Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'March 31'

An essential and critical component of the orders German front-line formations received in the ideological war against the Soviet Union was the Commissar Order of 6 June 1941. This order, issued by the High Command of the Armed Forces prior to the German invasion of the Soviet Union, required that front-line military formations, as well as SS and police units attached to the Army, immediately execute Soviet political commissars among prisoners of war. Soviet political commissars were attached to the Red Army at virtually every operational level, and were viewed by both Hitler and the High Command as the foremost leaders of the resistance against the Nazis because of their commitment to Bolshevik ideology. According to the Commissar Order, "Commissars will not be treated as soldiers. The protection afforded by international law to prisoners of war will not apply in their case. After they have been segregated they will be liquidated."
While there is no paucity of information on the existence and intent of the Commissar Order, this directive has only been investigated by scholars as a portion of a much greater ideological portrait, or subsumed in the larger context of overall Nazi criminal activities during "Operation Barbarossa."
Examining the extent to which front-line divisions carried out the charge to shoot all grades of political commissars is necessary if we are to understand the role and depth of involvement by front-line troops of the Wehrmacht in a murderous program of extermination during the German attack and occupation of the Soviet Union. Such an examination has simply not taken place to-date. My dissertation seeks to address this issue. The result is both a narrative on the genesis of the Commissar Order and its attendant decrees and agreements between the Army leadership and the SS ( SD) and Security Police, and a quantitative analysis of how many commissars were reported captured and shot by the front-line forces of the 17th Army over a seven month period.

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Este Projeto de Intervenção-PI intitulado de “Eleição para Diretor Escolar no Município de Irecê: uma proposta de regulamentação de forma horizontal” enfatiza a importância da eleição direta como forma de provimento para o cargo de diretor escolar, e como um mecanismo de participação a mais para efetivação da gestão democrática escolar na Rede Municipal de Ensino de Irecê-Bahia. Teve por objetivo compreender de que modo os professores e coordenadores da referida rede, podem participar de forma horizontal na construção de um possível processo de regulamentação da eleição como forma de provimento do cargo de diretor, uma vez que ela já se encontra instituída através das Leis municipais nº. 894/2011, que dispõe sobre o Plano de Carreira, Cargos, Funções Públicas e Remuneração dos Servidores do Magistério; da Lei nº. 895/2011, que regulamenta o Estatuto do Magistério Público do Município e da Lei nº 1017/2015, que estabelece o Plano Municipal de Educação do Município de Irecê. Considerando a possibilidade de regulamentação da eleição como forma de provimento do cargo de diretor na Rede municipal de Irecê, assim reflito: de que modo os professores e coordenadores podem participar de forma horizontal na construção desse processo? Para isso, a metodologia aplicada consistiu em um estudo bibliográfico, pesquisa documental e um estudo de caso que teve como instrumento de coleta de dados, uma oficina metodológica, na qual utilizei-me da estratégia “rodadas de conversa” com 40 participantes (professores e coordenadores da rede municipal), além da aplicação de um formulário com um grupo de 28 docentes da Rede Municipal de Irecê. No tocante ao referencial teórico, esse PI se fundamentou nos postulados defendidos por (Cruz, 2015, Dourado, 1990; 2000; Lück, 2013; 2014; Oliveira, 1996; Oliveira, 2014; Paro, 2003; 2015; 2011; 2007; 2001, Saviani; 2012) e outros autores que versam sobre gestão democrática, eleição e outras formas de provimento do cargo de diretor. Este trabalho defende a eleição como uma contraproposta a indicação/nomeação política, atual modelo de escolha do diretor escolar na Rede de ensino investigada, pois acredita que a eleição é uma das formas mais democráticas de escolha do diretor e a indicação/nomeação uma prática autoritária exercida pelo Poder Público. Nesse viés, proponho a criação de uma Comissão Especial- CE para uma construção horizontal e colaborativa do processo de escolha para diretores via eleição direta, no qual o professorado da Rede atue de forma participativa na regulamentação das leis municipais nº 894/2011, 895/2011 e 1017/2015, pois corre-se o risco de ela ser regulamentada conforme os interesses do Poder Executivo, constituindo uma construção vertical que não atenda aos anseios da comunidade escolar. Para materialização dessas CE, apresento a sugestão de um cronograma com as etapas do processo participativo intituladas: Pré-comissão, Pós-comissão e Finalização. Este PI contribui na discussão da regulamentação das leis municipais nº 894/2011, 895/2011 e 1017/2015 e fomenta uma ação inovadora, no sentido de garantir a participação horizontal dos segmentos dos professores e coordenadores na elaboração de dispositivos normativos que viabilizem a implementação dessas leis, no que se refere a eleição como forma de provimento, viabilizando que a gestão democrática escolar se efetive de fato na Rede Municipal de ensino de Irecê- Bahia.
ABSTRACT This PI-Intervention Project titled "Election for School Directors in the Municipality of Irecê: A Proposal for Regulation in a Horizontal Way" emphasizes the importance of direct election as a form of provision for the position of school director, and as a mechanism of participation to more for effective democratic school management in the Municipal Education Network of Irecê-Bahia. Its objective was to understand how the teachers and coordinators of this network can participate horizontally in the construction of a possible process of regulation of the election as a form of filling the position of director, since it is already established through the Laws municipalities no. 894/2011, which provides for the Career Plan, Positions, Public Functions and Remuneration of the Teaching Staff; of Law no. 895/2011, which regulates the Statute of the Public Magisterium of the Municipality and Law 1017/2015, which establishes the Municipal Education Plan of the Municipality of Irecê. Considering the possibility of regulation of the election as a form of filling the position of director in the Municipal Network of Irecê, I reflect: how can teachers and coordinators can participate horizontally in the construction of this process? For this, the applied methodology consisted of a bibliographical study, documentary research and a case study that had as instrument of data collection, a methodological workshop, in which I used the strategy "rounds of conversation" with 40 participants (teachers and coordinators of the municipal network), as well as the application of a form with a group of 28 teachers from the Irecê Municipal Network. With regard to the theoretical reference, this PI was based on the postulates defended by (Cruz, 2015, Dourado, 1990, 2000, Lück, 2013, 2014, Oliveira, 1996, Oliveira, 2014, Paro, 2003, 2015, 2011, 2007; , Saviani, 2012) and other authors that deal with democratic management, election and other forms of appointment of director. This work defends the election as a counterproposal to the political appointment / nomination, current model of choice of the school director in the researched teaching network, because he believes that the election is one of the most democratic forms of choice of the director and nomination / nomination an authoritarian practice exercised by the Public Power. In this bias, I propose the creation of a Special Commission - CE for a horizontal and collaborative construction of the selection process for directors through direct election, in which the Network's faculty acts in a participatory way in the regulation of municipal laws nº 894/2011, 895 / 2011 and 1017/2015, because it runs the risk of being regulated in the interests of the Executive Branch, constituting a vertical construction that does not meet the wishes of the school community. To materialize these CE, I present a suggestion of a timetable with the participatory process stages entitled: Pre-commission, Post-commission and Completion. This IP contributes to the discussion of the regulation of municipal laws nº 894/2011, 895/2011 and 1017/2015 and promotes an innovative action, in order to guarantee the horizontal participation of the segments of the teachers and coordinators in the elaboration of normative devices that allow the implementation of these laws, regarding the election as a form of provision, enabling the democratic school management to take effect in the Municipal Education Network of Irecê-Bahia.

Cette these a pour objet l'etude des partisans romains de marc-antoine; elle se fonde sur un catalogue prosopographique comprenant 172 citoyens qui ont apporte leur soutien, suivi ou servi marc-antoine dans la vie publique. Le parti antonien nait a l'occasion des violentes secousses politiques qui ont succede a l'assassinat de cesar en mars 44. Il se forme a partir d'un noyau initial de parents par le sang ou par alliance et grace au ralliement ou a l'approbation d'une partie des elites cesariennes. Les revers de la guerre de modene n'en sont pas venus a bout; bien au contraire, la creation du triumvirat, a la fin de l'annee 43, lui a donne sa force et sa cohesion. Desormais, cette faction participe directement au gouvernement de l'etat. A cette epoque, l'origine de cette formation parait relativement homogene : l'elite provient des rangs cesariens; les principaux lieutenants de cesar des guerres civiles ont rejoint antoine de preference a ses deux collegues; cependant, on peut noter egalement la presence d'anciens clodiens. Apres la bataille de philippes, la composition de ce groupe se modifie : les anciens republicains se rallient progressivement, suivis par les derniers pompeiens, apres nauloque. A la veille de la grande campagne contre les parthes, antoine se trouve a la tete d'un parti vaste et prestigieux ou dominent la nobilitas et les imperatores reveles par les guerresorientales. Mais, a partir de 36 et surtout de 32, les revers militaires successifs et la propagande d'octavien ont altere insensiblement la cohesion d'un parti devenu tres heterogene. Les defections l'ont mine aussi surement que les defaites. Apres actium, le sort des antoniens parait tres variable les plus importants furent absous et devinrent des piliers du principat augusteen. Un nombre, moinsnegligeable que ne le veut l'historiographie imperiale, n'a pas survecu a la mort d'antoine, en 30
THE PURPOSE OF THIS THESIS CONSIST IN A STUDY OF THE ROMAN FOLLOWERS OF MARK ANTONY ; IT IS BASED ON A PROSOPOGRAPHICAL CATALOGUE OF 172 CITIZENS WHO SUPPORTED, FOLLOWED OR SERVED ANTONY DURING HIS POLITICAL LIFE. ANTONY'S PARTY BORN IN THE POLITICAL UPHEAVAL WHO SUCCEEDED TO THE MURDER OF CAESAR, IN MARCH 44 B. C. FIRST, FAMILY AND PARENTS, THEN, A PART OF THE CESARIAN ELITES FORMED THIS FACTION. THE DEFEAT OF MUTINA DIDN'T STOP ITS PROGRESS; ON THE CONTRARY, THE CONSTITUTION OF THE TRIUMVIRATE, AT THE END OF 43 B. C. , strengthHENENED ITS POSITION; HENCEFORWARD, ANTONY'S FRIENDS TOOK PART IN THE GOVERNEMENT OT THE STATE. AT THIS TIME, THE COMPOSITION OF THE PARTY SEEMED TO BE HOMOGENEOUS : ITS ELITES CAME FROM THE CESARIAN RANKS; THE CESARIAN LEADERS DURING THE CIVIL WARS JOINED ANTONY RATHER THAN HIS TWO COLLEAGUES. WE CAN NOTE, ALSO A GREAT NUMBER OF EX-CLODIANS. AFTER THE BATTLE OF PHILIPPI, THE COMPOSITION CHANGED : THE DEFEATED REPUBLICANS RALLIED ANTONY, THEN, AFTER NAULOCAE, THE POMPEIANS WERE WON OVER HIM. BEFORE THE PARTHIAN CAMPAIGN, THE TRIUMVIR WAS AT THE HEAD OF A GREAT AND PRESTIGIOUS PARTY WHERE DOMINATED THE NOBILES AND THE IMPERATORES, WHO PROVED THEIR VALUE IN THE ORIENTAL WARS. BUT, FROM 36B. C. , AND PARTICULARLY FROM THE CRISIS OF 32 B. C. , THE MILITARY SETBACKS AND THE OCTAVIAN'S PROPAGANDA HAD SPOILT THE UNITY OF A PARTY WHO BECAME MORE AND MORE HETEROGENEOUS. AFTER ACTIUM, THE FATE OF THE FOLLOWERS VARIED GREATLY. THE MAJOR PART OF THE LEADERS WAS PARDONED AND THEY BECAME THE SUPPORTERS OF THE PRINCIPATE. BUT, SOME OF THE PARTISANS, IN A GREATER PROPORTION THAN THE IMPERIAL HISTORIOGRAPHY ACKNOWLEDGED, DIED WITH ANTONY, IN 30B. C

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo identificar la relación entre el precio, imagen de la tienda y familiaridad de las marcas blancas de alimentos en supermercados y la intención de compra y lealtad en los consumidores de 31 a 35 años que residen en la zona 7 de Lima - Perú. El estudio tiene como base el modelo desarrollado por los autores Cristina Calvo Porral y Jean Pierre Lévy Mangin, realizado en España. Para el desarrollo se llevó a cabo una investigación cuantitativa; se efectuaron 300 encuestas a jóvenes, de la edad estudiada, que residen en los distritos de San Borja, Surco, San Isidro, Miraflores y la Molina; además, que realicen compras de alimentos de marcas blancas en supermercados. En el primer capítulo se presenta la data que permitirá conocer los antecedentes, los conceptos y definiciones relacionados al estudio, como también la información actual del sector retail, marcas blancas a nivel mundial y Latinoamérica. El segundo capítulo expone el plan de investigación, sentando la problemática, los objetivos e hipótesis generales y específicas. Como siguiente paso, el tercer capítulo explica la metodología de trabajo a desarrollar, exponiendo el alcance y diseño de la investigación. El cuarto capítulo detalla el análisis de los resultados descriptivos y el proceso de pruebas estadísticas realizadas. El quinto capítulo presenta el análisis de los resultados del procesamiento de la data cuantitativa, lo cual finalmente permite sugerir conclusiones y recomendaciones útiles para los supermercados estudiados.
This research aims to identify the relationship between the price, image of the store and familiarity of white food brands in supermarkets with the intention of buying and the loyalty in consumers from 31 to 35 years residing in zone 7 of Lima - Perú. The study is based on the model developed by authors Cristina Calvo Porral and Jean Pierre Lévy Mangin, made in Spain. Quantitative research was carried out for development; 300 surveys were conducted on young people, of the age studied, residing in the districts of San Borja, Surco, San Isidro, Miraflores and La Molina, and also make purchases of private label food in supermarkets. The first chapter presents the data that will allow to know the background, concepts and definitions related to the study, as well as the current information of the retail sector, private label worldwide and Latin America. The second chapter sets out the research plan, laying down the problem, general and specific objectives and hypotheses. As a next step, the third chapter explains the working methodology to be developed, exposing the scope and design of the research. The fourth chapter details the analysis of the descriptive results and the statistical testing process performed. The fifth chapter presents the analysis of the results of quantitative data processing, which finally suggests useful conclusions and recommendations for the supermarkets studied.
Tesis

La tesi doctoral es focalitza en l'avaluació de polítiques públiques, concretament, en plantejar el disseny i l’execució d’un projecte socioeducatiu que forma part d'una política integral de regeneració urbana. El projecte objecte d’avaluació, el projecte Albada, forma part del pla de barris del Centre Històric de Lleida. El projecte integral i transversal, que pretén afavorir la regeneració urbana d’aquesta zona, queda inclòs en un marc polític més ampli com és la Llei de barris (2004). L’Albada intervé sobre la situació de risc social lleu o moderat que pateixen els joves (d'entre 12 i 18 anys) a través del reforç de les seves habilitats socials, educatives, emocionals, entre altres actuacions. Es tracta d’una actuació intensiva en el temps (aproximadament d’un any), realitzada en un equipament de nova creació adquirit per l’Ajuntament i amb el suport d’educadores i una treballadora familiar. Els joves parteixen d’un Projecte Educatiu Individualitzat (PEI) on s’hi estableixen els principals objectius i actuacions particulars de cada un. Les activitats que es realitzen a l’Albada van en la línia de reforçar aquestes mancances i contemplen des del reforç educatiu, el suport emocional, el treball dels hàbits socials com també la cura de l’alimentació i la higiene personal. La premissa de partida és un no aïllament dels joves dels seus punts de referència com és la família i el barri on viuen, és per això que a l’equipament no es pernocta i que aquest està ubicat dins del mateix Centre Històric. La tesi parteix d’un doble objectiu precisament de caire metodològic. En primer lloc, dissenyar un pla d'avaluació, en segon, executar aquest disseny avaluatiu en el cas de l’Albada per contrastar la seva validesa. Partint d'aquests, la tesi té un doble marc teòric, d'una banda la regeneració urbana i de l'altra, l'avaluació com a concepte teòric i com a disseny avaluatiu de recerca. El disseny avaluatiu recull la influència de la perspectiva teòrica de l'Avaluació basada en la teoria (TBE). L’aproximació basada en la teoria posa l’èmfasi no només en els resultats sinó també en el procés de com aquests han estat generats. Informa de la “caixa negra” de les polítiques públiques a través de contrastar la teoria del programa. El disseny s’estructura en tres grans fases, la identificació del marc de referència, el disseny i l’execució d’aquest. Pel que fa al disseny aquest es compon de tres etapes que permeten fer emergir la teoria del programa, contrastar-la i redefinir-la. L'execució de cada fase es porta a terme a través d'entrevistes en profunditat a actors clau: gestors del projecte, educadores, joves i famílies. Amb tota la informació, a la primera etapa s’ha dibuixat una teoria del programa que explica l'estructura dels resultats com també els mecanismes que els enllacen. En aquest moment, és una assumpció de com es preveu que funciona el projecte segons la visió dels gestors del mateix. També s’informa de la jerarquia d’objectius i dels efectes no previstos (tan positius com negatius). A la segona etapa, aquesta teoria del programa esbossada pels gestors, és corroborada, ampliada i matisada per part del grup de professionals implicats en el projecte (educadores i treballadores socials del Centre Històric) com també per part dels beneficiaris del projecte (joves i llurs respectius familiars, en aquest cas, les mares). En aquesta segona etapa també s’aporten nombrosos exemples dels resultats aconseguits, del com són aconseguits i en alguns casos, de com no són aconseguits. En la darrera etapa, la teoria del programa es refinada amb tota la informació recollida en les etapes precedents i s’ofereix una visió global, posant també especial atenció a les ruptures de la teoria del programa i a quin són els mecanismes que expliquen aquests trencaments. Aquesta tesi doctoral pretén assajar aquest disseny avaluatiu exhaustiu i testar fins a quin punt els resultats esperats s’acaben generant, i per tant, els joves que participen d’aquest recurs, tenen més habilitats per trencar el relleu generacional del risc que pateixen.
The thesis focuses on evaluation of public policies, in particular to design and execute evaluation process of socio-educational project included in an urban regeneration project. The project evaluated, called Albada is part of the Neighborhood Plan of the historic center of Lleida. This comprehensive and transversal project aims to promote the regeneration of this area. All the neighborhood plans are included in a broader political context as the Neighborhood Law (Llei de Barris, 2004). The Albada project treats young people (aged 12 to 18 years) who are in low or moderate social risk situation. The project tries to strength their social skills, educational, emotional, among other actions. It is an intensive time action (about one year), located in a newly purchased equipment by the City Council, with the support of educators and social worker. Young people are guided by an Individualized Education Project (IEP) where it establishes the main objectives and activities for each one. The initial premise isn't insulating young persons from their references: family and neighborhood where they are living. For this reason, youth aren’t overnight in the center and it is located within the Historic Center. The thesis has two methodological objectives: first, design an evaluation plan, secondly, execute this evaluation design to test its validity. Based on these two objectives, the thesis has a dual theoretical framework, on one hand, urban regeneration and on the other hand, evaluation concept and evaluation research. The design is based on theory-based evaluation approach (TBE). This perspective emphasizes not only the results but also the process of how they were generated. This lets inform about the "black box" of public policy using program theory. Evaluation design is divided into three phases, identifying the reference framework, design and implementation of evaluation plan. Related to evaluation design, this consists of three stages that allow emerge theory of the program, contrast and redefine it. The execution of each phase is carried out through indepth interviews of key stakeholders: project managers, educators, youth and families . With all collected information, it allows draw a program theory that explains the structure of results as well as the mechanisms that link them. Also results report unintended effects (positive and negative), and tell break ups in theory program.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze unions autonomy and freedom, especially the existing and established paradoxes in the Brazilian union laws, specifically those arising from Law nr. 11.648/08, including legal, political and structural issues. The laws and legal teachings that govern this matter were analyzed, with special emphasis on the dualities and conflicts of the Brazilian system, further to situational movements that directly or indirectly affect this matter. Moreover, we shall analyze the impacts arising from the attempted recognition of Union Center as union entities, as provided in Law nr. 11.648/08, as well as the direct impacts, including those relative to the constitutionality of such legal provision, since, in our understanding, it disregards the union unicity principle, provided in article 8 of the Federal Constitution of 1988. The conclusion is that a full Rule of Law system within a democratic geographic space is only possible upon the existence of free and independent unions that may enjoy the guarantee of representing the group to which they support and so that the persons may legitimately and legally assure and enforce such groups rights. As a result, the unions freedom and autonomy become increasingly important, reflecting Convention nr. 87, of the International Labor Organization, in light of its practical applicability for the Brazilian union system. However, in our opinion, the intended fact, via imposition of ordinary law, finds an unsurmountable constitutional obstacle, and for this reason - even due to the fact of it being a necessary change - the unconstitutionality of such legislation should be acknowledged further to the immutability of such confederate union s structure
O presente estudo analisa a questão da autonomia e liberdade sindical, em especial os paradoxos existentes e consagrados pelo nosso ordenamento sindical, principalmente aqueles decorrentes da Lei nº 11.648/08, bem como as questões jurídicas, políticas e estruturais. Procedemos ao estudo da legislação e doutrina que versam sobre a matéria, dando ênfase a dualidades e conflitos de nosso sistema, além dos movimentos conjunturais que, de forma direta ou indireta, interferem na matéria. Ademais, verificamos os impactos decorrentes da tentativa de reconhecimento das Centrais Sindicais como entidades sindicais, conforme previsão constante da citada lei, assim como os impactos diretos, inclusive relativos à própria constitucionalidade desse dispositivo legal, uma vez que, em nosso entendimento, desrespeita o princípio da unicidade sindical, consagrado no artigo 8º da Constituição Federal de 1988. Para se ter de fato um pleno Estado de Direito, dentro de um geoespaço democrático, é necessário que se exija a presença de sindicatos livres e independentes, no sentido de que possam gozar da garantia de representação do grupo que os sustenta e para que pessoas legítima e legalmente garantam e imponham os direitos desse grupo. Daí decorre a relevância da consagração da liberdade e autonomia sindical, refletindo a Convenção de nº 87, da OIT, à luz de aplicabilidade prática desses conceitos, especialmente para nosso sistema sindical. Todavia, a pretensão adotada, via imposição de lei ordinária, encontra óbice constitucional intransponível, pelo que deve ser, ainda que se trate de alteração necessária, reconhecida a inconstitucionalidade da citada legislação e a inalterabilidade de nossa estrutura sindical confederativa

La déontologie des avocats émane-t-elle d’eux à raison des nécessités de l’exercice ou des autorités politiques parce qu’elle touche une tâche régalienne ? La France a peu hésité. S’inspirant notamment de THEODOSE puis JUSTINIEN, empruntant aux carolingiens et à la chevalerie une morale religieuse, les rois à compter de Saint LOUIS ont légiféré d’autant que la naissance des juridictions royales à la fin du XIIIème siècle stabilise le rôle et le titre de l’avocat. Les coutumes et les « stiles » complètent ce dispositif. Ces principes (loyauté, indépendance, respect) se transformeront au cours des époques en « usages ». Tant que l’avocat est un membre de l’institution judiciaire ayant vocation d’en devenir un cadre la déontologie reposait sur un consensus. La vénalité des charges lui ôtant cette promotion, le transforme en simple « auxiliaire », rétif aux injonctions au point de fomenter d’improbables grèves. Imprégné de la grandeur fantasmée de ses ancêtres antiques il préfère consolider son rang social (noblesse, préséance). A partir de LOUIS XIV la déontologie se fige. La Révolution balaie cet héritage multiséculaire. Pressés par les concepts de liberté et de gratuité les constituants, majoritairement avocats, suppriment la profession et les Parlements honnis. Des « défenseurs officieux », souvent sans foi ni loi, se substituent aux avocats. La déontologie disparut pendant vingt ans. Rétablis avec réticence par NAPOLEON, ces « factieux » lutteront tout le XIXème contre l’Etat pour la maîtrise des « usages » fragilisant un peu plus ceux-ci déjà traversés par les courants sociétaux (émancipation, nationalité). Le décret de 1920 régla cette situation qui faillit engloutir les Ordres. Jamais plus jusqu’en 1971 les avocats ne participeront à la définition de leurs règles. Tout au plus une association (ANA) fera avec succès des propositions. Les guerres illustrèrent le pouvoir d’intervention du Prince dans la déontologie en la suspendant, l’aménageant en profondeur (interdiction des juifs) ou en créant des institutions pérennes (CAPA). La France Libre conserva de Vichy tout ce qui ne heurtait pas des principes fondamentaux. Les années 54/57 introduisirent des modifications libérales (droit de manier des fonds, de s’associer, de réclamer des honoraires impayés). Il est un endroit où l’Etat n’a pas renoncé à l’avocat fonctionnaire : l’outre-mer. L’Algérie mise à part, « prolongement naturel de la France », dans les autres pays sous domination française, dans un désordre total, sans cette unité rêvée, la France a, dans l’indifférence des Ordres, créé une paradéontologie évoquant vaguement l’avoué. En dépit d’une prolifération législative la France n’a pas plus réussi à imposer une déontologie universelle. Usant de procédés imaginatifs renouvelés, les gouverneurs ont, principe de réalisme oblige, tout inventé pour sauver un système notoirement défaillant jusqu’à l’inadmissible (interdiction de plaider pour les indigènes). Dans les années 1930/1936 la République se résolut à instaurer des « barreaux libres », grosso modo calqués sur ceux de métropole, tentative libérale sans lendemain à raison de la guerre puis des conflits de décolonisation. Il faudrait réserver un sort à part à l’Algérie, « prolongement naturel de la France ». La Loi du 31 décembre 1971 en créant un « avoué plaidant » redouté par les caciques a initié une réforme profonde du rôle de l’avocat et posé ainsi les jalons d’une évolution ultérieure de la déontologie (institution d’une représentation nationale -CNB, octroi à celle-ci du pouvoir législatif en la matière). C’est néanmoins sans les avocats que fut publié le décret de déontologie en 2005. Une déontologie aussi linéaire s’explique par le souci pour le Prince d’assurer jusqu’à l’infini détail la perfection de sa mission de juger, une métaphysique du parfait. La marchandisation du droit, l’extension du domaine de l’avocat, l’industrialisation des acteurs contrarient cet objectif. La France tranchera-t-elle enfin ?
Is ethics of lawyers emanating from them because of the necessities of its exercise or from the political authorities because it touches a sovereign task? France has not hesitated. Inspired in particular by THEODOSIUS and JUSTINIAN, borrowing Carolingians and chivalry religious morals, kings from St. Louis have legislated especially as the birth of royal courts at the end of the thirteenth century stabilized the role and title of the lawyer. The customs and the "stiles" completed this device. These principles (loyalty, independence, respect) will change over time into "uses". As long as the lawyer is a member of the judicial institution with a vocation to become executive, the deontology was based on a consensus. The venality of the offices depriving him of this promotion, transforms him into a simple "auxiliary", wayward to the point of stirring unlikely strikes. Impregnated with the fantasized grandeur of his ancestors in the antiquity he prefers to consolidate his social rank (nobility, precedence). From LOUIS XIV the deontology (ethics) freezes. The Revolution sweeps away this multisecular heritage. Pressed by the concepts of freedom and gratuitousness, the constituents, mostly lawyers, suppress the profession and the parliaments that are being hated. "Unofficial defenders", often without faith or law, take the place of lawyers. Ethics disappeared for twenty years. Reluctantly reinstated by NAPOLEON, these "factious" struggle all the nineteenth against the state for the control of "uses" weakening them (already in butte to societal currents: emancipation, nationality) a little more. The decree of 1920 settled this situation, which almost engulfed the Orders. Never again until 1971 will lawyers participate in the definition of their rules. At most one association (ANA) will make successful proposals. The wars illustrated the Prince's power of intervention in deontology by suspending it, overhauling it (prohibiting Jews) or creating permanent institutions (CAPA). “France Libre” preserved from Vichy everything that did not conflict with fundamental principles. The years 54/57 introduced liberal modifications (the right to wield funds, to associate, to claim unpaid fees). It is a place where the state did not give up to make the lawyer a civil servant: overseas. Except for Algeria, a "natural extension of France", in other countries under french domination, in a total disorder, far from its dreamed unity, France has, in the indifference of the bar associations, created a paradeontology vaguely evoking the “avoué”. Despite a legislative abundance, France has no more succeeded in imposing a universal code of ethics. Using renewed imaginative processes, the governors have, as required by a principle of realism, all invented to save a notoriously failing system until the inadmissible (prohibition to plead for the natives). In the years 1930/1936 the Republic resolved to establish "free bars", roughly modeled on those of metropolis, a liberal attempt without a future because of the war and the conflicts of decolonization. The Law of December 31, 1971 creating a "pleading-solicitor" dreaded by the caciques initiated a profound reform of the role of the lawyer and laid the groundwork for a subsequent evolution of ethics (institution of a national representation -CNB granting it legislative power in this area). It was nevertheless without the lawyers that the decree of ethics was published in 2005. Such a linear deontology is explained by the concern for the Prince to ensure to the infinity detail the perfection of his mission to judge, a metaphysics of the perfect. The commodification of the law, the extension of the field of the lawyer, the industrialization of the actors contradict this objective. Will France finally decide ?