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Journal articles on the topic 'Maori (Langue)'

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1

Triomphe, Robert. "La mythologie « japhétique » : Marr entre le Caucase, la Bible et la Grèce." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 20 (April 9, 2022): 311–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2005.1522.

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Cet article cherche à présenter Marr non comme un théoricien, mais comme le vivant produit d'un espace et d'une époque particulière, qui a agi et réagi en fonction de son origine (géorgienne) et d'une expérience ethnologique et linguistique corroborée par la révolution bolchévique. D'où l'appel à une langue caucasique (le tchétchène) pour nous mettre d'abord en situation marrienne, puis un résumé de l'expédition de Marr au Lazistan, enfin un commentaire détaillé de la confirmation du «japhétisme», que Marr a expressément demandée à la Bible et à la mythologie grecque. La symbolique de la montagne (l'Ararat, où atterrit l'arche de Noé, ébauche de la tour de Babel et de la «montagne des langues», donc du Caucase tout entier) avec le prototype de la notion de «descendance», sont mis en lumière. Quant à la mythologie grecque, Marr a invoqué Prométhée et une forme archaïque du mythe d'Atlas, qui traduisent une vision méditerranéenne du monde, où l'Orient caucasien et l'Occident atlantique se rejoignent déjà et préfigurent l'unité «ibérique» de l'espace « japhétique». Enfin l’axiome marri en «les langues ne meurent pas, elles se croisent ou on les tue» révèle un Marr «refoulé», qui se sert sans doute du russe (avec l'accent géorgien) comme langue véhiculaire, mais attaque en fait indirectement, par occidentaux interposés, toutes les langues dominatrices, y compris celle de l'empire des tsars. [Ceux qui chercheraient un commentaire actuel de la vision marrienne tragique de la destinée des langues le trouveraient dans le livre de Daniel Nettle et Suzanne Romaine traduit maintenant en français Ces langues, ces voix qui s'effacent (éd. Autrement Frontières)]. Marr a dû aussi refouler le secret d'une naissance illégitime. Sa glottogonie, quels que soient ses parallèles savants, notamment dans la linguistique du XIXème siècle, a sans doute là ses sources profondes. Ainsi au-delà de la superstructure théorique qui recouvre ses idées, Marr demeure attachant. Ses étymologies même fantaisistes font non seulement sourire, mais réfléchir, comme d'ailleurs les étymologies des Anciens et du Moyen-Age, écartées naguère par l'école phonéticienne.
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2

Lemieux, René. "La souveraineté peut-elle se transférer? Les enseignements de la traduction du traité de Waitangi (1840)." TTR 29, no. 2 (August 27, 2018): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051014ar.

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L’objectif de cet article est d’interroger le concept de souveraineté hérité de la modernité européenne à partir de sa « traduction » en maori dans le traité de Waitangi conclu en 1840 entre les chefs maoris d’Aotearoa (Nouvelle-Zélande) et l’Empire britannique. Le concept de souveraineté est difficilement traduisible en maori puisqu’il ne possède pas d’équivalent direct. Le terme kawanatanga choisi par le missionnaire-traducteur Henry Williams n’est qu’une translittération du mot anglais governor auquel le suffixe -tanga a été ajouté; ce terme rend mal l’idée du pouvoir absolu du souverain. Est-ce une « mauvaise » traduction pour autant? Henry Williams était-il incompétent? A-t-il plutôt voulu sciemment tromper les Maoris, comme le laissent entendre certains chercheurs? Le concept était-il lui-même intraduisible? Lorsqu’on analyse la traduction du terme souveraineté, on découvre qu’il n’y a pas d’équivalence formelle préétablie avant sa réalisation et que la souveraineté ne se transfère pas, mais se performe. Le contenu du concept est ainsi isomorphe à sa production : la souveraineté est une performance, et la traduction comme opération de création de termes participe à son actualisation. En utilisant un terme étranger mais profane pour rendre le concept, Henry Williams, sans peut-être le vouloir ou en être conscient, refuse la souveraineté dans son abstraction et, ce faisant, résiste aux tentatives de sceller l’interprétation du texte dans une unicité souveraine. Vue sous ce nouvel angle, la traduction de Williams participerait d’une « pensée sauvage » au sens de l’anthropologue Pierre Clastres, instituant une relativité toujours vulnérable, mais essentielle dans la perspective d’une traduction postcoloniale.
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3

Harlow, Ray, and Bruce Biggs. "English-Maori Maori-English Dictionary." Oceanic Linguistics 32, no. 1 (1993): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3623103.

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4

Duval, T., and K. Kuiper. "MAORI DICTIONARIES AND MAORI LOANWORDS." International Journal of Lexicography 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijl/14.4.243.

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5

Holmes, Janet. "Maori and Pakeha English: Some New Zealand social dialect data." Language in Society 26, no. 1 (March 1997): 65–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500019412.

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ABSTRACTAspects of the extent and nature of the influence of the Maori language on English in New Zealand are explored here within a broad sociolinguistic framework. The current sociolinguistic distribution of Maori and English in New Zealand society is described, and typical users and uses of the variety known as Maori English are identified. Characteristics of Maori English are outlined as background to a detailed examination of the distribution of three phonological features among speakers of Pakeha (European) and Maori background. These features appear to reflect the influence of the Maori language, and could be considered substratum features in a variety serving to signal Maori identity or positive attitudes toward Maori values. Moreover, Maori English may be a source of innovation in the New Zealand English (NZE) of Pakehas, providing features which contribute to the distinctiveness of NZE compared with other international varieties. (Social dialectology, ethnic identity, Maori English, New Zealand English, language change)
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6

Macalister, John. "The Maori presence in the New Zealand English lexicon, 1850–2000." English World-Wide 27, no. 1 (March 23, 2006): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.27.1.02mac.

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The presence of words of Maori origin in contemporary New Zealand English is regularly commented upon both by linguists and in the popular press. Such commentary is, however, generally based on intuition and observation rather than empirical analysis. This paper begins with a review of published comment from the late nineteenth century to the present on the Maori presence in the New Zealand English lexicon, and then introduces a corpus-based study of that presence from 1850 to 2000. The corpus produced was the largest yet assembled for the study of New Zealand English. Findings confirmed diachronic changes in the number of Maori word tokens and types used, in the nature of Maori words used, and claims that Maori loanwords have entered New Zealand English in two distinct waves. Reasons for these changes include demographic shifts, revitalisation of the Maori language, political and social changes, and changes in attitudes among English-speakers.
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7

Bell, Allan. "The Phonetics of Fish and Chips in New Zealand." English World-Wide 18, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 243–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.18.2.05bel.

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Centralization of the short /I/ vowel (as in KIT) is regarded by both linguists and lay observers as a defining feature of New Zealand English and even of national identity, especially when contrasted with the close front Australian realization. Variation in the KIT vowel is studied in the conversation of a sociolinguistic sample of 60 speakers of NZE, structured by gender, ethnicity (Maori and Pakeha [Anglo]) and age. KIT realizations are scattered from close front through to rather low backed positions, although some phonetic environments favour fronter variants. All Pakeha and most Maori informants use centralized realizations most of the time, but some older Maori speakers use more close front variants. This group is apparently influenced by the realization of short /I/ in the Maori language, as these are also the only fluent speakers of Maori in the sample. Close front realizations of KIT thus serve as a marker of Maori ethnicity, while centralization marks general New Zealand identity. Centralized /I/ appears to have been established in NZE by the early 20th century
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8

Maclagan, Margaret, Jeanette King, and Gail Gillon. "Maori English." Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 22, no. 8 (January 2008): 658–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02699200802222271.

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9

Starks, Donna. "National and ethnic identity markers." English World-Wide 29, no. 2 (April 23, 2008): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.29.2.04sta.

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The New Zealand (NZ) short front vowels are often considered as a defining feature of New Zealand English (NZE), yet research which has considered data from both the Pakeha (NZ European) and the NZ Maori communities has noted slightly different patterns in the realisations of the vowel in the KIT lexical set in the respective communities (Bell 1997a, b; Warren and Bauer 2004). This paper compares the short front vowel series of NZ Maori students with that of NZ Samoan, Tongan, Cook Island and Niuean students and demonstrates how the NZ short front vowel series mark both similarity and difference across NZ communities. Our findings show that NZ Maori students have a greater degree of centralisation in their KIT vowel and a greater degree of raising of their DRESS and TRAP vowels than their NZ Pasifika counterparts. However, the manner in which the vowels raise and centralise distinguishes NZ Maori and Cook Island students from their NZ Samoan, Tongan and Niuean cohorts. The latter observation highlights problems with the pan-ethnic “Pasifika” label used to distinguish NZ Maori from other NZ Polynesian communities.
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10

Polinsky, Maria. "Maori "He" Revisited." Oceanic Linguistics 31, no. 2 (1992): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3623016.

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11

Adcock, C. John. "Maori and English." Language Problems and Language Planning 11, no. 2 (January 1, 1987): 208–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.11.2.08adc.

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Maoria kaj Angla: La dulingvisma prohlemo en NovZelando La autoro raportas pri la kreskanta intereso en la rekono de la Maoria lingvo en NovZelando, kun speciala rigardo al la rolo de lingvo kiel bazo de kultura heredajo kaj nacia identeco, kaj rimarkas ke en lando kia NovZelando ni devas rekoni tri nivelojn: etna, nacia kaj internacia. Por ni la Angla lingvo estas ne simple la lingvo de la blanka plimulto sed ankatŭ de internacia komunikado. Ideale Esperanto provizus la rimedon ĉe la internacia nivelo sed nuntempe la Angla lingvo havas kaj nacian kaj internacian rolon. Estas kelkaj sugestoj pri estonta agado.
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12

Wohlfart, Irmengard. "Investigating a double translation of culture." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2009): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.21.2.03woh.

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This article uses Mediated Discourse Analysis (Norris & Jones 2005) to investigate a dual translation: One, the English-Maori original Potiki by Patricia Grace (1986), a translation of Maori culture that issues a complex postcolonial challenge and neocolonial protest; and two, the German version of the book translated by Martini-Honus and Martini (2005 edition). Findings indicate that the book’s essence embedded in a complex interweaving of Maori myths and biblical parallels has not been recognized by professional reviewers of the German translation and that certain mistranslations distort important messages from the original. All readers of translations potentially contribute to indigenous people regaining their voice, but only if these readers can decipher the original actions and discourses in their languages. This article delivers a key to understanding Potiki, a classic text widely used in teaching and already translated into at least five languages, i.e. Dutch, Finnish, French, German and Spanish.
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13

Meyerhoff, Miriam. "Sounds pretty ethnic, eh?: A pragmatic particle in New Zealand English." Language in Society 23, no. 3 (June 1994): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018029.

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ABSTRACTA social dialect survey of a working-class suburb in New Zealand provides evidence that eh, a tag particle that is much stereotyped but evaluated negatively in NZ English, may persist in casual speech because it plays an important role as a positive politeness marker. It is used noticeably more by Maori men than by Maori women or Pakehas (British/European New Zealanders), and may function as an in-group signal of ethnic identity for these speakers. Young Pakeha women, though, seem to be the next highest users of eh. It is unlikely that they are using it to signal in-group identity in the same way; instead, it is possible that they are responding to its interpersonal and affiliative functions for Maori men, and are adopting it as a new facet in their repertoire of positive politeness markers. (Gender, ethnicity, politeness, New Zealand English, intergroup and interpersonal communication)
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14

Chung, Sandra, Winifred Bauer, William Parker, Te Kareongawai Evans, and Te Aroha Noti Teepa. "The Reed Reference Grammar of Maori." Oceanic Linguistics 38, no. 1 (June 1999): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3623403.

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15

Ben-Ezra, Elisha, and Winifred Bauer. "The Reed Reference grammar of Maori." Language 75, no. 2 (June 1999): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417312.

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16

Britain, David. "Linguistic change in intonation: The use of high rising terminals in New Zealand English." Language Variation and Change 4, no. 1 (March 1992): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500000661.

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ABSTRACTThis article reports sociolinguistic research on linguistic change in an intonation feature of New Zealand English, namely, the use of high rising terminal contours (HRTs) in declarative clauses. Recorded interviews from 75 inhabitants of Porirua, a small city north of Wellington, were analyzed for the use of HRTs. The speaker sample was subdivided according to years of age (20–29, 40–49, 70–79), sex, ethnicity (Maori and Pakeha), and class (working and middle). The results show that linguistic change is in progress, the use of HRTs being favored by young Maori and by young Pakeha women. The results are explained in terms of the function of HRTs as positive politeness markers. The usefulness of the term “linguistic variable” in the analysis of intonational change and discourse features is assessed.
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17

Schutz, Albert J., and Ray Harlow. "A Word-List of South Island Maori." Oceanic Linguistics 30, no. 2 (1991): 276. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3623092.

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18

Hughes, Shaun F. D. "Was there ever a "Maori English"?" World Englishes 23, no. 4 (November 2004): 565–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0083-2919.2004.00377.x.

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19

Benton, Richard A. "The Maori language in New Zealand education." Language, Culture and Curriculum 1, no. 2 (January 1988): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07908318809525030.

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20

Durie, Arohia. "Emancipatory Maori Education: Speaking from the Heart." Language, Culture and Curriculum 11, no. 3 (September 1998): 297–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07908319808666558.

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21

Spolsky, Bernard. "Maori bilingual education and language revitalisation." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 10, no. 2 (January 1989): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1989.9994366.

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22

Williams, Mark. "A Bicultural Education." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 5 (October 2016): 1552–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.5.1552.

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In 1995 I Taught a Course in New Zealand Literature at Tokyo University. The Students Were Attentive, and Curious About New Zealand, but they found my Kiwi English hard to follow, being accustomed to American or British varieties. I wondered about their seeming tolerance recently while teaching a similar course to undergraduates back home, at Victoria University, in Wellington, when one of the Maori students complimented a Pākehā (New Zealand European) colleague for her Maori pronunciation. Like most Pākehā, I have a rudimentary grasp of Māori, enough to be familiar with the words and phrases that have entered everyday speech and those in the poetry and fiction I teach. But I cannot conduct a conversation in Māori or read a Māori text, and I am as embarrassed by the irritation that my pronunciation of te reo (the Māori language) causes Māori speakers as I was by the difficulty my rising terminals and strange accent posed for competent English speakers in Japan.
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23

Macalister, John. "The Maori lexical presence in New Zealand English: Constructing a corpus for diachronic change." Corpora 1, no. 1 (May 2006): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cor.2006.1.1.85.

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This paper reports on the construction of a corpus designed to measure changes in the presence of Maori words in New Zealand English over the 150-year period from 1850 to 2000. It begins with a brief introduction to the variety, describes issues identified prior to the commencement of the corpus's construction, and discusses ways in which those issues were addressed.
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24

Tawake, Sandra. "Bilinguals' creativity: Patricia Grace and Maori cultural context." World Englishes 22, no. 1 (February 2003): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-971x.00271.

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25

Peddie, Roger A. "Coming – Ready or Not? Language Policy Development in New Zealand." Language Problems and Language Planning 15, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.15.1.02ped.

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SOMMAIRE "Prêts ou pas?" Le développement ď une politique linguistique en Nouvelle-Zélande On peut considérer que la politique linguistique d'un pays résulte d'une interaction entre les principes prônés par le gouvernement central et sa perception des exigences politiques et économiques du pays. On peut soutenir au'en Australie, par exemple, la décision d'adopter une politique linguistique a été le résultat d'une telle interaction, à la suite de quelques années d'enquêtes et de débats publics. Dans cet article, l'auteur suggère que la situation en Nouvelle-Zélande puisse s'avérer plus complexe. Ses recherches le portent à croire que la politique se fait peu à peu, sans suivre aucun plan central et sans se baser sur les données nécessaires au développement d'une politique judicieuse. Néanmoins, la pression politique exercée sur le gouvernement à la fois par la population indigène (les Maoris), et d'autres groupes pour qui les autres langues sont tout aussi importantes, paraît avoir eu une interaction positive avec les principes de communauté et d'égalité prônés par le gouvernement. Il est donc possible que cette interaction entraîne une politique nationale cohérente, que la Nouvelle-Zélande y soit préparée ou non. L'exemple de la Nouvelle-Zélande suggère qu'on a besoin d'une théorie plus complexe pour expliquer le développement des politiques linguistiques. RESUMO Ĉu ĝi venas -preta aǔ ne? Lingvopolitika evoluigo en Novzelando Lingva politiko, laŭ la kutima difino, ekestas el interagado de la valoroj de centra regsistemo kaj la bezonoj politikaj kaj ekonomiaj. En la kazo de Aüstralio, oni ja povas argumenti, ke decido pri politiko estis bazita sur precize tia interagado post pluraj jaroj da esplorado kaj publika debatado. La aŭtoro sugestas, ke la situacio en Novzelando estas pli komplika: La politiko ekaperas laŭpece, sen klara centra planado kaj sen granda parto de la donitajoj bezonataj por firma evoluigo de politiko. Tarnen, politika premado fare de la indigena maoria popolo kaj de komunumaj kaj aliaj interesogrupoj lingvaj sajnas interaginta pozitive kun akceptitaj registaraj valoroj pri partnereco kaj egaleca traktado. Tio eventuale ja kondukos al kohera nacia politiko, sendepende de la demando ĉu Novzelando pretas aŭ ne. La novzelanda kazo sugestas, ke oni eventuale devos tarnen ellabori pli komplikan teorion de lingvopolitika evoluigo.
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26

Lambert, Iain B. M. "Representing Maori speech in Alan Duff's Once Were Warriors." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963947007088225.

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Much of the reaction, both positive and negative, to the publication of Alan Duff's novel Once Were Warriors centred on its language. This article analyses the ways in which characteristic linguistic features of New Zealand English are represented in the novel, in particular by its Maori protagonists. It also draws stylistic comparisons with other writers, such as Scotland's James Kelman, who have attempted to give their characters a particular local voice outside of, or in opposition to, Standard English by having them speak in their own language or variety of English.
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27

HOLMES, JANET. "Narrative structure: Some contrasts between Maori and Pakeha story-telling." Multilingua - Journal of Cross-Cultural and Interlanguage Communication 17, no. 1 (1998): 25–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mult.1998.17.1.25.

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McKinley, Elizabeth. "Brown Bodies, White Coats: Postcolonialism, Maori women and science." Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 26, no. 4 (December 2005): 481–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596300500319761.

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Moeke-Maxwell, Tess. "Bi/Multiracial Maori Women's Hybridity in Aotearoa/New Zealand." Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 26, no. 4 (December 2005): 497–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596300500319779.

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Liebhaber, Sam. "Acoustic spectrum analysis of Mahri orature." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 9, no. 1-2 (2017): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-00901012.

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The question of the metrical organization of Arabian vernacular orature has historically been defined by two approaches: one holds that its metrical system is based on patterned beats of stress, while the other proposes regular alternations of long and short vowels. In this article, I describe some preliminary experiments in using a digital method to derive visual spectrograms of the same lines of Mahri poetry performed in two different modes: chanting and recitation. Given the discrepancy in results between the two, my findings suggest that the organizational rhythm of bedouin vernacular poetry is contingent on performance and is not intrinsic to the poetic text itself. The results further cast suspicion on the salience of vocalic quantity or syllabic quality as the prime determinants of Bedouin vernacular prosody.
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Shafer, Susanne M. "Bilingual/bicultural education for Maori cultural preservation in New Zealand." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 9, no. 6 (January 1988): 487–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1988.9994353.

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32

Nicholson, Rangi, and Ron Garland. "New Zealanders' attitudes to the revitalisation of the Maori language." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 12, no. 5 (January 1991): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1991.9994472.

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33

HOLMES, JANET. "Losing voice: is final /z/ devoicing a feature of Maori English?" World Englishes 15, no. 2 (July 1996): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.1996.tb00105.x.

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Meijl, Toon. "The Maori king movement; Unity and diversity in past and present." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 149, no. 4 (1993): 673–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003108.

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35

Normanskaja, Julia V. "Первый черемисский словарь — архаический текст или конкорданс слов из нескольких марийских диалектов? (О. А. Сергеев. Василий Крекнин, Иоанн Платунов «Краткой черемиской словарь с российским переводом»: лингвистический анализ (с приложением словаря). Йошкар-Ола, 2020. 348 с.)." Ural-Altaic Studies 42, no. 3 (September 2021): 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2021-42-3-90-99.

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This review analyzes the ways in which the Concise Cheremis-Russian Dictionary differs from the literary Mari language in order to answer the following question: was the dictionary compiled in the Pizhan subdialect of the Yaransk dialect of Northwestern Mari, which was spoken at that time in the Kukarskaya Sloboda, where the dictionary was created, or, as O. A. Sergeev claims, “words belonging to all the main dialects of the modern Mari language can be found in the Concise Cheremis-Russian Dictionary” [Сергеев 2020: 17]? To answer this question, a comprehensive graphic-phonetic analysis of the dictionary has been carried out. Three innovative features inherent in the Yaransk dialect have been identified (PMari *ć > ц, PMari *-j > 0, PMari *ńč́, *ńʒ́, *nǯ > нз) together with five more features that are characteristic of other first books: the preservation of the PMari *i, the reflection of PMari *ӧ as o and PMari *w as b, and the retention of vowel harmony. The only feature that occurs neither in the nineteenth-century books, nor in the modern dialects is the PMari *ӧ > е/э, which may indicate a later origin of Mari ӧ < Finno-Ugric *е than previously thought. Thus, the review shows that the dictionary could have been written in the Pizhan subdialect of the Yaransk dialect, which differed significantly from its modern state in the 18th century as it retained many archaic features characteristic of other first books. The analysis of the dictionary allows one to refine the history of the Yaransk dialect and the dating of certain sound changes.
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Mansfield, John, and Ian Green. "Fricative contrasts and neutralization in Marri Tjevin." Australian Journal of Linguistics 41, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 220–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07268602.2021.1957774.

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Kristeva, Julia, and Alison Rice. "Forgiveness: An Interview." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 117, no. 2 (March 2002): 278–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081202x62006.

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This interview with julia kristeva, conducted on 25 april 2000, focuses on forgiveness, a topic that is receiving considerable attention worldwide. Numerous nations around the globe have recently extended apologies to specific groups of people, including South Africa, to victims of apartheid; Britain, to the Maori people; Australia, to stolen aboriginal children; the United States, to Native Americans, Japanese Americans, and African Americans; and Germany, to victims of the Holocaust. This remarkable international proliferation of requests for forgiveness for wrongdoing and of attempts to make amends has not escaped the attention of prominent literary critics and philosophers.
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Marshall, James, and Michael Peters. "Te reo o te tai Tokerau: The assessment of oral Maori." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 10, no. 6 (January 1989): 499–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1989.9994394.

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Khomchenkova, Irina. "Дискурсивные функции посессивного показателя третьего лица единственного числа в горномарийском языке." Ural-Altaic Studies 45, no. 2 (2022): 148–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-148-168.

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This paper describes the discourse functions of the 3rd singular possessive marker in Hill Mari. Many previous works indicated that POSS.3SG markers in the Uralic languages express the semantics of definiteness; contrastive uses were also mentioned for Mari and Permic languages. Indeed, in Hill Mari, POSS.3SG primarily marks contrast (selection from a set) rather than definiteness. The acceptability of this marker depends on the status of NPs in the information structure. It can mark a topic, and it also has a contrastive use — both in topic and in focus. This use is typical of specific NPs. However, if this NP is a contrastive topic or, less often, a contrastive focus, the possessive marker is also possible in non-specific NPs. Using Hawkins’ terms: in definite contexts (anaphoric use, associative anaphoric use, immediate situation use, larger situation use), it is felicitous only in a (contrastive) topic, but not in focus. The influence of the information structure is only absent in the context of the selection from a set. It is the idea of the selection from a set that unites the functions of the POSS.3SG marker in its discourse uses. At the NP level, this is the choice of a referent from a set of participants. Contrastive topic and focus are also analyzed as a selection from several alternatives. As for the topic shift, a new topic is similarly selected from a variety of possible options in discourse, activated in the minds of the speaker and the hearer, and when marking the protagonist, the choice occurs from the set of all protagonists acting in various fragments of the discourse. Thus, the same marker encodes similar semantics in Hill Mari at the levels of NP, local, and global discourse structure.
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Benton, Nena. "Education, language decline and language revitalisation: The case of Maori in New Zealand." Language and Education 3, no. 2 (January 1989): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09500788909541252.

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England, Nora C. "Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Can threatened languages be saved? Reversing language shift, revisited: A 21st century perspective. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 2001. Pp. xvi, 503. Pb $24.95." Language in Society 32, no. 1 (December 24, 2002): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404503221059.

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This volume revisits, as its title states, the theory and practice of reversing language shift (RLS) first proposed by Fishman in 1991. A dozen of the original case studies are reanalyzed and several more are added, producing a rich source of detail on some of the specific situations of language shift and efforts to reverse it. Fishman contributes introductory and concluding chapters as well as one of the case studies (Yiddish); other authors cover Navajo, New York Puerto Rican Spanish, Québec French, Otomí, Quechua, Irish, Frisian, Basque, Catalán, Oko, Andamanese, Ainu, Hebrew, immigrant languages in Australia, indigenous languages in Australia, and Maori. The resulting book provides a wealth of information about language shift and public policy directed toward RLS, but its aims are broader than that.
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Amberber, Amanda Miller. "Adapting the Bilingual Aphasia Test to Rarotongan (Cook Islands Maori): Linguistic and clinical considerations." Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 25, no. 6-7 (June 2011): 601–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/02699206.2011.567347.

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43

Goddard, Cliff, and Anna Wierzbicka. "Semantic fieldwork and lexical universals." Studies in Language 38, no. 1 (April 25, 2014): 80–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.38.1.03god.

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The main goal of paper is to show how NSM findings about lexical universals (semantic primes) can be applied to semantic analysis in little-described languages. It is argued that using lexical universals as a vocabulary for semantic analysis allows one to formulate meaning descriptions that are rigorous, cognitively authentic, maximally translatable, and free from Anglocentrism. A second goal is to shed light on methodological issues in semantic fieldwork by interrogating some controversial claims about the Dalabon and Pirahã languages. We argue that reductive paraphrase into lexical universals provides a practical procedure for arriving at coherent interpretations of unfamiliar lexical meanings. Other indigenous/endangered languages discussed include East Cree, Arrernte, Kayardild, Karuk, and Maori. We urge field linguists to take the NSM metalanguage, based on lexical universals, into the field with them, both as an aid to lexicogrammatical documentation and analysis and as a way to improve semantic communication with consultants.
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Barkhuizen, Gary, Ute Knoch, and Donna Starks. "Language Practices, Preferences and Policies: Contrasting Views of Pakeha, Maori, Pasifika and Asian students." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 27, no. 5 (September 15, 2006): 375–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2167/jmmd450.1.

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Brookes, Barbara. "Book Review: Derek A. Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy 1840-1940 (Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1999), pp. 280, $39.95. Raeburn Lange, May the People Live: A History of Maori Health Development 1900-1920 (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1999), pp. 359, $39.95." Political Science 53, no. 1 (June 2001): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870105300110.

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46

Looper, Matthew G. "Review of Macri & Ford (1997): The language of Maya hieroglyphs." Written Language and Literacy 2, no. 2 (December 31, 1999): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.2.2.05loo.

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Editor's note: Readers will note that all the book reviews in the present issue are concerned with Maya studies. This is by way of an appetizer, anticipating the following issue of the journal: a special issue on Maya decipherment, guest-edited by Martha Macri and Gabrielle Vail. The issue will include revised versions of papers given at a symposium on Mayan glyphs held at the 1998 Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in Seattle, as well as obituaries of several recently deceased Mayanists.
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Schreier, Daniel. "Convergence and language shift in New Zealand: Consonant cluster reduction in 19th Century Maori English." Journal of Sociolinguistics 7, no. 3 (August 2003): 378–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9481.00230.

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48

Klyucheva, Maria. "Именная морфология в памятнике марийской письменности… «Начатки христианского учения...» (1839/1841). Падеж." Ural-Altaic Studies 45, no. 2 (2022): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2022-45-2-34-57.

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This article continues the analysis of the Mari text of the book “The Beginnings of Christian doctrine ...”, published in Kazan in 1841. Previously (see [Klyucheva 2021]), the verb morphology (conjugation) in it was described. This work describes the noun morphology in “The Beginnings…” — the case system of nouns in the singular. In continuation of this work, we plan to consider the categories of number and possession. The case system in “The Beginnings…” includes all the 9 cases of the modern standard Mari (Meadow-Eastern) language and also abessive and ablative. The presence of the causative (case) with the indicator -lanen is questionable: it occurs in “The Beginnings…” in a single example with a pronoun. The analysis of noun morphology in “The Beginnings…” is made in comparison with the standard Mari (Meadow-Eastern) language and Meadow dialects. Its specificity lies primarily at the phonetic level: in the vocalism of unstressed syllables and the stress system. The system of vowels includes labial reduced u and ü. They are expressed in “The Beginnings…” by the letters о, у, ю, and are located on the border between the stem and the case affix (after labial vowels in the stem). In the standard language, only the non-labial reduced vowel ǝ̂ occurs in this position. Such vowel harmony in the language of “The Beginnings…” corresponds to the western subdialects of the Meadow dialect, especially the Volga subdialect. As regards the stress system, in “The Beginnings…” in the comitative, dative, ablative, partly in the lativе the stress is kept on the same syllable as in the nominative, while in the literary norm and in modern Meadow dialects all these case suffixes are under stress (only in the dative is the stress fluctuation allowed). This indicates changes in the system of stresses in the Meadow dialect since the creation of the monument. The article also shows examples of non-standard use of case forms (mainly inessive, accusative and genitive). They may reflect some poorly studied functions of cases in Meadow dialects. The results of the study of the case correlate with the previously obtained conclusions about the Volga dialect as the dialectal basis of this written monument. It reflects not only the modern, but also the historical features of this dialect.
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Nairn, Raymond G., and Timothy N. McCreanor. "Race Talk and Common Sense: Patterns in Pakeha Discourse on Maori/Pakeha Relations in New Zealand." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 10, no. 4 (December 1991): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x91104002.

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50

Magri, Giorgio, and Benjamin Storme. "Calibration of Constraint Promotion Does Not Help with Learning Variation in Stochastic Optimality Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 51, no. 1 (January 2020): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00328.

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The Calibrated Error-Driven Ranking Algorithm (CEDRA; Magri 2012 ) is shown to fail on two test cases of phonologically conditioned variation from Boersma and Hayes 2001 . The failure of the CEDRA raises a serious unsolved challenge for learnability research in stochastic Optimality Theory, because the CEDRA itself was proposed to repair a learnability problem ( Pater 2008 ) encountered by the original Gradual Learning Algorithm. This result is supported by both simulation results and a detailed analysis whereby a few constraints and a few candidates at a time are recursively “peeled off” until we are left with a “core” small enough that the behavior of the learner is easy to interpret.
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