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1

Gill, Christopher. "MARCUS AURELIUS." Classical Review 50, no. 2 (October 2000): 429–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.2.429.

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GILL, CHRISTOPHER. "VII — MARCUS AURELIUS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 50, Supplement_94_Part_1 (June 1, 2007): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2007.tb02423.x.

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3

Tsiupak, Vasylyna. "THE DYNASTIC POLICY OF MARCUS AURELIUS." Problems of humanities. History, no. 5/47 (March 27, 2021): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.217830.

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Summary. The article deals with Marcus Aurelius’ dynastic policy. The methodology of the study is based on the principles of historicism and scientific objectivity, as well as on the use of general scientific methods (methods of analysis and synthesis) and special-historical methods, among which: problem-chronological, comparative and retrospective. The scientific novelty is that for the first time in the Ukrainian historiography the article considers Marcus Aurelius’ dynastic policy as well as the evolution of his views on the problem of the succession of imperial power. It was found that in the main the approach of Marcus Aurelius to the problem of the inheritance of imperial power can be defined as follows: if a particular person had more rights to inherit the imperial power than anyone else and there was no good reason to refute this, that person must inherit the power. The conclusions are as follows. Marcus Aurelius’ dynastic policy was logical and consistent. Its goal was to prevent domestic political upheavals that may have been caused by the struggle for imperial power leading to civil war. Initially, relying on Lucius Verus who like himself, was adopted by the previous emperor Antoninus Pius, he made Lucius Verus his co-ruler and married his daughter to him. The threat of a potential conflict for power between the son of Marcus Aurelius, Commodus, and Lucius Verus disappeared with the death of the latter. Since then, the dynastic policy of Marcus Aurelius was to ensure the future transfer of imperial power to his son, Commodus. Marcus Aurelius’ death did not lead to any upheavals in the Roman Empire. Virtually unopposed, Commodus became the sole rule, having received the state in a fairly stable condition.
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4

Sheldon, E. "Marcus Aurelius ("Aurel") Stefan." BMJ 326, no. 7396 (May 3, 2003): 987h—987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.326.7396.987/h.

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BRUNT, P. A. "MARCUS AURELIUS AND SLAVERY." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42, Supplement_71 (February 1, 1998): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1998.tb01698.x.

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6

Birley, A. R. "MARCUS AURELIUS AND RELIGION." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 495–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.495.

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7

Błaszczyk, Marek. "Marka Aureliusza filozofia życia." Człowiek i Społeczeństwo 55 (July 19, 2023): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cis.2023.55.9.

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The article presents a critical approach to Sztuka życia według Marka Aureliusza. Rozmyślania nad „Rozmyślaniami” by Dominika Budzanowska-Weglenda (Wydawnictwo Naukowe UKSW, Warszawa 2016). It discusses the main theses presented in the dissertation and invites to reflection on the stoic philosophy of Marcus Aurelius.
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8

Taylor, Lloyd W. H., Nicholas J. Molinari, Zhenya Marinkevich, and Michael Kodysz. "Catalog of New Varieties." KOINON: The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies 5 (November 9, 2022): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/k.v5i.1664.

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1. Damaskos, Alexander the Great 2. Babylonia, Uncertain Mint 6A, Seleukos (first Babylonian satrapy) 3. Baktria, Ai Khanoum, Coregency of Seleukos 1 and Antiochos 1 4. Drangiana, The Ariaspi 5. Parthia, Andragoras 6. Parthia, Andragoras 7. Parthia, Andragoras 8. Parthia, Andragoras 9. Parthia, Andragoras 10. Parthia, Andragoras 11. Parthia, Andragoras 12. Campania, Teanum Sidicinum 13. Vespasian / Titus, mule, Rome mint 14. Hadrian, Rome mint 15. Hadrian, Eastern mint 16. Antoninus Pius / Faustina I, mule (or hybrid?), Rome mint 17. Marcus Aurelius, Rome mint 18. Marcus Aurelius, Rome mint 19. Marcus Aurelius / Lucius Verus, mule, Rome mint 20. Lucius Verus / Marcus Aurelius, mule, Rome mint 21. Commodus / Lucilla (?), mule or hybrid (?), Rome mint 22. Marcus Aurelius / Commodus, mule, Rome mint 23. Commodus, Rome mint 24. Commodus, Rome mint 25. Commodus, Rome mint 26. Didius Julianus, Rome mint 27. Septimius Severus, Rome mint 28. Septimius Severus, Emesa 29. Geta, Rome 30. Elagabalus, Rome 31. Elagabalus, Rome 32. Elagabalus, Eastern (usually attributed to Antioch) 33. Severus Alexander, Eastern (usually attributed to Antioch)
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9

Saputra, Muhammad Kevin, Zaim Rais, and Elfi Elfi. "Marcus Aurelius' Stoicism and its Solution to Overthinking." Islamic Thought Review 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/itr.v1i1.6422.

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<p>This research was library research with overthinking as its material object and the Stoicism of Marcus Aurelius as a formal object. The main problem in this study is how Marcus Aurelius' Stoicism becomes a solution to overthinking. This research used critical analysis and heuristics methods. The data source in this research refers to the book or personal record of Marcus Aurelius, namely <em>Meditations</em>, which is supported by other sources that are closely related to the problems of Stoicism and overthinking. There are some critical points as the solution to the overthinking of Marcus Aurelius' Stoicism, namely, first, living in harmony with nature, where things beyond human control are on the scale of nature. Second, regarding the treatment of others, the actions and words of others are beyond human control, and what should be controlled is their perception. Third, self-restraint is in of control of humans. Everything that comes from out of control will not affect and interfere if in of control can be managed with the argumentation that humans as a whole are human beings that have a ratio; then this is the core of Marcus Aurelius' Stoicism.</p>
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ORHUN, Murat. "ROMA’NIN FİLOZOF İMPARATORU MARCUS AURELIUS." Diyalektolog - Ulusal Hakemlin Sosyal Arastirmalar Dergisi 29, no. 29 (2022): 99–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/diyalektolog.57880.

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11

Grant, Robert M. "Five Apologists and Marcus Aurelius." Vigiliae Christianae 42, no. 1 (1988): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007288x00282.

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Dimitrijević, Milijan, and Mihajlo Prica. "Where Did Marcus Aurelius Die?" Historia 72, no. 2 (2023): 214–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2023-0009.

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13

Asmis, Elizabeth. "The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus." Ancient Philosophy 13, no. 2 (1993): 475–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199313228.

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Цюпак, Василина. "MARCUS AURELIUS AND THE «ANTONINE PLAGUE»." Problems of humanities. History, no. 1/43 (November 20, 2019): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.1/43.184257.

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15

Dovbyshchenko, Fedir. "HERODIAN. THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE AFTER MARCUS AURELIUS. BOOK I (A TRANSLATION FROM ANCIENT GREEK)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Literary Studies. Linguistics. Folklore Studies, no. 2(34) (2023): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2659.2023.34.29.

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A Ukrainian translation of the first work of the Greek-speaking historian’s of the era of Roman rule Herodian (III century AD) "The History of the Empire after Marcus Aurelius" (Τῆς μετὰ Μάρκον βασιλείας ἱστορίας βιβλια ὀκτώ), which describes the events in the political the life of the Roman Empire from 180 to 238 AD, that is, from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the coming to power of Gordian III, is offered to the attention of scientists and the general public. Book I covers the reign of emperor Commodus (180–192 AD). The Ukrainian translation of the work is published for the first time in bilingual form. The scientific editor of the translation is Lesia Zvonska, Dlitt., professor of the department of general linguistics, classical philology and neo-hellenistic studies of the Educational and scientific institute of philology of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Original text source: Lucarini, C.M. ed. (2005). Herodiani Regnum post Marcum. Munich: Saur.
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16

Taoka, Yasuko. "The Correspondence of Fronto and Marcus Aurelius." Classical Antiquity 32, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 406–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2013.32.2.406.

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This paper seeks to bridge two aspects of Fronto's letters, erotics and rhetoric, by demonstrating that Fronto himself merges the two areas in his discourse with Marcus Aurelius about their relationship. Whereas some letters suggest an unequal relationship based on power, others encourage the identification of Fronto with Marcus. Fronto achieves this identification by structuring their relationship itself as a metaphor in which he and Marcus are equated and linked by epistolary bonds. I close by discussing why the epistolary genre in particular is an apt site for the merger of metaphor and love.
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Larson, Krysta. "Mother Knows Best? Evaluating the Roles of Stoic Parents in Gladiator (2000)." Quest: A Journal of Undergraduate Research 5 (February 19, 2016): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17062/qjur.v5.i1.p13.

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<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>My paper uses the 2000 Ridley Scott film </span><span>Gladiator </span><span>as a vehicle for exploring Stoicism, specifically the ways that Stoic parents ought to behave in different situations. The film includes a portrayal of the historic emperor and Stoic philosopher Marcus Aurelius and uses Stoic themes. I explore the ways in which two of the main characters, the general Maximus and Marcus Aurelius’ daughter Lucilla, demonstrate Stoic values through their parenting. Through an analysis of the works of Stoic philosophers Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius, I examine these characters’ decisions and ultimately conclude that Maximus upholds Stoic values better than Lucilla. Through my paper I hope to invite a unique perspective on parenting that differs greatly from the modern, Christian-centered tradition and to give readers a clearer understanding of Stoicism. </span></p></div></div></div>
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18

Protopapas-Marneli, Maria. "Ernest Renan and Marcus Aurelius: On the End of the Ancient World." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 8, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2017.1.26.

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According to Renan, the day of Marcus Aurelius’ death could be considered as the decisive moment in the downfall of the ancient civilization. He, thus, wonders: “If Marcus Aurelius, the unique emperor-philosopher, did not succeed in saving the world, who else, then, could have saved it?” He notes that the emperor’s death was followed by the succession to the throne of his corrupted son, Commodus, and his friends, who all were all ignorant. Renan observes that the emperor’s kindness could not have prevented the unfortunate fate that befell the Roman Empire after his death. What we have here is the perennial problem, already established in Plato, regarding the role of the philosopher-king in establishing a good state and educating good citizens. However, the case of Marcus Aurelius, as demonstrated by Renan in his book, shows the inability of philosophy to serve the real needs, which ultimately leads to disastrous and irreparable consequences. The present paper attempts to reconstruct the reasons for the unsuccessful application of philosophy, especially the philosophy of the Hellenistic era, to the administrative system of the Roman Empire. It is argued that the failure is mainly due to political, religious and cultural problems.
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Protopapas-Marneli, Maria. "Ernest Renan and Marcus Aurelius: On the End of the Ancient World." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(8) (October 24, 2017): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/peitho.2017.12240.

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According to Renan, the day of Marcus Aurelius’ death could be considered as the decisive moment in the downfall of the ancient civilization. He, thus, wonders: “If Marcus Aurelius, the unique emperor-philosopher, did not succeed in saving the world, who else, then, could have saved it?” He notes that the emperor’s death was followed by the succession to the throne of his corrupted son, Commodus, and his friends, who all were all ignorant. Renan observes that the emperor’s kindness could not have prevented the unfortunate fate that befell the Roman Empire after his death. What we have here is the perennial problem, already established in Plato, regarding the role of the philosopher-king in establishing a good state and educating good citizens. However, the case of Marcus Aurelius, as demonstrated by Renan in his book, shows the inability of philosophy to serve the real needs, which ultimately leads to disastrous and irreparable consequences. The present paper attempts to reconstruct the reasons for the unsuccessful application of philosophy, especially the philosophy of the Hellenistic era, to the administrative system of the Roman Empire. It is argued that the failure is mainly due to political, religious and cultural problems.
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20

Petrache, Noria. "Defining the Human Condition in Stoic Philosophy: A Case Study on the characterization of Emperor Marcus Aurelius." Revista CICSA online, Serie Nouă, no. 9 (June 15, 2023): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/cicsa.2023.9.3.

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This paper investigates, from a psycho-sociological perspective, notions of self-reflection and the human condition in the Greco-Roman world during the ancient period, focusing on the social constructionism of personal characterisation. In this context, Marcus Aurelius, one of Rome's most remarkable philosopher-emperors, was considered an exemplary, wise, and moral leader during a tumultuous period marked by wars, epidemics, and betrayals. The positive image of Marcus Aurelius has endured in history due to the efforts of recording and transmission of this depiction in ancient sources, which emphasised the enrichment of imperial power with attention to the philosophical form. Both within the Stoic doctrine and from the perspective of symbolic interactionism, the human condition is perceived as a result of social construction and subjective interpretations, in which the individual has the power to shape their own experience and create their reality. Qualitative research methods associated with symbolic interactionism emphasise individual experience and understanding of the world, being helpful in explaining broad social changes and the agency of participants. This perspective provides a broad framework for analysing interactions that shape social architecture through which the image of Marcus Aurelius is propagated.
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SAGE, M. M. "Marcus Aurelius and 'Zeus Kasios' at Carnuntum." Ancient Society 18 (January 1, 1987): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.18.0.2011361.

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22

Sellars, John. "Henry More as reader of Marcus Aurelius." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 25, no. 5 (April 10, 2017): 916–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608788.2017.1306772.

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23

Harriman, Benjamin. "DISJUNCTIONS AND NATURAL PHILOSOPHY IN MARCUS AURELIUS." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (December 2019): 858–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000051.

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In his Meditations, Marcus Aurelius repeatedly presents a disjunction between two conceptions of the natural world. Either the universe is ruled by providence or there are atoms. At 4.3, we find perhaps its most succinct statement: ἀνανεωσάμενος τὸ διεζευγμένον τό⋅ ἤτοι πρόνοια ἢ ἄτομοι (recall the disjunction: either providence or atoms). The formulation of the disjunction differs; at 7.32, being composed of atoms is contrasted with a stronger sort of unity (ἕνωσις) that may survive death. In 10.6 and 11.18 Marcus simply offers φύσις (nature, construed in the Stoic manner as providentialist and causally efficacious) in opposition. On the surface, the contrast between the theory of atomism and the acceptance of providence seems to not warrant the term ‘disjunction’; it seems possible to accept both atomism and a causally determined providential universe. Yet, it is agreed on all sides, in the recent literature, that the relevant contrast for Marcus is not between the atomist and the non-atomist views of the constitution of the natural world as such but between two entailments that follow from the atomist Epicurean and the non-atomist Stoic advocacy of these positions. The contrast is between the providential ordering of the Stoic universe and the chaotic chance-ridden Epicurean model.
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Kovács, Péter. "Deities in Trajan’s and Marcus Aurelius’ Column." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 68, no. 1 (June 2017): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2017.68.1.2.

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Siwicka, Małgorzata. "Man in the Face of Passing and the Transitory Nature of the Moment in Marcus Aurelius’ Meditations." Roczniki Humanistyczne 66, no. 3 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 23, 2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2018.66.3-1e.

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The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 56 (2008), issue 3. In his Meditations, the Stoic emperor Marcus Aurelius very often resorts to the motif of passing and transitory nature of human life. On the one hand, this permanent and pessimistic motif may be interpreted as a certain kind of spiritual exercise, practised not only by Stoics. On the other hand, we cannot exclude that this is a manifestation of the author’s personal views and experiences. Marcus often touched upon the topic of death, a fact that was not necessarily an expression of his fear of what was inevitable since, according to the Stoic doctrine, death belongs to the immutable order of the world and is congruous with nature, hence it is completely ac­ceptable. Marcus Aurelius is rather afraid of the transitory nature of the moment that we are given. He stresses that life “is passing away” each day and, at the same time, he is tormented with the lack of time that must be filled with good and respectable behaviour, with life in conformity with reason, or the deity. Marcus Aurelius is not frightened by death itself, but by the possibility to lose control over one’s life, loss of consciousness, and the ability to reflect (in case of an illness or old age). He also firmly stresses the importance of favours that we may and should render to others, which besides properly forming one’s soul, are the goal of human life.
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Cordoneanu, Ion. "MARCUS AURELIUS – A POSSIBLE PARADIGM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF PHILOSOPHICAL COUNSELLING." International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on the Dialogue between Sciences & Arts, Religion & Education 3, no. 1 (August 25, 2019): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/mcdsare.2019.3.18-22.

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Mesaroș, Claudiu Marius. "Marcus Aurelius and the Community of Philosophical Life." Synthesis philosophica 35, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 367–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21464/sp35206.

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U radu se usmjeravam na povijesnu pozadinu suvremene filozofijske prakse ističući određene aspekte filozofijskog obrazovanja Marka Aurelija, naročito dnevne rutine upražnjavane tijekom njegova ranog djetinjstva, koje su mu prenijeli njegovi učitelji. Argumentirat ću u korist ideje da postoje određene prakse koje se mogu strukturirati kao dio života filozofijske zajednice. Moja se analiza zasniva na Hadotovoj interpretaciji filozofijskog ideala Marka Aurelija, vezanog za figure poput Katona mlađeg, Rogacijana i Aula Gelija, kako bi se naglasila ideja da je Aurelijeva posvećenost filozofiji bila rezultat dugotrajnog procesa sudjelovanja u duhovnim aktivnostima predloženima od strane njegovih učitelja, kojima je odao počast u prvoj knjizi svojih Meditacija. Idejom se predlaže da je pod utjecajem Epikteta svaki od učitelja poticao na oprimjerivanje karakteristične vrline u dnevnim vježbama tijekom Aurelijevih formativnih godina, kao počast helenskoj koncepciji filozofije kao »brige o duši«. Stoga, bez da se radi o historiografskom istraživanju, rad nastoji ponuditi izvor suvremenom filozofijskom praktičaru, o prirodi filozofijskog savjetovanja, nudeći povijesne izvore za suvremenu filozofijsku praksu, te oblik uvoda u filozofijsko savjetovanje za nepraktičare, time ilustrirajući stoičko filozofijsko savjetovanje na djelu.
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Silva, Álvaro. "Marcus Aurelius, Paul J., Meditations: The Annotated Edition." Mayéutica 47, no. 103 (2021): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica20214710310.

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Bruno, Andrea. "Protecting and preserving the Column of Marcus Aurelius." Museum International 39, no. 1 (March 1987): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0033.1987.tb00657.x.

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Sellars, John. "A Disputed Fragment of Epictetus in Marcus Aurelius." Mnemosyne 71, no. 2 (February 20, 2018): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342443.

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Jones, Harold B. "Marcus Aurelius, the Stoic Ethic, and Adam Smith." Journal of Business Ethics 95, no. 1 (January 6, 2010): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-009-0349-9.

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Accardo, G., D. Amodio, A. Bennici, P. Cappa, G. Santucci, and M. Torre. "Strain fields on the statue of marcus aurelius." Experimental Mechanics 30, no. 4 (December 1990): 372–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02321507.

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Gutiv, B., and Yu Oliinyk. "Mark Aurelius political and legal ideas on human rights as a significant contribution to roman legal thought." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 72 (November 16, 2022): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.72.8.

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The article is dedicated to a general overview of the political and legal ideas of Marcus Aurelius on human rights. In today’s period of fatal events, when the worst episodes of the past are becoming a reality again, namely the unleashing of an unprovoked brutal war against Ukraine by the Russian Federation, the world community is obliged to discuss human rights issues in the natural and legal aspects. In this regard, it seems necessary to turn to the origins of ideas about subjectively significant state and legal phenomena, devoid of problematic and veiled ideas. Undoubtedly, the world today needs more ideas full of humanity and the common good, ideas of the right decisions, which in their numbers can become something of a catalyst for peace around the world. Such political and legal ideas are able to change the world and adjust a certain group of people to the direction of development and improvement, rather than impoverishment and degradation. Among other things, it is important to take into account historical experience and views on the state and law, analyzing which can be at least closer to the truth in the relevant issue. The significance of the Roman Empire, which for some time stretched over large areas from England to Syria in the context of the concepts of history of state and law and political and legal doctrines is extremely great. The Roman Empire largely shaped world culture, science, law, art and education. The influence of the same Roman law on the jurisprudence of medieval and new states is enormous. The Roman Empire, both during its existence and after its disappearance, became a symbol of the development of law. Of great interest in this regard are the political and legal teachings of Marcus Aurelius - Emperor-philosopher, who introduced the idea of a state with equal law for all, governed by equality and equality of all, and the kingdom in which the highest good is the freedom of subordinates. The philosopher believed that the state should have the same laws for all, respect the freedom of citizens, and govern on the basis of equality and equality of all citizens. This philosopher pursued a balanced policy, his rule is characterized by respect for the people, the Senate and its members. Aurelius reign was called the «Senate Renaissance» because the emperor himself emphasized his obedience to the senate, which was the highest imperial power at the time. Marcus Aurelius directed his policy to help orphans, slaves, the poor and the sick, donated money to help all those in need. During this historical period, attitudes toward slavery and violence against them changed, and their murder was recognized as a crime thanks to Marcus Aurelius. In this article, the authors evaluates the main ideas of the Roman Stoics. The the authors clarifies some principles of equality of human rights and the functioning of the state in this direction, in particular on the basis of political and legal views of Marcus Aurelius.
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Rusakov, Sergei S. "The Practice of Subjectification in the Stoic Philosophy of Marcus Aurelius." Ethical Thought 22, no. 2 (2022): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-4870-2022-22-2-62-73.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of philosophical constructions of Marcus Aurelius, one of the representatives of late Stoicism. The interest in the works of the last “good emperor” is connected with the historical study of Michel Foucault, aimed at studying the ethical teachings of Marcus Aurelius and his declared practices of self-care. The work carried out by the French thinker, on the one hand, is deeply interesting from the point of view of inte- grating Stoic practices into the general concept of subjectification, i.e., the self-construction of human subjectivity. On the other hand, Foucault’s analysis is not systematic, and his idea of Marcus Aurelius is presented in a fragmented and generalized way. The aim of this article is to provide a systematic overview of the practices of subjectification (self-care) found in his correspondence with Fronton and in his diary, entitled Alone with Myself. Among the practices presented are the following: the technique of writing oneself, the inspection of consciousness, spiritual cognition, the exercise of memory, and the exercise of the last day. The article shows what variations of these exercises are found in other philosophers of antiquity, and how far these techniques of self-care transformed with the development of Stoicism. The analysis points out exactly how each practice should influence the forma- tion of subjectivity, and how the subject should be formed in the view of the philosophers of late Stoicism.
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Pilipović, Sanja. "Funerary stela with lion-decorated pediment from Singidunum." Nasledje, no. 22 (2021): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2122009p.

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The funerary stela of Marcus Aurelius Bitus, a soldier of the Legio IV Flavia Felix, was discovered in Palmotićeva Street, Belgrade, during construction work undertaken in 1989-1990. The stela is typologically classified as being of the architectural type, and is topped by a pediment decorated with lions. To date, it remains the only known example of an intact stela with a pediment not only in Singidunum, but also along the entire Upper Moesian Limes. This paper provides evidence of the fact that this type of stelawith-pediment was not uncommon, either within Singidunum itself or throughout its wider surroundings. Additionally, the structural and iconographic features of the stela of Marcus Aurelius Bitus are studied, and the issue of artistic influences from Pannonia and Noricum, which undoubtedly influenced the stela's creation in a local workshop in what was then Singidunum, are also considered
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36

Suski, Robert. "Aurelian a męczennicy." Vox Patrum 50 (June 15, 2007): 441–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6709.

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The persecution of Christians was stopped after capture of Valerian in June 260. During the forty-three years from 260 to 303 the Christian Church had a relatively comfortable conditions to growth. According to Eusebius of Ceasarea and Lactantius the emperor Aurelian (270-275) wanted to renew the persecution in the last few months of his reign. The emperor was assassinated by a conspiracy of his higher officers and he didn’t realize this plans. We have several accounts of martyrdoms which took place under Aurelian in Italy, Asia Minor, Palestine, Dalmatia and Gaul. The reliability of many of this martyrdoms is doubled. Some of this martyrs were genuine, but they hadn’t been punished during the rule of Aurelian. For example Felix was executed either rule of Valerian or Aurelian. Sometimes authors of acts of martyr confused Aurelian with Marcus Aurelius. The following names of martyrs are fictious. The dates of the martyrdoms don’t fit to chronology for thè end of Aurelian’s rule.
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Marinkevich, Zhenya. "Decorated Busts of the Antonines: New Bust Variants of Denarii from AD 138 to AD 188 (Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Commodus, Faustina II, Lucilla)." KOINON: The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies 4 (December 31, 2021): 154–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/k.v4i.1115.

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Modern numismatists often face a lack of comprehensive information concerning the attribution of Roman denarii with decorated busts of the rulers of the Antonine dynasty. The standard reference works on the coinage of the Antonines include RIC IIIA and RSC IIB, which catalog denarii for Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius as Caesar. RSC II’s cataloging of later coinage for the Antonines is not always complete because it lacks information from those volumes of German numismatist Paul Strack on Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, which he never published due to his death in WWII. As a matter of fact, RIC III and RSC II (when concerned the Antonines) provide information that is far from complete for almost all types in terms of bust variants, mainly citing only common types with ‘bare head right’ and ‘laureate head right’. In the past decade, the popularity of metal detecting coupled with the development of international internet selling platforms provided new opportunities for discovering new bust variants not listed in RIC and RSC.
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Legg, J. W. "A Bibliography of the Thoughts of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus." Library TBS-10, no. 1 (January 13, 2010): 15–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/libraj/tbs-10.1.15.

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39

Rees, D. A. "Joseph Bryennius and the text of Marcus Aurelius’ Meditations." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 584–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.584.

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A neglected source for the text of Marcus Aurelius’ Meditations is to be found in the writings of the Byzantine theologian Joseph Bryennius, who seems to have been born about 1350 (details of his early life are obscure) and to have died before the Council of Florence (1438), probably in 1430/1. He was a monk who was also a scholar, a theologian, and an ecclesiastical diplomat. He spent the years 1382–1402 in Crete (then under Venetian rule), and was sent in 1406 on a mission of ecclesiastical diplomacy to Cyprus. Otherwise the greater part of his life was spent in Constantinople; from about 1402 to 1406 he lived at the monastery of Stoudios, from 1416 to 1427 at that of Charsianeites. He was a court preacher, and as a theologian upheld the claims of the Greek Church against the Roman; among his published works are twenty-one Discourses on the Trinity maintaining the Greek Orthodox position.
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40

Pirson, Felix. "Style and message on the Column Of Marcus Aurelius." Papers of the British School at Rome 64 (November 1996): 139–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200010370.

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STILE E MESSAGGIO SULLA COLONNA DI MARCO AURELIOQuesto lavoro affronta il problema di come stile ed iconografia forniscano insieme l'‘evidenza estetica’ per i messaggi impartiti dalla colonna aureliana. La discussione è soprattutto focalizzata sulle scene di battaglia e violenza, che hanno una posizione particolarmente prominente nel contenuto narrativo del fregio elicoidale. L'analisi di queste scene ha lo scopo principale di contribuire alla nostra comprensione della percezione della vittoria romana e della sconfitta dei barbari rappresentate sul fregio. Il concetto coerente di stile e messaggio mostra come esistesse una stretta relazione tra la formazione dello stile e l'iconografia del monumento, e le circostanze storiche della sua erezione. Alla luce di questi risultati, la asserita incoerenza tra la personalità di Marco, il ‘filosofo imperiale’, e le raccapriccianti scene di violenza rappresentate sulla colonna, viene rivalutata.
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41

Wolf, Edita. "Others as matter of indifference in Marcus Aurelius’ Meditations." AUC PHILOLOGICA GRAECOLATINA PRAGENSIA 2016, no. 2 (May 5, 2016): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/24646830.2016.1.

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42

Ker, James. "The Inner Citadel: The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 38, no. 1 (2000): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2005.0095.

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43

ISRAELOWICH, IDO. "THE RAIN MIRACLE OF MARCUS AURELIUS: (RE-)CONSTRUCTION OF CONSENSUS." Greece and Rome 55, no. 1 (March 3, 2008): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383507000320.

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IntroductionThe reign of Marcus Aurelius, although he was acclaimed by ancient and modern commentators as an exemplary ruler, saw many calamities. Marcus was preoccupied with wars for the better part of his reign; the pestilence brought back to Rome from the east by Verus and the Roman army remained endemic in the city for many years to come, and the German wars from the late 160s well into the next decade posed great danger to Rome and caused great anxiety. In addition, a coup was executed. The usurper, Avidius Cassius, was the ruler of the Roman East for three months, enjoying support amongst the local population. After Verus’ death, the emperor embarked on war against the German tribes, but not before summoning priests and magicians from all over the world to help him, many of whom came from provinces far and wide. This attentiveness of Marcus Aurelius to religious issues (the representation of religious themes on his coins and monuments and his religious policy as a whole) introduced some changes to the Roman imperial tradition. Moreover his adaptation of policies that reflected new beliefs and the abandonment of old ones, was indicative of the political, social, and cultural developments during his reign. The desperation of the emperor is made most visible in the pages of Lucian’s Alexander.
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Stratakis, Constantine A. "A Century After the Description of “Hormones”, Our Golden Jubilee Celebration Goes on with What is New in Endocrine Oncology: And a Lot is New!" Hormone and Metabolic Research 52, no. 08 (August 2020): 551–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/a-1217-1529.

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About 3000 thousand years ago Marcus Aurelius said: “Time is a sort of river of passing events, and strong is its current; no sooner is a thing brought to sight than it is swept by and another takes its place, and this too will be swept away…” 1.
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Zahn, Bastian. "Zur Textkritik von D. 2,14,37 (Papir. 2 const.)." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 140, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2023-0009.

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Summary D. 2,14,37 (Papir. 2 const.) records a rescript by Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus prohibiting the relief of debts owed to the colony of Philippi. As preserved in the Codex Florentinus this text is corrupt, but it can be restored, based on the Vulgate manuscripts, the Basilica, and the scholia thereto.
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46

Stoliarov, Alexander. "Epictetus." Philosophical anthropology 7, no. 2 (2021): 251–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2414-3715-2021-7-2-251-271.

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Epictetus (c. 50 A.D., Hierapolis, Phrygia – c. 135 A.D., Nicopolis, Epirus), one of the most prominent representatives (along with Seneca and Marcus Aurelius) of Later Stoa, disciple of Musonius Rufus. In young age he was a slave of Epaphroditus, a courtman of emperor Nero. Under emperor Domitianus he was banned into exile to Nicopolis, where he established his own school. Epictetus was an outstanding exponent of Stoic ethics notable for the consistency and power of his ethical thought and for effective methods of teaching. More sharply than any other stoic he accentuated the item of moral freedom. Epictetus’s chief concerns were with inner integrity and self — management which he advocated by demanding of his students a thorough examination of two central ideas, the capacity of “volition” and the “correct use of impressions”. Heartfelt and satirical by turns, Epictetus has had significant influence on the popular moralistic tradition (in the first place on Marcus Aurelius). His lucid resystematization and challenging application of Stoic ethics qualify him as an important philosopher in his own right within stoic tradition.
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ANDRADE, NATHANAEL. "BARDAISAN OF EDESSA AND MEMORIES OF CHRISTIAN PERSECUTION IN THE NEAR EAST." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 62, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12098.

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AbstractAccording to Eusebius, the famous Edessene thinker Bardaisan wrote his work On Fate in a time of persecution and addressed it to a figure named Antoninus (HE 4.30). It is commonly surmised that this ‘Antoninus’ was a Roman emperor who sanctioned Christian persecution in some way. But scholars have varied in their interpretations. Some have identified this figure as Caracalla, who visited Edessa in 216–217. But since Eusebius situated Bardaisan's activity in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, he is often deemed to be the Antoninus in question. As this article surmises, the testimony of Eusebius and other late antique authors, like Epiphanius, reflect certain memories both of the integration of Edessa into the Roman provincial system under Caracalla and the social tensions that it raised. But largely due to Eusebius' narrative, late antique authors conceived of Marcus Aurelius as the ‘Antoninus’ to whom Bardaisan reportedly addressed On Fate and other apologetic work, and they created social memories of Bardaisan as a would-be confessor in a context of persecution.
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ZEINER-CARMICHAEL, NOELLE K. "ROMAN RHETORIC AND ‘CORRESPONDENCE EDUCATION’: THE EPISTOLARY ‘VIVA VOX’ OF MARCUS CORNELIUS FRONTO." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 61, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12084.

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Abstract: The idealized ‘viva vox’ of face-to-face instruction, expressed by Quintilian and Seneca, offers a thematic paradigm for examining Fronto's pedagogical ‘self-lettering’. Fronto's didactic letters facilitate the long-distance rhetorical education of Marcus Aurelius, but beyond their pragmatic role, they also function symbolically to promulgate Fronto's status and intimacy with the imperial court.
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Pià Comella, Jordi. "Piété philosophique, pietas impériale dans l’À soi-même de Marc Aurèle." Vita Latina 197, no. 1 (2018): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2018.1924.

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This article aims at showing that, in The Meditations of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, Book I and chapter 30 of Book VI create a synthesis between the roman pietas and the stoic piety of Books II-XII. Book I is a list of what Marcus owes to his relatives, masters and gods ; it represents an act of pietas towards them as well as a spiritual exercise which helps the author to memorize and imitate their virtuous actions. Chapter 17 of Book I and chapter 30 of Book VI dedicated to Emperor Antoninus, give provisional utterance to a piety that cannot be reduced to the conceptual categories of stoicism, having been inspired by the entirely Roman pietas of the Emperor who was Marcus’ predecessor and model.
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Mouroutsou, Georgia. "The Plasticity of the Present Moment in Marcus Aurelius’ Meditations." Ancient Philosophy 40, no. 2 (2020): 411–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil202040227.

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