Joanne. "Four Generations of Uyghurs: The Shift towards Ethno-political Ideologies among Xinjiang’s Youth." Inner Asia 2, no. 2 (2000): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481700793647832.

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AbstractAlthough most Uyghurs in Xinjiang maintain strong Uyghur national identities, not every social group subscribes to the separatist ideologies of the late eighties and nineties. The elderly generation of Uyghurs grew up during the chaotic, unstable years of the Warlord Period. Most are grateful for recent improvements in standards of living and do not want to ‘rock the boat’. Middle-aged Uyghurs suffered persecution during the Cultural Revolution and fear a return of Maoist ideology. Furthermore, they have homes and families to protect. The younger generation, however, has grown up amid the relative freedom of post-1980 conciliatory minority policy. It has known the 1989 pro-democracy movement in China, the collapse of Eastern Europe and the USSR, the subsequent formation of the CIS, and the burgeoning of Islamic fundamentalist movements world-wide. These significant events have provided inspiration for a Uyghur youth that is ever more militant in its aspirations to independence. Unlike their elders, they have both less to fear and less to lose. This paper presents a number of portraits of Uyghur youth, based on fieldwork conducted in Xinjiang during 1995 and 1996. ·öhrat represents the young urban male intellectual, whose aim is to achieve goals for Uyghurs by encouraging the youth to penetrate the Han education system. Ghayrät represents the young petty entrepreneur who hopes to take advantage of domestic turmoil or international conflict to seize the chance to secede from China. Azatgül represents the politicised teenager who listens to radio broadcasts emanating from émigré Uyghur sources in Qazaqstan and claims that Xinjiang separatists are being funded by Muslim countries in a bid for independence. Then there is the next generation: as the grievances of Uyghur parents against Han immigrants in turn rub off on their children, the latter are growing up with an ingrained dislike of the Han Chinese. Are Uyghurs in a transition period? Once the cautious older generation passes away and the young grow up to raise their own children, will Uyghurs finally unite in nationalist spirit?

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Chen, Tina Mai. "Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 2 (June 11, 2008): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018223ar.

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Abstract This paper analyses the importance of love relations and sexuality in Soviet film for Chinese socialism in the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at the movement of Soviet women across the Sino-Soviet border — in films and as part of film delegations — I highlight the international circuits of gender that shaped socialist womanhood in China. I examine Chinese discussion of Soviet film stars including Marina Ladynina, Vera Maretskaia, and Marina Kovaleva. I locate the movement away from 'fun-loving post-revolutionary' womanhood associated with Ladynina to socialist womanhood located in struggle and partisanship within the larger context of Maoist theory and Sino-Soviet relations. In my examination of debates over which female film stars were appropriate for China I draw out celebrated and sanctioned couplings of Chinese and Soviet film heroines, such as the links made between Zoya and Zhao Yiman. By looking at how Soviet film stars became part of Chinese political aesthetics, sexuality and love emerge as more important to our understanding of womanhood in Maoist China than has been recognized by most scholars of gender in China. This approach therefore offers a new perspective on Maoist ideologies of gender with its emphasis on non-Chinese bodies as constitutive of gender subjectivities in Maoist China. I argue that while gender in Maoist China was primarily enacted on a national level, internationalism and international circuits of gender were central to its articulation.

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Donner, Henrike. "Locating Activist Spaces: The Neighbourhood as a Source and Site of Urban Activism in 1970s Calcutta." Cultural Dynamics 23, no. 1 (March 2011): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374011403352.

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This article analyses the meaning of urban neighbourhoods for the emergence of Maoist activism in 1970s Calcutta. Through ethnography the article highlights the way recruitment, strategies and the legacy of the movement were located in the experience and politics of the urban neighbourhood. As a social formation, the neighbourhood shaped the relationships that made Maoist subjectivities feasible and provided the space for coalitions and cooperation across a wider spectrum than the label of a student movement acknowledges. The neighbourhood appears here as an emergent site for Maoist epistemologies, which depended on this space and its everyday practices, intimate social relations as well as the experience of the local state in the locality.

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SHNEIDERMAN, SARA, LUKE WAGNER, JACOB RINCK, AMY L. JOHNSON, and AUSTIN LORD. "Nepal's Ongoing Political Transformation: A review of post-2006 literature on conflict, the state, identities, and environments." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 6 (November 2016): 2041–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000202.

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AbstractThis review article provides a reading guide to scholarly literature published in English about Nepal's political transformation since 2006, when Nepal's decade-long civil conflict between Maoist and state forces formally ended. The article is structured around four major themes: (1) the Maoist insurgency or ‘People's War’; (2) state formation and transformation; (3) identity politics; and (4) territorial and ecological consciousness. We also address the dynamics of migration and mobility in relation to all of these themes. Ultimately, we consider the Maoist movement as one element in a much broader process of transformation, which with the benefit of hindsight we can situate in relation to several other contemporaneous trajectories, including: democratization, identity-based mobilization, constitutional nationalism, international intervention, territorial restructuring, migration and the remittance economy, and the emergence of ecological and other new forms of consciousness. By looking across the disciplines at scholarship published on all of these themes, we aim to connect the dots between long-standing disciplinary traditions of scholarship on Nepal and more recent approaches to understanding the country's transformation.

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Lemus-Delgado, Daniel. "The Presence of Maoism in Mexico." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 176–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.4.176.

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During the Cold War, the influence of Maoism as a third way of establishing a new international order inspired several Latin American guerrilla groups, including some in Mexico. This article analyzes the influence of Maoism in Mexico in particular, and pays specific attention to how Florencio Medrano, a peasant leader, was motivated by Maoist thought to establish the Rubén Jaramillo Proletarian Neighborhood, a self-governing neighborhood, and how this site was considered a critical factor for his development as a guerrilla. In the continuing debate over the relationship between agency and structure, the life and work of Florencio Medrano evidences how both social context and personal history influenced his aspirations and demands. By conducting an analysis of primary and secondary sources, this article analyzes some elements of Maoist thought and its diffusion in Latin America in the context of the Cold War. In addition, the article explains the political formation of Florencio Medrano in the Mexican post-revolutionary period, examines Maoist influences on his political formation and participation in pro-communist organizations, and reviews Maoist influence on the organization of the Rubén Jaramillo Neighborhood. Finally, the conclusions emphasize how the peasant origins of Medrano gave rise to his particular understanding of Maoism.

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Acharya, Khangendra. "Maoist Combatants’ Narratives: Partisan Attachment to Post-truce Politics." Literary Studies 33 (March 31, 2020): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/litstud.v33i0.38033.

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Ten-year long war led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [hereafter CPN (M)] from February 1996 to November 2006 has been understood as one of the most violent times in Nepali history. The armed wing of CPN (M), People’s Liberation Army (PLA) formed in 2001, was the armed group combating in the war front. Prior to the formation of PLA, CPN(M) had set up its armed groups differently: they had three-tier structure in 1994 that comprised combatant group, security group and volunteer group, which was transformed in 1997 into Guerrilla Squad, and in 1997 into Guerrilla Platoon. Subsequent transformations were Guerrilla Company in 1999 and Guerilla Battalion in 2000. All these groups were involved in armed actions of various magnitudes including selected annihilation, sabotage, ambush, raids and attacks.When the peace truce, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), was agreed, CPN (M) claimed that the party had 32,000 People’s Liberation Army members, around 20,000 of whom were verified by the United Nations (UN).

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Meyskens, Covell F. "Rethinking the Political Economy of Development in Mao's China." positions: asia critique 29, no. 4 (November 1, 2021): 809–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-9286714.

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Abstract This article examines two theoretical frameworks used to evaluate Maoist development. The first is based on neoclassical economic theory, and the second is rooted in the idea that the Chinese Communist Party made China into a state capitalist regime. Both these theoretical frameworks presume to know what economic practices the CCP should have engaged in and fault the Party for not conforming to their standards of judgment. This article finds this normative approach to analyzing Maoist development to be wanting for four reasons. In its drive to depict China as acting anomalously, this normative standpoint insufficiently attends to the empirical specificities of economic activities of the Mao era. It does not take enough into account how China's socialist identity shaped the CCP's economic initiatives. Nor does it dig deep enough into how the geopolitical dynamics of the Cold War influenced Chinese development. This way of writing the history of the Mao period also overlooks similarities between China and other developmental states in Cold War East Asia. This article calls on historians to adopt a different approach to the study of Chinese development and scour available documentation with the aim of comprehending the economic practices of Mao's China on their own terms.

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Lanza, Fabio. "Introduction: The Politics of (Maoist) History." positions: asia critique 29, no. 4 (November 1, 2021): 675–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-9286649.

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ZHANG, JEANNE HONG. "Gender in post-Mao China." European Review 11, no. 2 (May 2003): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000218.

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Post-Mao gender discourse readjusts a politicized vision of gender based on Maoist ethics. While rejecting revolutionary concepts of sex equality, contemporary Chinese women embrace a notion of femininity through the revision of a traditional conception of womanhood as well as the construction of new role models. Women poets participate in this construction process with a fresh, powerful voice to express their gender consciousness. In their efforts to (re-)define womanhood, they present by poetic means radically gendered perspectives.

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Hoberman, John M. "Sport and Social Change: The Transformation of Maoist Sport." Sociology of Sport Journal 4, no. 2 (June 1987): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.4.2.156.

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In the decade following the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, the People’s Republic of China has experienced a cultural and ideological transformation unprecedented in the history of communist societies. Sport, like the arts, is a political subculture that expresses prevailing ideological trends; for this reason, the new modernization in China has mandated a new ideological interpretation of sport. Contrary to appearances, the ideological content of Maoist sport doctrine has actually been retained in post-Maoist sport ideology. What has changed is the relative degree of emphasis accorded specific ideological elements, so that these two doctrinal phases may be analyzed in terms of dominant and recessive traits. The four primary ideological variables examined in this study are competition, high-performance sport and record-setting, sportive ethics, and scientific sport.

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Banerjee, Sumanta. "Reflections of a one-time Maoist activist." Dialectical Anthropology 33, no. 3-4 (October 23, 2009): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-009-9128-3.

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Hirslund, Dan V. "Utopias of youth: politics of class in Maoist post-revolutionary mobilisation." Identities 25, no. 2 (March 4, 2018): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2017.1400279.

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36

Malagodi, Mara. "Book Review: Himalayan “People’s War”: Nepal’s Maoist Rebellion." South Asia Research 25, no. 1 (May 2005): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272800502500111.

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37

Huang, Xin. "Performing Gender." Ethnologies 28, no. 2 (April 23, 2007): 81–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014984ar.

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By examining gender scripts and performances in Chinese nostalgic studio wedding photography, this article explores the historical and cultural resources available for a particular gender project in contemporary China. It suggests a resonance between the post-Mao gender project and China’s modernity project and Chinese cultural identity construction, and argues that the post-Mao gender project is carried out under the haunting shadow of the Maoist gender ideology, and through cross-cultural negotiations with the Western gaze.

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38

Davies, Gloria. "Lu Xun in 1966: On Valuing a Maoist Icon." Critical Inquiry 46, no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 515–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708072.

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Bramall, Chris. "A Late Maoist Industrial Revolution? Economic Growth in Jiangsu Province (1966–1978)." China Quarterly 240 (April 5, 2019): 1039–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019000328.

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AbstractAccording to the conventional wisdom, the promise of the Chinese revolution of 1949 went unfulfilled in the Maoist era. Instead of taking off, the economy grew slowly, and widespread rural poverty persisted. The economic turning point was instead the famous political climacteric of 1976–78. But this metric of aggregates is the wrong criterion by which to judge China's economic record because industrial revolutions have regional beginnings. They invariably take place against a backcloth of slow aggregate growth and stagnant material living standards. Accordingly, we should dwell neither on China's slow overall growth nor its widespread poverty before 1978 but look instead for evidence of an emerging regional growth pole. This article argues that Jiangsu was such a growth pole in the late Maoist era, and that its record bears comparison with that of Lancashire and Yorkshire during the early years of Britain's industrial revolution. This holds out the intriguing possibility that a Chinese economic take-off, diffusing out of the Yangtze Delta, would have occurred even without post-1978 policy changes.

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Lecomte-Tilouine, Marie. "Terror in a Maoist Model village, mid-western Nepal." Dialectical Anthropology 33, no. 3-4 (October 22, 2009): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-009-9132-7.

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41

Meisner, Maurice J. "The Chinese rediscovery of Karl Marx: Some reflections on post-maoist Chinese Marxism." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 17, no. 3 (September 1985): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1985.10409822.

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Simon, Denis Fred. "China's Drive to Close the Technological Gap: S&T Reform and the Imperative to Catch Up." China Quarterly 119 (September 1989): 598–630. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000022955.

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It would appear that many western observers of China, with some recent notable exceptions, have systematically underestimated the importance attached to S&T (science and technology) development by both the Maoist and post-Mao leadership. This article will argue that it is difficult to understand the complexities of Chinese affairs since 1949 within the political, economic and military spheres without direct reference to China's research and development (R&D) and education systems.

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Gildow, Douglas M. "Questioning the Revival." Review of Religion and Chinese Society 7, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 6–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22143955-00701002.

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A common narrative of Buddhist monasticism in modern China is that monastic institutions were virtually eliminated during the Cultural Revolution period (1966–1976) but have undergone continuous revival since that time. This simplistic narrative highlights differences in state-monastic relations between the Maoist and post-Maoist eras, even as it oversimplifies various developments. In this article, I analyze the notion of revival and assess the state of Han Buddhist monasticism in the prc. My focus is on clarifying the “basic facts” of monasticism, including the numbers and types of monastics and monastic institutions. I draw on studies published since Holmes Welch’s works as well as on my own fieldwork conducted in China since 2006. This article questions the revival metaphor and shows that it is misleading. First, as Welch noted for the Republican period, recent developments are characterized by innovations as much as by revivals. Second, evidence for the growth of monasticism from around the year 2000 is weak. Yet in two aspects, monasticism today revives characteristics of Republican-period monasticism: ritual performance is central to the monastic economy, and Buddhist seminaries are important for monastic doctrinal education.

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Yu, Xu. "Professionalization without guarantees: Changes of the Chinese press in post-1989 years." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 53, no. 1-2 (February 1994): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929405300103.

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Intended to stimulate interest in probing the interrelationship between the press and social change in China, this paper investigates some salient aspects of the changes of the Chinese press in post-1989 years and their implications for journalistic professionalization. It is argued that under the hybrid system of economic freedom and political repression, journalism as a profession, while benefiting from the changing information environment, suffers from persistence in the Maoist press theory and the nation-wide commercialization. It is further argued that press professionalization can hardly be guaranteed unless a more democratic and freer political climate emerges in China.

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Murphy, William P. "Returned: Child Soldiers of Nepal's Maoist Army by Robert Koenig." American Anthropologist 112, no. 2 (May 19, 2010): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2010.01235.x.

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Ng, Emily. "Affect, blankness, theatrics: Rurality and faciality in three Chinese instances." Asian Cinema 32, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00039_1.

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The face and the close-up have been central to film theory since its early days. If modern visual theories of the face arose in Europe amid urbanization and imperial encounter, in the People's Republic of China (PRC), the political aesthetics of faciality became central to Maoist mass mobilizations of the countryside, in part through collective village film screenings. Bringing together themes of faciality, rurality and anxieties of global encounter, this article considers how the rural has been staged through genres of the face in Chinese cinema and television. Through close readings of the Maoist era The Youth of Our Village, Jia Zhangke’s Still Life and Zhao Benshan Media’s series Rural Love Story, I consider three distinct deployments of the face in depictions of rural and environmental transformation. Thinking with while also departing from Deleuze’s formulations in Cinema 1 and Cinema 2, the article traces an emotively intense face reminiscent of the affection-image, a blank face that operates in part as a time-image and a performative face of what might be called a theatrics-image. Across its readings as a site of affective immediacy, despotic inscription, moral character and social‐political manoeuvring, the face offers a multivalent site for political, aesthetic and affective mediation, on- and off-screen.

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Li, Cheng. "Sinification by greening: Politics, nature and ethnic borderlands in Maoist ecocinema." Journal of Chinese Cinemas 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508061.2016.1269479.

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Zhao, Suisheng. "The Ideological Campaign in Xi’s China." Asian Survey 56, no. 6 (November 2016): 1168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.6.1168.

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President Xi Jinping has launched the largest ideological campaign in post-Mao China, which has brought a Maoist revival. But Xi is not in a position to make a full return to the Mao era because ideologically driven repression offers no long-run solution to China’s problems. Drawing on elements of Mao’s legacy, Xi aims to rebuild the regime’s legitimacy when it is increasingly vulnerable to economic slowdown and public anger about corruption, income disparity, and pollution, an embarrassing confession of regime fragility.

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Lin, Jenny. "Seeing a World Apart: Visual Reality in Michelangelo Antonioni's Chung Kuo/Cina." ARTMargins 3, no. 3 (October 2014): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00093.

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This essay examines Michelangelo Antonioni's Chung Kuo Cina (China) (1972), a documentary made in and about the People's Republic of China during the height of the Cultural Revolution. Detailing the documentary's controversial reception and analyzing Chung Kuo’s emphasis on visual reality in opposition to the PRC's official socialist realism, I argue that Chung Kuo constituted a critical cross-cultural project, while providing a unique portrayal of quotidian life in Maoist China.

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Feng, Shizheng, and Yang Su. "The making of Maoist model in post-Mao era: The myth of Nanjie village." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 1 (February 4, 2013): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.12.004.

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Bucking the general trend of privatization in China, the model village of Nanjie has cultivated the image of a “small zone of communism,” a modern-day commune that practices extreme measures of egalitarianism. Such an image is promoted by some Party leaders at the center as well as local cadres, and bolstered by the spectacular display of the village’s wealth. With the aid of fieldwork data, our research examines the claims of “success,” “egalitarianism,” and the attribution of “success” to “egalitarianism.” We find that the village’s early rise to prosperity took place before the celebrated Maoist practices were introduced, and that its later rapid development was an artifact of politically awarded state loans. We then examine the “actually existing Maoism” by uncovering the capitalist labor relations between the local villagers and the hired laborers, and the political inequality among the village’s own legal residents. We conclude by examining the political processes that gave rise to this star village in the post-Mao era.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Maoist and post-Maoist art'

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