Journal articles: 'Margaret's Church (Dublin, Ireland)'

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Black, Lynsey. "“On the other hand the accused is a woman…”: Women and the Death Penalty in Post-Independence Ireland." Law and History Review 36, no. 1 (December 18, 2017): 139–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000542.

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Hannah Flynn was sentenced to death on February 27, 1924. She had been convicted of the murder of Margaret O'Sullivan, her former employer. Hannah worked for Margaret and her husband Daniel as a domestic servant, an arrangement that ended with bad feeling on both sides when Hannah was dismissed. On Easter Sunday, April 1, 1923, while Daniel was at church, Hannah returned to her former place of work, and killed 50-year-old Margaret with a hatchet. At her trial, the jury strongly recommended her to mercy, and sentence of death was subsequently commuted to penal servitude for life. Hannah spent almost two decades in Mountjoy Prison in Dublin, from where she was conditionally released on October 23, 1942 to the Good Shepherd Magdalen Laundry in Limerick. Although there is no precise date available for Hannah's eventual release from there, it is known that “a considerable time later,” and at a very advanced age, she was released from the laundry to a hospital, where she died. The case of Hannah Flynn, and the use of the Good Shepherd Laundry, represents an explicitly gendered example of the death penalty regime in Ireland following Independence in 1922, particularly the double-edged sword of mercy as it was experienced by condemned women.

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Davey, Michael. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 17, no. 1 (December 11, 2014): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14000970.

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In this, the final year of the current triennium, the General Synod met again in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. Whether it will return to this venue, and if so how often, is open to doubt since the Synod directed that efforts be made to find a more satisfactory meeting place in Dublin having regard to the comparative costs of its regular meetings at the alternative venue in Armagh.

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Davey, Michael. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 1 (December 13, 2010): 86–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x10000852.

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This year the Church of Ireland General Synod took place in the home of the Metropolitan in Dublin, Christchurch Cathedral. In the more recent past Synod has used the facilities of one of the city's major hotels, facilities which a cathedral could not and would not claim to match. However, the cathedral had in the past been used for many different purposes during its near 1,000-year history and it provided for the Synod an atmosphere wholly unlike any secular conference. One could argue, as did the Dean, that when the Synod is meeting in Dublin Christchurch is its rightful home.

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Davey, Michael. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 14, no. 1 (December 5, 2011): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000822.

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Having met in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin in 2010, in 2011 Synod returned to the less spiritual but rather plusher surroundings of the City Hotel, Armagh. It was comforting to note from the attendance figures that the level of luxury seems to have little effect on the willingness of delegates to attend.

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Davey, Michael. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 1 (December 13, 2012): 93–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x12000865.

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Although six bills appeared on the agenda paper for Dublin this year there was only one of real substance. Two were to correct some cross-references in previous legislation, one was of a technical nature relating to voluntary pension contributions and a further bill imposed a requirement on dioceses to provide statistics to central Church bodies when demanded.

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Davey, Michael, and Kate Turner. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 19, no. 01 (December 20, 2016): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x16001563.

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This year's General Synod, the second meeting of the triennium, was held in Dún Laoghaire, to the south of Dublin. It was a hotel conference venue, albeit one new to the Synod meeting. The Synod passed Bills relating to the areas of episcopal election and part-time ministry, as well as the ongoing areas of charity legislation and pensions. A Bill relating to diocesan boundaries was withdrawn.

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Little, Patrick. "Michael Jones and the survival of the Church of Ireland, 1647–9." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 163 (May 2019): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.2.

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AbstractThe marquess of Ormond's surrender of Dublin to the forces of the English parliament in the summer of 1647 has been seen as marking the demise of the Church of Ireland, with ministers given the choice of adopting the Presbyterian Directory for Public Worship or fleeing the country. This article examines the survival of the church thanks to the benign influence of the governor of Dublin, Colonel Michael Jones, and his brother, Dr Henry Jones, bishop of Clogher. Under Michael Jones's rule the Book of Common Prayer continued to be used, ministers were appointed to vacancies, and clerical networks continued to operate. It was only after the Cromwellian invasion in August 1649, and the replacement of Jones by the Cromwellian hard-liner, Colonel John Hewson, that the church was forced out of business – a process completed with its formal abolition by the autumn of 1650.

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Hill, Judith. "Architecture in the Aftermath of Union: Building the Viceregal Chapel in Dublin Castle, 1801–15." Architectural History 60 (2017): 183–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/arh.2017.6.

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AbstractThe chapel in Dublin Castle, built between 1807 and 1815, was one of the most impressive ecclesiastical Gothic buildings of the pre-Pugin revival in the British Isles. It was commissioned by the viceregal establishment following the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1801, and was closely associated with Church of Ireland objectives for post-Union Protestantism in Ireland. This essay investigates the patrons’ ambitions for the chapel, and discusses its design and execution by Francis Johnston, successor to James Gandon as the foremost architect of public buildings in Ireland. Reviewing the chapel within the context of the Union, the essay argues that the viceregal administration and the Church of Ireland were concerned to assert their authority and define their values, and that these were expressed in Gothic revival architecture which grafted progressive appreciation for medieval models onto Georgian taste, and in a comprehensive and unprecedented scheme of ecclesiastical sculpture. Ireland's political position within the Union was ambiguous, but it is argued here that the rebuilt chapel projected both unionist and imperialist gestures, and that, culturally, it was an expression of Britishness.

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Crawford, John. "Churches, People and Pastors: The Church of Ireland in Victorian Dublin, 1833–1900." Irish Economic and Social History 31, no. 1 (June 2004): 80–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930403100110.

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Gillespie, Raymond. "The Presbyterian Revolution in Ulster, 1660-1690." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008652.

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In early 1642 a Scottish army under the command of Robert Munroe arrived in Ulster as part of a scheme to defeat the native Irish rebellion which had begun late in the previous year. The conquest was not to be purely a military one. As a contemporary historian of Presbyterianism, Patrick Adair, observed ‘it is certain God made that army instrumental for bringing church governments, according to His own institutions, to Ireland … and for spreading the covenants’. The form of church government was that of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and in June 1642 the chaplains and officers established the first presbytery in Ireland at Carrickfergus. Sub-presbyteries, or meetings, were created for Antrim, Down and the Route, in north Antrim in 1654, for the Laggan in east Donegal in 1657, and for Tyrone in 1659. Within these units the Church was divided into geographical parishes each with its own minister. This establishment of a parallel structure rivalling that of the Anglican Church, but without the king at its head, is what has been termed the ‘presbyterian revolution’.It supported the Presbyterian claim to be ‘the Church of Ireland’, a claim which was to bring it into conflict with the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in the late seventeenth century. In order to further underpin this claim the reformed church began to move out of its Ulster base by the 1670s. The Laggan presbytery ordained William Cock and William Liston for work in Clonmel and Waterford in 1673 and was active in Tipperary, Longford, and Sligo by 1676. Its advice to some Dublin ministers was to form themselves into a group who were ‘subject to the meeting in the north’. The presbytery of Tyrone also supplied Dublin.

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Booker, Sparky. "Irish clergy and the diocesan church in the ‘four obedient shires’ of Ireland, c.1400–c.1540." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 154 (November 2014): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400019052.

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In 1435 the Irish council complained to Henry VI that there is not left in the nether parts of the counties of Dublin, Meath, Louth, and Kildare, that join together, out of the subjection of the said enemies and rebels scarcely thirty miles in length and twenty miles in breadth, thereas a man may surely ride or go in the said counties to answer to the king’s writs and to his commandments.The letter was accompanied by a request that the king render payment due to the lord lieutenant Thomas Stanley for his service in Ireland, and also suggested that the king should travel to the colony to help fight off its enemies. Accordingly, the perilous state of English Ireland was almost certainly exaggerated to strengthen the arguments for financial and military support from the crown. Nevertheless this letter demonstrates that in the minds of the settler elite, which staffed the Irish council, the four counties of Dublin, Meath, Louth, and Kildare were the bastion of English rule in Ireland, beset, the council would have us believe, by enemies on all sides. This picture of the ‘four counties’ as the political, and to a certain extent the cultural, stronghold of Englishness in Ireland can be found in other contemporary sources, as the region was perceived as both distinct and distinctly English.

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Crooks, Peter. "Factions, feuds and noble power in the lordship of Ireland,c. 1356–1496." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 140 (November 2007): 425–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005101.

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On 17 September 1496 Gerald, eighth earl of Kildare (the ‘Great Earl’), landed at Howth, County Dublin, after a lengthy and troubled voyage from England. One of the earl’s fellow travellers gave thanks to God for his safe arrival. If Kildare did likewise, his gratitude probably sprang less from his delivery from the natural elements than from his survival of a hostile political climate at court. Since the battle of Bosworth in 1485 not one but two Yorkist pretenders had found support in Ireland. The first of them — Lambert Simnel — was crowned in May 1487 as ‘King Edward VI’ in Christ Church cathedral, Dublin, after which a parliament was held in his name. Kildare was chief governor of Ireland during both conspiracies. More recently he had faced allegations of treason during the expedition of Sir Edward Poynings (1494-5). Despite this dubious record of loyalty to the newly established Tudor dynasty, on 6 August 1496 Henry VII appointed the Great Earl lord deputy of Ireland.

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Barnard, T. C. "Reforming Irish manners: the religious societies in Dublin during the 1690s." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 805–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026170.

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AbstractThis article considers how and why the campaign to reform manners spread from England to Ireland in the 1690s. Together with the links and resemblances between the English and Irish campaigns, the distinctive aspects of the latter are discussed. Important to the Irish activity were the shock of the catholic revanche of 1685–90; the powerful tradition of providential explanation for the recurrent crises; the tense and increasingly competitive relations between the Church of Ireland and the Presbyterians; the rapid growth of Dublin (the main centre for reforming activity) and its attendant social and economic difficulties; and the sense of cultural difference between protestants and catholics. The campaign included an assault on heterodox ideas, notably those of Toland and Molesworth, and paralleled the retributive measures taken against the Irish catholics in the same period.

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Kilroy, Gerard. "“Paths Coincident”." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 4 (July 9, 2014): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00104014.

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Edmund Campion arrived in Dublin on August 25, 1570, on a travelling fellowship from St. John’s College, Oxford. This five-year leave of absence enabled him to postpone ordination in the Elizabethan church. Campion was invited to stay with the Recorder of Dublin, James Stanihurst, whose library was to satisfy his academic needs, and who was hoping that Campion might help with the university that formed a key part of the program of reform in Ireland. Campion had ignored calls from friends already at the English college in Douai to join them. Dublin was meant to be a quiet pause, allowing Campion to stay quietly within the establishment. It was not to be like that. This article argues that Ireland was the beginning and, thanks to the disastrous invasion in July 1579 by Nicholas Sander, the end of Campion’s troubles; that the rebellion stirred by Sander in Munster created such fear of an invasion in England that the Jesuit missionaries were doomed from the moment they landed at Dover one year later; that the radical arguments in favor of papal power to depose monarchs expressed in De visibili monarchia (1571), not the theological arguments for the Catholic and apostolic church in Rationes decem (1581), were at the center of Campion’s interrogations on the rack; and that the parallel lives of Campion and Sander reveal two completely contrasting views of the papacy, and of Rome.

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Murray, James. "The Church of Ireland: a critical bibliography, 1536–1992 Part I: 1536–1603." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 112 (November 1993): 345–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011287.

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One of the things which has united historians across the generations when writing about the Reformation in its Tudor Irish context is the conviction that the state was ultimately unsuccessful in securing the allegiance of the indigenous population to its religious dictates. Where this agreement has broken down, and continues to break down, is in the significance attached to the Tudor state’s failure, and in determining precisely when it became apparent.Until the end of the 1960s most examinations of sixteenth-century Ireland identified the Tudor failure as being synonymous with the practical and absolute failure of the Protestant Reformation. These studies were generally characterised by a partipris approach and by their employment of an interlinked and deterministic vision to explain this failure. Echoing the observations of contemporaries like Archbishop Loftus of Dublin, who spoke of the Irish people’s ‘disposition to popery’, writers of all religious persuasions saw the Reformation’s failure as an inevitable consequence of the inherently conservative character of the island’s inhabitants.

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Gribben, Crawford. "Defining the Puritans? The Baptism Debate in Cromwellian Ireland, 1654–56." Church History 73, no. 1 (March 2004): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700097833.

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In May 1653, John Murcot, a well-connected Merton College Oxford graduate, travelled to Cork to preach at the request of local Puritans. As a minister adhering to the Independent system of church order, he had already faced a series of challenges to the fulfilment of his clerical calling. In the 1640s, his studies had been interrupted when Royalist troops occupied his university; on his first journey to Dublin, in 1651, he had narrowly escaped capture at the hands of pirates in the Irish Sea. In Cork, Murcot's ministry met with much success until he became entangled in a controversy that threatened to tear apart the local Puritan administration and, more widely, the Irish Puritan consensus.

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Young, Francis. "The Cult of St Edmund, King and Martyr in Medieval Ireland." Downside Review 136, no. 4 (October 2018): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580618822471.

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St Edmund, king and martyr (an Anglo-Saxon king martyred by the Vikings in 869) was one of the most venerated English saints in Ireland from the 12th century. In Dublin, St Edmund had his own chapel in Christ Church Cathedral and a guild, while Athassel Priory in County Tipperary claimed to possess a miraculous image of the saint. In the late 14th century the coat of arms ascribed to St Edmund became the emblem of the king of England’s lordship of Ireland, and the name Edmund (or its Irish equivalent Éamon) was widespread in the country by the end of the Middle Ages. This article argues that the cult of St Edmund, the traditional patron saint of the English people, served to reassure the English of Ireland of their Englishness, and challenges the idea that St Edmund was introduced to Ireland as a heavenly patron of the Anglo-Norman conquest.

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Patrick Maume. "The Dublin Evening Mail and pro-landlord conservatism in the age of Gladstone and Parnell." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 148 (November 2011): 550–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003217.

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The historiography of nineteenth-century Irish newspapers centres on the development of a nationalist press nationally and locally, with expansion of readership and titles connected to the great waves of politicisation under O’Connell and Parnell. Studies of unionist newspapers tend to focus on Ulster or the Irish Times, whose institutional continuity maintains interest in its earlier incarnations, and whose relatively liberal nineteenth-century unionism was directed at the Dublin Protestant middle classes. There was, however, another type of nineteenth-century Southern unionist newspaper addressing a conservative audience of landlords, professionals and Church of Ireland clerics. Such diehard newspapers often clung to older business models involving limited readership, and underpinned their activities by second jobs and patronage from local elites, though the Dublin Tory press developed a somewhat wider audience.

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Kanter, Douglas, and John Powell. "Select document: W. E. Gladstone, ‘Parliamentary Doings with the Irish Church’." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 161 (May 2018): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.4.

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AbstractThis article introduces a newly discovered essay by W. E. Gladstone, ‘Parliamentary Doings with the Irish Church’, originally published in the Dublin University Magazine in 1834. The introduction examines the context of the essay’s composition, relating it to the young Gladstone’s commitment to the confessional state, as well as to the contemporary debate over the appropriation of the revenues of the Church of Ireland. It then attempts to explain how – through a combination of political circumstances, Gladstone’s subtle reshaping of the historical record, and editorial confusion – a significant article, published in a major Irish journal, went virtually unnoticed for more than 180 years. ‘Parliamentary Doings with the Irish Church’, the text of which is reproduced here in full, constituted Gladstone’s first attempt to use the quarterly press to influence public opinion, anticipating his first book by four years, and what had previously been considered his first journal article by nine years.

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Kinsella, Stuart. "Two Memorials to Arthur Grey de Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland (1580–82), in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin." Spenser Studies 31-32 (January 2018): 557–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/694443.

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LIVESEY, JAMES. "BERKELEY, IRELAND AND EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY INTELLECTUAL HISTORY." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 2 (December 11, 2014): 453–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000572.

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Eighteenth-century Irish intellectual history has enjoyed a revival in recent years. New scholarly resources, such as the Hoppen edition of the papers of the Dublin Philosophical Society and the recently published Berkeley correspondence, have been fundamental to that revival. Since 1986 the journal Eighteenth-Century Ireland: Iris an dá chultúr has sponsored a complex conversation on the meaning and legacy of the eighteenth century in Irish history. Work in the journal and beyond deploying “New British” and Atlantic histories, as well as continuing attention to Europe, has helped to enrich scholarly understanding of the environments in which Irish people thought and acted. The challenge facing historians of Ireland has been to find categories of analysis that could comprehend religious division and acknowledge the centrality of the confessional state without reducing all Irish experience to sectarian conflict. Clearly the thought of the Irish Catholic community could not be approached without an understanding of the life of the Continental Catholic Church. Archivium Hibernicum has been collecting and publishing the traces of that history for a hundred years and new digital resources such as the Irish in Europe database have extended that work in new directions. The Atlantic and “New British” contexts have been more proximately important for the Protestant intellectual tradition.

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Newcomb, Sally. "Richard Kirwan (1733-1812)." Earth Sciences History 31, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.31.2.7151vv24h27u5494.

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Kirwan's life can be seen as a succession of phases whose boundaries were flexible. Born to a Catholic, land-owning family in Ireland, his youth and education were very much a product of those conditions, which in his case included higher education in France. After his return to Ireland and marriage, he spent time in Ireland, England, and on the Continent. During that period he studied law, the practice of which required his conforming to the Irish Anglican Church, now better known as the (Protestant) Established Church of Ireland. After a first (to his mind) unsuccessful effort at chemistry, but finding law practice unrewarding, he returned to chemistry, which included mineralogy. His stellar decade in London from 1777 to 1787 followed, during which time his chemistry earned him the Copley Medal of the Royal Society and he emerged as one of the leading advocates of phlogiston, backed by reasoning that many found compelling. He returned to Ireland in 1787 and lived in Dublin until his death. His interest in chemistry continued, but geology became his focus as he challenged James Hutton's (1796-1797) theory of the Earth, basing his arguments in part on his laboratory experience with rocks and minerals. A position as Irish Inspector of Mines revealed his experience with practical geology and fieldwork. Although he continued with technical publications fairly regularly until 1803, and sporadically thereafter, he became more philosophical and published on languages, space, and time. He was elected President of the Royal Irish Academy, a position that he held from 1799 until his death in 1812.

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Li, L. ""Side by Side in a Small Country": Bishop John Frederick MacNeice and Ireland. By Christopher Fauske. Dublin: Church of Ireland Historical Society, 2004. np." Journal of Church and State 47, no. 2 (March 1, 2005): 399–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/47.2.399.

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Griffin, Sean. "Archbishop Murray of Dublin and the Episcopal Clash on the Inter-Denominational School Scripture Lessons Controversy, 1835–1841." Recusant History 22, no. 3 (May 1995): 370–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001977.

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In September 1831, the newly elected liberal Whig government under Earl Grey introduced an experiment of national education in Ireland aimed at uniting Catholics and Protestants in one general system. Schools were officially non-denominational but provision was made for separate religious instruction at designated times under the superintendence of the respective churches. It was a response to ten years of intensive lobbying by the Irish Catholic Church, and over twenty years of public and parliamentary debate, seeking a school system supported by State funds which would explicitly prohibit interference with the religious convictions of children.

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Morrissey, Thomas J. "A Man of the Universal Church: Peter James Kenney, S.J., 1779–1841." Recusant History 24, no. 3 (May 1999): 320–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002545.

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Kenney, Peter James (1779–1841), was born in Dublin, probably at 28 Drogheda Street, on 7 July, 1779. His father, Peter, and his mother, formerly Ellen Molloy, ran a small business. Apart from Peter, the other known children were Anne Mary, who joined the convent of the Sisters of St. Clare, and an older brother, or half-brother, Michael, who set up an apothecary’s shop in Waterford.Peter was born, therefore, in the decade which saw the American Revolution, the Suppression of the Jesuits and, in Ireland, the birth of Daniel O’Connell—destined to become ‘The Liberator’. The need to keep Ireland quiet during the American conflict, led to concessions to the Catholic population. The first of these was in 1778. Others followed when the French Revolution raised possibilities of unrest. In 1792 the establishment of Catholic colleges was allowed, and entry to the legal profession. These led to the founding of Carlow College and to Daniel O’Connell’s emergence as a lawyer. The following year the Irish parliament was obliged by the government to extend the parliamentary franchise to Catholics. Increased freedom, however, and the government’s connivance at the non-application of the penal laws, led to increased resentment against the laws themselves and, among middle-class Catholics, to a relishing of Edmund Burke’s celebrated reminder to the House of Commons in 1780, that ‘connivance is the relaxation of slavery, not the definition of liberty’.

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Orr, Joanna, Christine McGarrigle, Rose Anne Kenny, and Linda Hogan. "177 Religious Participation and Health in a Changing Ireland. A Qualitative Exploration of Women Aged 65 and Over." Age and Ageing 48, Supplement_3 (September 2019): iii17—iii65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ageing/afz103.105.

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Abstract Background The previous decades have seen tangible changes in Ireland’s religious landscape. Religion has been investigated as an important factor in wellbeing for many populations, including those aged 65 and over. Women in this age group in particular have higher religiosity while also being more likely to face challenges such as widowhood and demanding caring roles. We explored the ways in which women relate their religious belief, practice and participation to their wellbeing in later life within the Irish context. Methods A qualitative research design was employed. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with women aged 65 and over (n=11), who self-identified as religious. Women were sampled from church congregations in the North Dublin area. Interviews were recorded and transcribed. Thematic analysis was carried out using NVivo. Women were invited to speak on their lifecourse religious trajectories, relationships, and health, using a flexible interview instrument. Both predetermined and emerging themes were explored. Results Participants were aged 67 to 89, and were Catholic-affiliated (n=10) and Church of Ireland-affiliated (n=1). The participants described a range of religious identities, and these coloured their strategies for facing the changing role of the church in Irish society. Church abuse scandals were discussed unprompted by the majority of participants. Apprehension regarding the future of the church was common, as was concern for the religious identities and practices of younger generations within their families. Nevertheless, the majority of participants outlined ways in which religious practice, in particular, was conducive to their wellbeing. Conclusion Religious feeling, identity and practice was not homogenous in the sample. Feelings of uncertainty around the future were common, and participants employed a range of strategies to cope with these. The study is limited in how generalisation can be made, but provides insight into some of the mechanisms that can link, both positively and negatively, health and religiosity.

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Shine, Linda. "Church and settlement in Ireland. Edited by James Lyttleton and Matthew Stout. Pp 296. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 2018. €50." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.60.

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McCormick, Ted. "Moral geometry in Restoration Ireland: Samuel Foley’s ‘Computatio universalis’ (1684) and the science of colonisation." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 158 (November 2016): 192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.24.

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AbstractDespite the importance of the new science in the colonisation of Stuart Ireland, and the many Irish links to major figures in the Scientific Revolution, these connections remain relatively little studied outside of major episodes such as the Down Survey. This article examines a much smaller project, the ‘Computatio Universalis’ (1684) of Church of Ireland clergyman (later bishop of Down and Connor) Samuel Foley (1655–1695). Submitted to the Dublin Philosophical Society in 1684 as an attempt to ‘to demonstrate a universal standard’ of value, Foley’s project was in fact a guide to the achievement of ‘happiness’ through the careful stewardship of time and wealth. Foley’s project recalls earlier Christian humanist and Protestant concern with stewardship, however, and also reflects seventeenth-century economic writers’ and moral reformers’ concern with avoiding idleness. In the context of Restoration Ireland, however, it can also be seen more specifically as a project harnessing new methods of quantification for the cultural maintenance of a ruling Protestant elite historically threatened by degeneration in a colonial setting, as well as a reflection of Protestant anxieties about the Catholic church’s control over time.

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Barnard, T. C. "Lawyers and the law in later seventeenth-century Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 111 (May 1993): 256–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011044.

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In seventeenth-century Ireland the law increasingly defined and regulated relationships: between government and governed; between landlord and tenant; between master and servant; among the propertied; and even, by the end of the century, between Catholics and Protestants. This situation, similar to that throughout western Europe, signalled — at least superficially — England’s success in assimilating Ireland. The system of courts, centred on Dublin, and, through regular assizes and quarter sessions, borough, sheriffs’, church and manorial courts, reaching deep into the localities, was celebrated as a prime benefit, as well as the principal means, of anglicisation. The English policies which had progressively dismantled indigenous institutions, including the brehon law of Gaelic and gaelicised society, and replaced older Catholic with new Protestant élites, rested on statute, proclamation and judicial decree or process. Sincethe law was essential to England’s rule in Ireland, its opponents countered through the courts and legal argument: as a result, the functioning of the law, especially the quasi-judicial commissions which redistributed land, was politicised. Not only did the law accomplish, it also reflected these changes; for, bit by bit, Catholics were edged from the judicial bench and then disqualified from practising as barristers and attorneys. By the early eighteenth century the courts — publicly at least — were manned by and run for the burgeoning Protestant interest in Ireland.

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Bash, Leslie. "Religion, schooling and the state: negotiating and constructing the secular space." Revista Española de Educación Comparada, no. 33 (January 25, 2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/reec.33.2019.22327.

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As a prelude to the paper it should be stated that its genesis originates in conference presentations delivered on two separate occasions to two separate audiences. The first was to a mixed group of teacher educators, Roman Catholic priests and nuns, as well as others from diverse religious traditions, at a one-day conference on religion and pluralism held in Dublin, Republic of Ireland. The expressed focus for this conference was ‘inter-faith’ but with the addition of a secular dimension. The second presentation was to an international group largely comprised of comparative education scholars in Glasgow, Scotland. Although the two presentations were broadly similar in content the Dublin paper had a distinct orientation. Given that the publicly-funded Irish school system was characterised by a strong involvement of religion (Department of Education and Skills, 2017) – in particular, that of the Roman Catholic Church, the dominant tradition in that country – the Dublin presentation pursued an approach which sought to widen the educational agenda. Specifically, it focused upon the continuing discussion concerning the role of secularity in school systems where confessional approaches to religion were sanctioned by the central state. On the other hand, the Glasgow presentation was more ‘academic’ in tone, seeking to re-position secularity and religion in a non-oppositional relationship which was, in turn, argued to be functional for 21st education systems.

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Kenny, Colum. "The exclusion of catholics from the legal profession in Ireland, 1537-1829." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025049.

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Between the Reformation and catholic emancipation a succession of statutory and other provisions was framed by the authorities in Dublin and London with the intention of enforcing religious conformity Persons who refused to conform were rendered liable to various disabilities and penalties of a severe nature. Discrimination became widespread in the first half of the eighteenth century with what were collectively known as the penal laws. These contained general provisions which touched all citizens in relation to many aspects of their lives, especially the holding of land. But from 1537 there were also specific measures aimed at particular groups, including the legal profession. These measures ensured that appointments to the bench could continue to be manipulated on the basis of loyalty to the established church. Long after the first relaxation of the penal laws, catholic lawyers who refused to conform were still excluded from the higher ranks of the legal profession. The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which statutory and other requirements, introduced from 1537 onwards, were effective in excluding Roman Catholics from legal practice and in achieving outward religious conformity among lawyers between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries.

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Corráin, Daithí Ó. "The Church of Ireland and the third home rule bill. By Andrew Scholes. Pp 180. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. 2009. €39.95." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 146 (November 2010): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400002583.

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Clarke, H. B. "Women and the church in medieval Ireland, c. 1140–1540. By Dianne Hall. Pp 252. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 2003. €50." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 134 (November 2004): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004363.

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34

Empey, Mark. "State intervention in disputes between secular and regular clergy in early seventeenth-century Ireland." British Catholic History 34, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 304–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2018.25.

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The success of the Counter-Reformation in Ireland following the restoration of the Catholic hierarchy was a remarkable achievement. Between 1618 and 1630 Rome made a staggering nineteen episcopal appointments in a kingdom that was ruled by a Protestant king. Documenting the achievements of the initial period only paints half the picture, however. The implementation of the Tridentine reforms and the thorny issue of episcopal authority brought the religious orders into a head-on collision with the secular clergy. This protracted dispute lasted for a decade, most notably in the diocese of Dublin where an English secular priest, Paul Harris, led a hostile attack on the Franciscan archbishop, Thomas Fleming. The longevity of the feud, though, owed at least as much to the intervention of Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth as it did to the internal tensions of the Catholic Church. Despite Wentworth’s influential role, he has been largely written out of the conflict. This article addresses the lacunae in the current historiography and argues that the lord deputy’s interference was a decisive factor in exacerbating the hostilities between the secular and regular clergy in early seventeenth-century Ireland.

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GARNHAM, NEAL. "LOCAL ELITE CREATION IN EARLY HANOVERIAN IRELAND: THE CASE OF THE COUNTY GRAND JURY." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 623–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9900847x.

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The years immediately after the Glorious Revolution saw the Irish parliament establish itself as an active legislative body. Local government in the country then received something of a fillip, both through legislative action in Dublin, and by reason of the extended period of social and political stability that followed the end of Queen Anne's reign. This essay seeks to outline the responsibilities and functions of the grand jury in Ireland, and thus to establish its position as perhaps the most important component in the governance of provincial Ireland. Further to this it attempts to analyse the social composition of juries through a study of the methods of selection, and the attendant qualification criteria. The available evidence suggests that despite its extensive power and influence, membership of the grand jury was not completely monopolized by the land-owning Anglican elite. Rather, service on the grand jury reached some way down the social scale, and could be undertaken by men from outside the established church. Over time, however, jurors came to be selected from a diminishing pool of candidates : a practice which led to the creation of a largely homogeneous local administrative elite.

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Gilley, Sheridan. "Canon Patrick Augustine Sheehan: Priest and Novelist." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 397–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001479.

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‘The primary object of a novelist is to please’, said Anthony Trollope, but he also wanted to show vice punished and virtue rewarded. More roundly, Somerset Maugham declared that pleasing is the sole purpose of art in general and of the novel in particular, although he granted that novels have been written for other reasons. Indeed, good novels usually embody a worldview, even if only an anarchic or atheist one, and the religious novel is not the only kind to have a dogma at its heart. There is the further issue of literary merit, which certain modern Catholic novelists such as Evelyn Waugh and Graham Greene have achieved, giving the lie to Newman’s assertion that in an English Protestant culture, a Catholic literature is impossible. But Newman and his fellow cardinal Wiseman both wrote novels; Wiseman’s novel, Fabiola, with its many translations, had an enthusiastic readership in the College of Cardinals, and was described by the archbishop of Milan as ‘a good book with the success of a bad one’. Victorian Ireland was a predominantly anglophone Catholic country, and despite poor literacy rates into the modern era, the three thousand novels in 1940 in the Dublin Central Catholic Library indicate a sizeable literary culture, comparable to the cultures of other Churches. The ‘literary canons’ who contributed to this literature around 1900 included the Irishman Canon Patrick Augustine Sheehan, the subject of this essay; another Irishman, Canon Joseph Guinan, who wrote eight novels on Irish rural life; Canon William Barry, the son of Irish immigrants in London, whose masterpiece was the best-selling feminist novel, The New Antigone; Henry E. Dennehy, commended by Margaret Maison in her classic study of the Victorian religious novel; and the prolific Monsignor Robert Hugh Benson, the convert son of an archbishop of Canterbury. Catholic writers were often ignored by the makers of the contemporary Irish literary revival, non-Catholics anxious to separate nationalism from Catholicism (sometimes by appealing to the nation’s pre-Christian past), but this Catholic subculture is now being studied.

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McGrath, Thomas G. "The Tridentine Evolution of Modern Irish Catholicism, 1563–1962: A Re-examination of the ‘Devotional Revolution’ Thesis." Recusant History 20, no. 4 (October 1991): 512–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005598.

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Professor Emmet Larkin of the University of Chicago is undoubtedly the most prolific historian of nineteenth century Irish Catholicism. The author of numerous volumes on the period 1850–91 and of several challenging essays he is perhaps best known for his original, stimulating and provocative article entitled ‘The Devotional Revolution in Ireland, 1850–75’ published in 1972. In that article Professor Larkin put forward the thesis that Archbishop Paul Cullen championed the consolidation of a ‘devotional revolution’ in post-Famine Ireland. Up to the 1840s, he claimed, there was only a small but perceptible change and increase in devotional practices in Ireland. The effects of the Famine were seen by him as the key to this ‘devotional revolution, bringing about a dramatic improvement in the ratio of priests to people through the death or emigration of the disadvantaged who were in any case disinterested in religion and least amenable to clerical control. Indeed ‘what achievement there was before the famine… was largely confined to that “respectable” class of Catholics typified by the Cullens and Mahers in Carlow who were economically better off’. The advent of the reforming Paul Cullen as papal legate to the Synod of Thurles, 1850, and subsequently as archbishop of the most important see, Dublin, from where he organised the church in an ultramontane fashion and introduced many Italian devotional practices to Ireland, coupled with the consequences of the Famine, had a decisive effect in shaping Irish Catholicism and accomplishing a post-Famine ‘devotional revolution’.

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38

Holton, Karina. "The Catholic church and the campaign for emancipation in Ireland and England. By Ambrose Macaulay. Pp 416. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 2016. €40." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 162 (November 2018): 371–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.48.

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MCGAURAN, JOHN-PAUL, and JOHN OFFER. "Christian Political Economics, Richard Whately and Irish Poor Law Theory." Journal of Social Policy 44, no. 1 (June 27, 2014): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279414000415.

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AbstractThe Irish poor law debate of the 1830s has largely been overlooked, but is a substantial source in understanding the impact of social theory concerning ‘virtue’ on social policy making in the early nineteenth century and on into the present time. The Chair of the Royal Commission for Inquiring into the Condition of the Poorer Classes in Ireland (1833–36) was the Church of Ireland Archbishop of Dublin, Richard Whately, a leading figure in intellectual endeavour in the first half of the nineteenth century. Although his contributions to theology, economics and education have been reassessed, his central role in poor law thought is not well understood. This article examines the key tenets of his social theory and reassesses their impact on the Irish poor law debate. Whately was an Oxford Noetic (Greek for ‘reasoners’) committed to merging the study of natural theology and political economy in order to encourage ever greater levels of virtue on individual and societal levels. He believed that individual and social lives were designed to advance through the reciprocal exchange of labour, goods and ideas in a free and open market economy. Ireland in the 1830s presented the ideal opportunity for Whately to express his theory of moral growth and social advance in terms of poor law policy, directed towards modifying circumstances to make possible the development of individual abilities while avoiding measures which would encourage vice or discourage virtue.

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Ford, Alan. "High or Low? Writing the Irish Reformation in the Early Nineteenth Century." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.5.

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The Irish Reformation is a contentious issue, not just between Catholic and Protestant, but also within the Protestant churches, as competing Presbyterian and Anglican claims are made over the history of the Irish reformation. This chapter looks at the way in which James Seaton Reid, (1798–1851), laid claim to the Reformation for Irish Dissent in his History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland. It then examines the rival Anglican histories by two High Churchmen: Richard Mant (1775–1848), Bishop of Down and Connor; and Charles Elrington, (1787–1850), the Regius Professor of Divinity in Trinity College, Dublin. It is clear that, in each case, theological and denominational conviction decisively shaped their history writing. Equally, however, significant advances were made by all three scholars in unearthing important new primary sources, and in identifying key points of controversy and debate which still represent a challenge to eccleciastical historians, of whatever denomination or none, today.

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Greene, Kellie. "Ireland's Architecture of Containment: Concealed Citizens and Sites Bereft of Bodies." Somatechnics 1, no. 1 (March 2011): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2011.0003.

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With Irish Independence being granted in1922, the Irish Catholic Hierarchy and the Irish Politicians with their new found power embarked on the complex and highly fraught project of forging a new Irish Nationalist identity. In the decades which followed, the officially named “Irish Freestate” became a nationwide network of asylums, reformatory schools, industrial schools, Magdalen Asylums and Mother and Baby homes. A mere two years after the declaration of Irish independence, it was reported that “there were more children in industrial schools in the twenty-six counties of Ireland than were in all the industrial schools in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland put together,” (Raftery, O'Sullivan: 1999: 69, 72). Likewise, Rafferty and O'Sullivan claim that between 1869 and 1969 approximately 105,000 children were committed to industrial schools and that at its peak, the system consisted of 71 such institutions (1999: 20).This paper will draw on the experiences of my younger brother and I as we spent a combined total of 18 years in four such institutions in the Republic of Ireland in the 1980s and 1990s. In the terms of much of the current literature on what is sometimes referred to as “coercive confinement” (O'Sullivan & O'Donnell, 2008: 32) we are amongst thousands of survivors of a state-sponsored and Church-administered system that as An Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern acknowledged in his ‘apology’ speech of 1999, all too often “denied children the care and security that they needed”, and worse still, perpetrated “grave wrongs”.With the recent conclusion of our 17 year legal battle with the Irish Catholic church and State and with research I am undertaking for my PhD project, “Remembering and (Re)Presenting Lives Within Care” I will recall the event where my brother and I were taken beneath the Four Courts in Dublin, an airless subterranean trap, and asked to trade away our voices. We have learned that in the face of the most insidious forms of State violence, one doesn't breathe to speak, one needs to speak to breathe. This is the story of our combat breathing.

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Bray, Dorothy Ann. "Women and the Church in Medieval Ireland, c. 1140–1540. By Hall Dianne. Dublin: Four Courts, 2003. 255 pp. Appendices, bibliography, index. $50.00 cloth." Church History 74, no. 1 (March 2005): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070010976x.

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Corish, Patrick J. "The French disease: the Catholic church and radicalism in Ireland, 1790–1800. By Daire Keogh. Pp 297. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 1993. IR£19.95." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 114 (November 1994): 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011688.

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Fauske, Chris. "Church of Ireland records. By Raymond Refaussé. Pp 93. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 2006. €14.95. (Maynooth Research Guides for Irish Local History, no. 2)." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 138 (November 2006): 263–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005071.

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Bellenger, Aidan. "Dianne Hall, Women and the Church in Medieval Ireland c.1140–1540, Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2003, ISBN 1-85182-656-4, pp. 252." Recusant History 28, no. 2 (October 2006): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011316.

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McDonough, Ciaran. "Mark Empey, Alan Ford & Miriam Moffitt (eds), The Church of Ireland and its past: history, interpretation and identity. Four Courts Press. Dublin 2017." Peritia 30 (January 2019): 279–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.120996.

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Perko, F. Michael. "The Catholic Church and Catholic Schools In Northern Ireland: The Price of Faith. By Michael McGrath. Dublin: Irish Academic, 2000. xx + 330 pp. $57.50 cloth." Church History 71, no. 2 (June 2002): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700096049.

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O'Keeffe, John. "Book Review: Catholic Church Music in Ireland, 1878-1903. The Cecilian Reform Movement. Kieran A. Daly. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1995 Pp. 189. Price £11.99." Irish Theological Quarterly 63, no. 2 (June 1998): 215–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114009806300214.

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Henry, Martin. "Book Review : Memory and Redemption: Church. Politics and Prophetic Theology in Ireland, by Terence P. McCaughey. Dublin, Gill & Macmillan, 1993. 167pp. IR £12.99 (paperback)." Studies in Christian Ethics 7, no. 2 (August 1994): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095394689400700219.

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Hammerstein, Helga Robinson. "As by law established: the Church of Ireland since the Reformation. Edited by Alan Ford, James McGuire and Kenneth Milne. Pp x, 299. Dublin: Lilliput Press. 1995. IR£25. - Ancient and modern: a short history of the Church of Ireland. By Robert B. MacCarthy. Pp 61, illus. Dublin: Four Courts Press. 1995. IR£3.95." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 118 (November 1996): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400012943.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Margaret's Church (Dublin, Ireland)'

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