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Journal articles on the topic 'Maraboutism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Ogundjimi, Bayo. "MARABOUTISM, POLITICS AND CULTURAL AESTHETICS IN SENEGAL: PRESENTATION AND REPRESENTATION." Contemporary French Civilization 14, no. 2 (October 1990): 324–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1990.14.2.013.

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2

Besnier, Niko, Daniel Guinness, Mark Hann, and Uroš Kovač. "Rethinking Masculinity in the Neoliberal Order: Cameroonian Footballers, Fijian Rugby Players, and Senegalese Wrestlers." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 839–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000312.

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AbstractIn the Global South since the 1980s, when economic downturns under pressure from the forces of neoliberalism eroded social relations, sport and athletes’ bodies have become major loci where masculinity is constituted and debated. Sport masculinity now fills a vacuum left by the evacuation of traditional forms of masculinity, which are no longer available to the new generations of men. For them, the possibility of employment in the sport industries in the Global North has had a transformative effect, despite the extremely limited probability of success. During the same period of time, the world of sport has become commoditized, mediatized, and corporatized, transformations that have been spearheaded by the growing importance of privatized media interests. Professional athletes have become neoliberal subjects responsible for their own destiny in an increasingly demanding and unpredictable labor market. In Cameroon, Fiji, and Senegal, athletic hopefuls prospectively embody this new gendered subjectivity by mobilizing locally available instruments that most closely resemble neoliberal subjectivity, such as Pentecostalism and maraboutism. Through the conduit of sport, the masculine self has been transformed into a neoliberal subject in locations where this is least expected. What emerges is a new approach to masculinity that eschews explanations based on the simple recognition of diverse and hierarchically organized masculinities, and instead recognizes masculinity in its different manifestations as embedded, scalar, relational, and temporally situated.

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3

Bellil, R. "Maraboutisme." Encyclopédie berbère, no. 30 (December 29, 2010): 4576–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.454.

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4

HOFFMAN, VALERIE J. "VINCENT J. CORNELL, Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998). Pp. 442." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801302064.

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Vincent Cornell's Realm of the Saint is a masterly work, indisputably authoritative, the result of more than twenty years of research on Sufism in Morocco and Al-Andalus. Drawing on a critical reading of a vast array of textual sources, including hagiographies, histories, didactic treatises, devotional works, and poetry, this book brings to light material that has been virtually untouched in academic studies on Moroccan Sufism. As Cornell points out, Morocco has become a paradigm for the anthropological analysis of Sufism, but the vast archival resources of Morocco had been hitherto largely untouched by academicians. Through detailed analysis of the lives of many Sufi saints as presented in hagiographical literature, exploring both the ideological and sociological dimensions of sainthood in the Moroccan context, he convincingly argues that the “doctor” versus “saint” topos that prevails in the anthropological literature does not do justice to the reality of pre-modern Moroccan Sufism. He also deconstructs the centrality of “maraboutism” and rurality in Moroccan Sufism. Cornell compares his findings with studies of saints in Europe by scholars such as Peter Brown and Thomas Heffernan, as well as with the Weberian theories of charismatic leadership that have prevailed among social scientists, displaying an extraordinary range of competence in the literature of several academic disciplines. It is a rarity to find a scholar of Cornell's deep understanding of Arabic and Islamic tradition who also places his research within the broader context of the study of religion. Nevertheless, scholars outside Islamic studies are unlikely to read this book because of its length, excessive detail, and frequent use of Arabic terms, despite the presence of a glossary of technical terms at the end of the book.

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5

Gemmeke, Amber. "Enchantment, migration and media: Marabouts in Senegal and in the Netherlands." European Journal of Cultural Studies 14, no. 6 (December 2011): 685–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549411419978.

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West African marabouts are important actors in a globalizing field of religious practices, offering their services such as divination sessions not only to West African expatriates, but also to a non-Muslim and non-African clientele abroad. In an effort to negotiate their expert status publicly, Wets African marabouts mediatize and advertise their services on the internet, in printed press and in radio and television shows – both in West Africa and abroad. This article focuses on the tension between the possibilities of media to reach an audience and the difficulty in legitimizing the use of these media for reliable, effective services. A comparison between marabouts in Senegal and in the Netherlands will illustrate this tension: using the transnational aspect of marabouts’ activities, this article compares the influence of media on marabouts ‘marketed spirituality’ and on the perception thereof, in their country of origin and in one of their host countries.

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6

Barou, Jacques. "Nourrices et marabouts." L'école des parents N° 604, no. 5 (2013): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/epar.604.0034.

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7

Kuckzinski, Liliane. "Les marabouts à Paris." Bulletin de l'Association française des anthropologues 29, no. 1 (1987): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jda.1987.1356.

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8

Oros, Ciprian Gabriel. "Perspectives du maraboutisme dans l’Islam politique ouest‐africain." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 62, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2017.2.08.

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9

Villalón, Leonardo A. "Charisma and ethnicity in political context: a case study in the establishment of a Senegalese religious clientele." Africa 63, no. 1 (January 1993): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161299.

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AbstractThrough an examination of a case of a popular switch in religious affiliation in the small regional capital of Fatick, this article explores the factors that give rise to new Muslim maraboutic movements in Senegal. While the majority of the Serer population of the town had previously claimed an affiliation with the Sy family branch of the Tijaniyya order, based in Tivaouane, over the course of the past six to eight years there has been a widespread transfer of allegiance to a Serer marabout, El Hajj Ousmane Mama Ansou Niang, known popularly as Ma Ansou Niang. A consideration of this realignment reveals little basis for interpreting it as a function of maraboutic ‘charisma’ in the sense of any distinctive qualities of the religious message or of the messenger himself. It is, rather, the ‘popular demand’ side of charisma which emerges as important, an aspect that must be understood in the context of the particular local implications of Serer ethnicity. Because a religious model has thus been adopted to address primarily secular concerns, the study supports the argument that the entire maraboutic system has been institutionalised as the prevailing means of organising societal concerns in Senegal. The case thus has significant implications not only forthe study of Senegalese Sufi movements but also for an understanding of the socio-political impact of Islam in the country.

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10

Tauzin, Aline. "Kuczynski, Liliane. – Les marabouts africains à Paris." Cahiers d'études africaines 46, no. 181 (March 31, 2006): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.5901.

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11

Hamès, Constant. "Liliane Kuczynski, Les Marabouts africains à Paris." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 124 (October 1, 2003): 63–170. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.849.

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12

ROBINSON, DAVID. "THE MURIDS: SURVEILLANCE AND COLLABORATION." Journal of African History 40, no. 2 (July 1999): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007446.

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At the beginning of the twentieth century Muslim societies of northern Senegal and southern Mauritania moved slowly but surely into relations of accommodation with the French colonial regime. The process was led by marabouts, persons who combined various forms of Islamic learning and saintliness. It took the form of Sufi orders, often called ‘brotherhoods’, that became anchored in the emerging economy of the peanut basin in central Senegal. The accommodation permitted the marabouts and brotherhoods to develop considerable autonomy in the religious, economic and social spheres while surrendering the political and administrative domain to the French.Of all these ‘paths to accommodation’ between Muslim societies and French colonial authorities, the one followed by Amadu Bamba Mbacke and the Murid movement is ostensibly the longest, the hardest, the most complete, and the most enduring. For these reasons the Murid movement has been much more fully studied – by Paul Marty of the colonial Muslim Affairs Bureau in the early twentieth century and by social scientists in recent decades.

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13

van Hoven, Ed. "Saint Mediation in the Era of Transnationalism: The Da'Ira of the Jakhanke Marabouts." Africa 73, no. 2 (May 2003): 290–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.2.290.

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AbstractThe focus of this article is the intersection of the motivations for international migration and innovative new forms of religious organisation. An example is provided by the recent introduction of a prayer ritual called da’ira in the Muslim community of the Jakhanke Jabi in eastern Senegal. For centuries, supererogatory prayers mingled with local practices have been at the heart of the religious traditions of the Jakhanke Jabi marabouts. Yet their religious practice underwent considerable change when the young disciples began to migrate to Europe and the United States. Prayers raised during the ritual address the invisible saints capable of serving the needs of transnational migrants. At the same time the economic base of community agriculture shifted from labour provided by the students to donations increasingly coming from overseas groups of followers. Since then a great number of people—including politicians—seeking success in business, career, health or marriage have solicited the spiritual help and protection of Jakhanke Jabi marabouts.

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14

Aouattah, Ali. "Le rêve: de la maladie à la guérison dans le maraboutisme marocain." L'Autre 4, no. 1 (2003): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lautr.010.0043.

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15

Creevey, Lucy E. "Muslim Brotherhoods and Politics in Senegal in 1985." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 4 (December 1985): 715–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005504x.

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This author made her first study of the Muslim brotherhoods in 1966, and then ten years later reassessed their political position.1 Now, after almost a similar length of time since 1976, this brief evaluation is written in the hope of illustrating the gradually changing position of Muslim leaders or marabouts, and their rôle in Senegalese life and politics.

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16

Kane, Ousmane. "Les marabouts sénégalais et leur clientèle aux États-Unis." Afrique contemporaine 231, no. 3 (2009): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afco.231.0209.

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17

Kingsbury, Kate. "Modern Mouride Marabouts and their Young Disciples in Dakar." Anthropologica 60, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/anth.2018-0036.

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This article provides an analysis of new religious Sufi Mouride movements in Senegal. In it, I analyse the charismatic leaders and their young disciples, elucidating that their interactive rapport forms the basis of the popularity of these movements. I demonstrate that young Dakarois have played a significant role in the regeneration of religious belief among the Mourides, and I posit that the leaders of these movements proffer a counter-discourse on leadership that provides an alternative to the gerontocratic models that characterise politics as well as traditional Mouride movements. I explain that the religious ontologies that new Mouride marabouts offer youth afford the latter the possibility to reconceptualise their identities, providing them with a modern pious paradigm that aligns with both their spiritual and physical needs.

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18

Kuczynski, Liliane. "Figures de l'islam. Connaissance et représentations des marabouts africains à Paris / The Shapes of Islam. Knowledge and Representations of African Marabouts in Paris." Archives de sciences sociales des religions 68, no. 1 (1989): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/assr.1989.1395.

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19

Vaudour, Catherine. "Mommersteeg Geert, 2009, Dans la cité des marabouts. Djenné, Mali." Journal des Africanistes, no. 81-1 (October 1, 2011): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/africanistes.3844.

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20

Beck, Linda J. "REINING IN THE MARABOUTS? DEMOCRATIZATION AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN SENEGAL." African Affairs 100, no. 401 (October 1, 2001): 601–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.401.601.

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21

McLaughlin, Fiona. "Islam and popular music in Senegal: the emergence of a ‘new tradition’." Africa 67, no. 4 (October 1997): 560–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161108.

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AbstractThis article explores the influence of Islam on Senegalese popular music and describes the emergence of a ‘new tradition’ that adapts the griot's praise song to Sufism. The emerging tradition is discussed against the backdrop of social relations between griots and the people they praise, and between marabouts or Sufi religious leaders and their disciples. Elements derived from both relationships can be found in the ‘new tradition’, making for a hybrid musical genre that reflects the social and religious reality of modern Senegal.

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22

Maarouf, Mohammed, and Paul Willis. "Maraboutic Resistance and Popular Culture in the Arab Spring of Morocco." Journal of Religion and Popular Culture 28, no. 2-3 (December 2016): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jrpc.28.2-3.2595.

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23

Molénat, Xavier. "Les marabouts démystifiés - Liliane Kuczynski, CNRS éditions, 2002, 439 p., 27 €." Sciences Humaines N°137, no. 4 (April 1, 2003): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sh.137.0040.

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24

Kuczynski, Liliane. "Kamel Filali, L’Algérie mystique. Des marabouts fondateurs aux khwân insurgés, XVe-XIXe siècles." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 122 (April 1, 2003): 59–157. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.1393.

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25

Gemmeke, Amber B. "Marabout Women in Dakar: Creating Authority in Islamic Knowledge." Africa 79, no. 1 (February 2009): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000648.

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In studies concerning Islam and gender in West Africa, the expertise of women in Islamic esoteric practices is often overlooked. These practices, that include divination, dream interpretation and prayer sessions, are central in politics, economics and the daily life of most West Africans. Furthermore, their products (such as amulets) and their practitioners (marabouts) travel to Europe, the United States, and the Middle East. Despite the importance of Islamic esoteric practices in West Africa and the rest of the world, they are understudied. In this article, I focus upon the life and work of two marabout women living in Dakar: Ndeye Meissa Ndiaye and Coumba Keita. Their position is exceptional: Islamic esoteric knowledge is a particularly male-dominated field. This article describes how two women's Islamic esoteric expertise is negotiated, legitimated and publicly recognized in Dakar.

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26

Touati, Houari. "En relisant les "Nawazil" Mazouna marabouts et chorfa au Maghreb central au XVe siecle." Studia Islamica, no. 69 (1989): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1596068.

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27

Kuczynski, Liliane. "La dictature du nom. Du patronyme au pseudonyme chez les marabouts africains de Paris." L'Homme 37, no. 141 (1997): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/hom.1997.370204.

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28

Nobili, M. "In the City of the Marabouts: Islamic Culture in West Africa. By Geert Mommersteeg." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 82, no. 3 (July 17, 2014): 869–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfu057.

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29

موساوي, مجدوب. "التصوف بالجزائر من خلال كتاب Marabouts et Khouans : Études sur l’Islam en Algérie : الطريقة الشيخية أنموذجا." مجلة الدراسات التاريخية و الاجتماعية, no. 32 (August 2018): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0050404.

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30

Glover, John. ""The Mosque Is One Thing, the Administration Is Another": Murid Marabouts and Wolof Aristocrats in Colonial Senegal." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220653.

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31

Bangura, Ahmed Sheikh. "Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2228.

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Senegal is one of the most stable sub-Saharan African countries. LeonardoVillal6n's book, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal, attributes that stabilityto the forms of religious organization provided by Senegal's unique brandsof Sufism. Most Senegalese are affiliated to a marabout (Sufi leader) and aremembers of a Senegalese Sufi order. These orders remain the most pervasiveforms of social organization. Leonardo Villal6n's work, devoted to an examinationof the shape of Senegalese society, therefore focuses on its most salient feature:the forms and patterns of its religious organization.The author argues that the Senegalese Sufi orders, developed in the wake ofFrench colonialism, provide an effective mode of social organization vis-a-visthe state. They check the hegemonic ambitions of the state and give a measureof leverage to the disciple-citizens in their dealings with it. This maraboutic systemexplains much of Senegal's relative success in maintaining a dynamic balancebetween state and society. In other words, the Sufi pattern has become thebasis for the establishment of a religiously based "civil society." While this balanceremains precarious, as there are conceivable factors that can disrupt it, ithas thus far shielded Senegal from the instability and strife that continue tobedevil many African societies ...

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32

Maarouf, Mohammed. "Saints and Social Justice in Morocco: An Ethnographic Case of the Mythic Court of Sidi Šamharūš." Arabica 57, no. 5 (2010): 589–670. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005810x529719.

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AbstractThis ethnography of the saint protector of the High Atlas Sidi Šamharūš explores how Moroccan pilgrims use their own popular idioms of justice to understand and construct their relationship with saints and the political system they represent. Enduring the lack of justice in their social world, Moroccan subalterns go to saints to seek mythic justice. As maraboutic clients, they do not perceive social justice as part of the real world they belong to, that is as a human right to be struggled for or a principle pertinent to a ruling state that should be accountable to its citizens for the administration of justice. Instead, it is believed to be an occult gift that relates to the anonymous power of saints and spirits who possess the miracle to make it true. The cultural construction of justice as a sacred gift offered by saintly figures emanates from a form of licensed cultural therapeutic resistance constituting possession rituals and trance dances performed essentially by the poor to relieve their social world from tension and conflict; for them it is an escape to the miraculous to look for extraordinary solutions to ameliorate their social conditions.

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33

Haddad, Mouloud. "Kamel Filali. L’Algérie mystique. Des marabouts fondateurs aux khwân insurgés, XVe-XIXe siècle. Paris, Publisud, 2002, 215 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 59, no. 5-6 (December 2004): 1237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900023118.

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34

Munzi, Massimiliano, Fabrizio Felici, Jabar Matoug, Isabella Sjöström, and Andrea Zocchi. "The Lepcitanian landscape across the ages: the survey between Ras el-Mergheb and Ras el-Hammam (2007, 2009, 2013)." Libyan Studies 47 (November 2016): 67–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2016.9.

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AbstractSince 2007, the Archaeological Mission of Roma Tre University has conducted surveys in the territory of Lepcis Magna, in a peri-urban area between Ras el-Mergheb and Ras el-Hammam. To date, 168 sites have been surveyed. From the analysis of this data collection can be drawn a synthesis of the landscape's evolution from the Hellenistic to the end of the Ottoman period (including the analysis of battlefields and military structures related to the Italo-Turkish War and World War I). As elsewhere in Tripolitania, the Roman productive and settlement system was based on the villae and farms with torcularia for olive (and wine) production. However, the ancient suburban landscape was here characterised by local limestone quarry activities and funerary monuments, the research on which has given significant new data. The Late Antique and medieval periods, with their conjunctures of growth and contraction, as well as the Karamanli/Ottoman phase have been analysed for their agricultural peculiarities and forms of settlement. The Late Antique and medieval defensive system (gsur, the Ras el-Hammam and Ras el-Mergheb castles) and the Ottoman religious landscape (marabouts or ‘shrines’, today almost completely demolished) have also been taken into consideration.

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35

Newell, Sasha. "Hackers of the heart: digital sorcery and virtual intimacy in Côte d'Ivoire." Africa 91, no. 4 (August 2021): 661–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972021000449.

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AbstractThis is an ethnography of internet scams in Abidjan through which I attempt to develop a theory of digital sorcery. The brouteurs of Côte d'Ivoire impersonate Europeans in social media profiles and seduce others into falling in love with them. After months of flirtatious messaging and photo exchanges, disaster strikes their avatar and they ask for an emergency wire transfer from their digital lover. While millions of euros of income are sent to Abidjan every year, the brouteurs say they can no longer succeed without the use of occult forces, and they turn to marabouts for assistance. During my fieldwork in 2015, rumours circulated that brouteur wealth depended on the blood sacrifice of children for its success. As Ivoirians increasingly employ smartphones and social media in their daily life, the anxieties concerning the illusions and manipulations of the virtual world become enmeshed with those of the occult second world. I suggest that the overlap between hacker technology, con artistry and occult power outlined in Ivoirian urban rumour suggests a model for rethinking the space of virtuality in the global economy as a form of magical semiosis, one that can be every bit as vitality draining as witchcraft itself.

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Munzi, Massimiliano, and Andrea Zocchi. "The Lepcitanian territory: cultural heritage in danger in war and peace." Libyan Studies 48 (September 25, 2017): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2017.11.

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AbstractSince 1995 the Archaeological Mission to Libya of Roma Tre University has carried out several surveys in the territory and suburbs of Lepcis Magna. Besides the survey of the archaeological and historical sites, the Roma Tre team has also had the opportunity to observe and record the development of the landscape through periods of war and peace.In this article, the issues related to the cultural heritage in the area of the modern city of Khoms and in the Lepcis hinterland are analysed and particular consideration is given to the damage and destruction that has occurred since the Italian occupation (1911) until the present day. The Lepcitanian/Khoms territory is an interesting case study in which the cultural heritage has been, and still is, at risk due to ‘civilian’ and ‘conflict’ causes. Besides the damage that occurred during the Italo-Turkish War and – to a minor extent – during WWII, the main damage seems to have occurred in the last sixty years due to the expansion of Khoms and to the ongoing unstable political situation in which the lack of central government control is playing an important role. In particular, since 2011, Islamic fundamentalists have demolished in these areas several ancient marabouts, destroying one of the most characteristic aspects of the Tripolitanian/Libyan cultural landscape.

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37

Seddik Arkam, Faiza. "Espace sacré et pouvoir symbolique au Sahara : l’influence des chorfa marabouts originaires de l’Essuk dans la gestion de la cité en Ahaggar." Insaniyat / إنسانيات, no. 51-52 (June 30, 2011): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/insaniyat.12701.

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38

Meunier, Olivier. "Marabouts et courants religieux en pays hawsa: Dynamique de l'islamisation de la ville de Maradi a la fin du XIXeme siecle et durant le XXeme siecle." Canadian Journal of African Studies 32, no. 3 (1998): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486327.

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39

Meunier, Olivier. "Marabouts et courants religieux en pays hawsa: Dynamique de l’islamisation de la ville de Maradi à la fin du XIXème siècle et durant le XXème siècle." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 32, no. 3 (January 1998): 521–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1998.10751149.

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40

Diallo, El Hadji Samba Amadou. "L'administration française dans les luttes de positionnement au sein de la Tijāniyya nord-africaine : Situation locale et répercussions sur les marabouts sénégalais (1840–1956)." French Colonial History 9, no. 1 (2008): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fch.0.0009.

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41

MARCHAND, TREVOR H. J. "GEERT MOMMERSTEEG, Dans la Cité des Marabouts. Translated from the Dutch into French by Mireille Cohendy. Brinon-sur-Sauldre: Éditions Grandvaux (pb €15 – 978 2 90955 063 3). 2009, 208 pp." Africa 81, no. 3 (July 22, 2011): 503–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000337.

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42

Garnier, Sébastien. "Salah Alouani, Tribus et marabouts. Aʿrāb et walāya dans l’intérieur de l’Ifriqiya entre le vie/xiie et le xiie/xviiie siècles, Helsinki, Academia Scientiarum Fennica (« Suomalaisen Tiedeakatemian Toimituksia Humaniora », 358), 2010, 307 p., ISBN : 978-951-41-1038-2." Arabica 60, no. 3-4 (2013): 444–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005812x641046.

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43

SCHMITZ, JEAN. "ISLAM IN COLONIAL FRENCH WEST AFRICA Le temps des marabouts. Itinéraires et stratégies islamiques en Afrique occidentale française v. 1880–1960. Sous la direction de David Robinson et Jean-Louis Triaud. Paris: Karthala, 1997. Pp. 583. FF180 (ISBN 2-86537-729-6)." Journal of African History 41, no. 3 (September 2000): 487–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700287835.

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44

Bonte, Pierre. "Alouani Salah, Tribus et Marabouts. Aʽrâb et walâya dans l’intérieur de l’Ifriqiya entre le Ve/XII." Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, no. 130 (February 15, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/remmm.7026.

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Kelley, Thomas A. "Cell Phones and Oracles: Legal Globalization Meets the Marabout's Mystical Justice in the West African Republic of Niger." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.803369.

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Schuerkens, Ulrike. "Béatrice Borghino, Clientèle européenne pour marabouts d'Afrique noire. Du magico‑religieux dans une société moderne, Paris, L'Harmattan, 1994, 221p." Bulletin de l’APAD, no. 10 (December 1, 1995). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/apad.1301.

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Elkhalloufi, Fahd, Saber Boutayeb, Fouzia Mamouch, Latifa Rakibi, Sanae Elazzouzi, and Hassan Errihani. "The evolution of the socio-cultural and religious characteristics of cancer patients in Morocco: case of the National Institute of Oncology Rabat." BMC Cancer 21, no. 1 (May 7, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12885-021-08175-y.

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Abstract:

Abstract Background In 2020, Morocco recorded more than 59,370 new cases of cancer and more than 35,265 cases of death (International Agency for Research on Cancer, Annual report Morocco, 2020). Cancer is always accompanied by socially constructed, differentiated, and contingent interpretations and practices according to the socio-cultural and religious characteristics of each region. The study aims at describing the evolution of the socio-cultural and religious aspects of Moroccan cancer patients followed at the National Institute of Oncology (NIO) of Rabat between 2010 and 2020. Methods We have prospectively studied all cancer cases diagnosed at the National Oncology Institute (NIO), Rabat in 2019. We have collected 1102 cases. The data collected was compared with the results of the study carried out in 2010 (1600 cases). Statistical analysis has been assessed by SPSS 20 software and the correlations between socio-cultural characteristics were examined using a chi-square test. Results From a socio-economic point of view, almost all patients claim that cancer is a costly disease as well as a disease that leads to a drop in income and the inevitable impoverishment of Moroccan patients. The illiteracy rate is still high; rising from 38% in 2010 to 42.80% in 2020. On the psychological level, damage to body image (alopecia, mastectomy, hysterectomy,) can lead to stigmatizing and harms the marital relationship. The number of patients experiencing divorce and marital separation that seems to occur following cancer pathology remains high, despite a decrease of nearly 50% between 2010 and 2020. Concerning the spiritual aspect, in the Arab-Amazigh-Muslim culture, the impact of the occurrence of cancer is very particular, and the repercussions are assessed differently depending on the degree of conviction. For practicing believers, cancer is considered a divine test and an opportunity to improve. In the Qur’an, God tests the best of his disciples to reward them The rate of practicing believers has evolved from 49% in 2010 to 85.50% in 2020.But for non-practicing believers, cancer is regarded as a divine punishment coming from outside. New behaviors reported by this research concern the use of “roquia”. This spiritual cure is considered as an anti-cancer remedy. It uses Allah’s words from the holy “qur’an”, his faires names and his attributes. 42% of patients use “roquia”. Concerning phytotherapy, there was an increase in the percentage of participants using medicinal plants and even the most harmful plants (Arestiloch, Euphorbia) from 26% in 2010 to 51.50% in 2020. Conclusion The precarious social level of cancer patients, the lack of social and medical coverage, illiteracy, and lack of knowledge of religion, as well as dissatisfaction with conventional medicine, may lead patients to the use of traditional medicine (medicinal plants, visit of “marabouts”, “roquia”). This can have a negative impact on the quality of access to oncology care.

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