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1
Critchell, Cecile. "Changing images of Margaret Thatcher." Thesis, University of Kent, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362184.
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Marx, Milisa. "Margaret Hilda Thatcher: a psychobiographical study." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4548.
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Psychobiographies typically explore and describe historically significant, extraordinary and enigmatic individuals' psychological development through the lens of psychological theory. The primary aim of this psychobiographical study was to explore and describe the developmental life stages of Margaret Hilda Thatcher (1925 - 2013) through the application of Erik Erikson's theory of Psychosocial Development. Erikson's theory takes a holistic, biopsychosocial approach to the lifelong development of the individual, emphasising ego development. A secondary objective was to clarify the propositions of Erikson's theory by applying it to Thatcher's life. Margaret Thatcher was the leader of the Conservative Party in Great Britain and was the first ever female British Prime Minister. As a political leader, she was driven by conviction and regarded as controversial in that she divided the opinion of the British people. She served as Prime Minister for three consecutive terms and was eventually ousted by her peers. After leaving office, she received the title of Baroness Thatcher of Kesteven and later became a member of the highest order of knighthood in England: The Order of the Garter. Psychobiographical research is qualitative and follows a single, case study approach. Through using a purposive sampling strategy, Thatcher was selected as a research subject on the basis of interest value and uniqueness. Data were selected from primary and secondary sources, enhancing the validity of the study, and were analysed according to Alexander's nine identifiers of salience within the conceptual framework derived from Erikson's theory. When considering the findings of the research, it became evident that Margaret Thatcher's development coincides with those constructs proposed in Erikson's theory, and thus emphasised its value in understanding human development. The findings from this psychobiographical study contributed to the understanding of Thatcher's life and are likely to stimulate further research in psychology.
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Golder, Yves. "Margaret Thatcher : construction d'une image politique, 1950-1990." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019STRAC005/document.
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Cette thèse s’attache à étudier l’image politique de Margaret Thatcher à travers des caractéristiques personnelles telles son parcours, ses idées, sa présentation physique, ses postures politiques ou encore les stratégies de communication dont elle fit usage. L’objectif est de mettre en lumière les différents éléments mis en avant par Margaret Thatcher et par les canaux de diffusion d’image, principalement constitués des médias et de son entourage politique. En ce qui concerne le bornage temporel, l’étude tient compte des quarante années qui s’écoulèrent entre la première candidature de Margaret Thatcher à une élection, pour la circonscription de Dartford en 1950, et la fin de son dernier mandat de Premier ministre en 1990. Cette thèse présente également l’intérêt de porter sur une période qui vit de nombreuses techniques de communication politique se développer : les conseillers en communication vinrent à jouer un rôle prépondérantThe main ambition of this PhD thesis is to provide a study of Margaret Thatcher’s political image through the lens of various personal characteristics like her experience, ideas, physical presentation, political postures or the communication strategies she relied on. The objective is to emphasize the different elements put forward by Margaret Thatcher and by the image transmission channels, notably the media and her political circle. The period studied encompasses the forty years that went by between the first time Margaret Thatcher stood for election, for the Dartford constituency in 1950, until the end of her last Prime Ministerial mandate in 1990. This PhD thesis also has the advantage of focusing on a period of time during which many political communication techniques developed while communication advisers came to play a predominant role
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GARAU, EVA. "Margaret Thatcher. Formazione e ascesa di un leader." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11584/266726.
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The thesis sets out to examine the character of British politician Margaret Thatcher, following the path of her life and her career since her years at the University of Oxford, where she studied chemistry, to her election as the leader of the Conservative Party in 1975. The investigation has been conducted by examining a number of sources and documents: minutes of meetings, electoral speeches and manifestos, accounts of informal exchanges, transcripts of parliamentary debates, articles and editorials published in both local and national newspapers. The aim of the research, on the one hand, is that of filling a gap in the Italian scholarly literature on the subject, while, on the other hand, bringing to light a number of underestimated factors, which have in time contributed to turning the “Grantham girl” into a world leader. The investigation covers three decades during which Thatcher has evolved from “the grocer’s daughter” into “the iron lady”. The originality of the research consists in its attempt to show to what extent the main traits of what will get to be known as Thatcherism started to emerge well before Thatcher’s election to the role of prime minister and, therefore, how the political climax of her story had already reached its peak in 1975. By examining the crucial events which marked Thatcher personal and political history the thesis aims at providing a picture of British society during the period under scrutiny as well as at unveiling a degree of complexity, in both Thatcher and British society, which has often been under investigated.
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Haring, Merten. "Verfassungswandel in Großbritannien : von Margaret Thatcher bis Tony Blair /." Osnabrück : Koentopp, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2879150&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Stewart, David. "Challenging the consensus : Scotland under Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1990." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4316/.
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This thesis addresses the reasons why Scottish Conservative support contracted under Thatcher, challenges the assumption that Thatcher was ‘anti-Scottish’ and places her in the wider context of Scottish Conservative and Unionist history, whilst illuminating Scottish Conservative personalities. This thesis has taken an overview of Thatcher’s tenure as Prime Minister, and illuminates key areas of Scottish society in the 1980s that have hitherto been under-researched. No historian or social scientist has attempted the broad perspective before. The research has been split into six chapters, and each chapter follows a chronological pattern. Chapter One provides a historical overview of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party since 1886, which is interlinked with the development of the post-war consensus. The chapter concludes by analysing Scottish Conservative Party personalities and in-fighting, both of which are under-rated features of Thatcher’s premiership. Chapter Two examines Thatcher’s economic restructuring and the growing prominence of the European Economic Community (EEC). Chapter Three analyses Thatcher’s industrial relations reforms, and the 1984/85 miners’ strike. Chapter Four scrutinises the Conservatives’ overhaul of the welfare state. Chapter Five focuses on Thatcher’s reform of local government, including the introduction of the community charge. Chapter Six charts the development of the ‘Scottish question’.
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Suwwan, Mousa. "La politique sociale des gouvernements de Margaret Thatcher : 1979-1987." Paris 7, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA070052.
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Mme Thatcher est Premier ministre depuis 1979. Son pays a subi un remarquable changement économique et politique depuis cette date. Le thatcherisme, l'un des rares "ismes" attachés au nom d'un Premier ministre britannique est bel et bien une doctrine. En prenant le pouvoir en 1979, Mme Thatcher n'avait pas caché son intention de rompre avec le consensus. Sa législation contre les syndicats n'a pas seulement été motivée par des raisons économiques, qui consistent à réduire la force des syndicats en augmentant le nombre des chômeurs, mais également par son désir de réduire leur influence militante en rendant les syndicats aux syndiqués. Sa politique de privatisation est basée sur sa conviction qu'il faut diminuer l'intervention de l'état dans les domaines économiques en comptant plus sur le marché libre. L'état providence coute très cher, voilà pourquoi il faut encourager les citoyens à se débrouiller seuls en prenant en charge leurs familles. Le chômage, sous Thatcher, a atteint un taux très élevé, mais à partir de 1984, le nombre de chômeurs avait baissé. Thatcher a été réélue parce qu'elle sait communiquer avec les Britanniques, mais aussi à cause de la faiblesse et des divisions dans le camp adverseMrs Thatcher became Prime Minister for the first time in 1979. Since then the country has gone through a period of remarkable economic and political change. Thatcherism, one of the few "isms" named after a british Prime Minister is a doctrine. In coming to power in 1979, Mrs Thatcher made no secret of her determination to break with consensus. Her legislation on unions was not motivated only by an economic desire to reduce union power to price workers out of jobs, but also by a political desire to reduce militant influence by giving unions back to their members. Thatcher's privatisation policy is based on the belief that there should be a major diminution in state intervention in the economy and greater reliance on the free market. Welfare is too expensive, people should be encouraged to make provision for themselves and their families. Unemployment has reached very high levels under Thatcher's governments but from 1984 on, the number of unemployed has been reduced. She was reelected because she knows how to communicate with Britons and because of the weakness and divisions inside the other camp
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Quitério, Isabel Maria Domingues. "The path to power, de Margaret Thatcher: estratégias de tradução." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/14967.
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O presente Trabalho de Projeto tem como centro a tradução dos capítulos IV (The Outer Circle), V (A World of Shadows) e VI (Teacher’s Pest) de The Path to Power, o segundo dos dois volumes da autobiografia de Margaret Thatcher, publicado em 1995 por HarperCollinsPublishers.
Pretende ser um contributo para a disseminação em língua portuguesa do conhecimento de parte da vida da estadista e personalidade de importância reconhecida tanto na cena política nacional britânica como na internacional.
O exercício da tradução de tais capítulos foi norteado por fundamentos teóricos advindos dos Estudos de Tradução, tendo simultaneamente proporcionado uma reflexão sobre vários aspetos de uma prática, cujos preceitos têm avançado a passos largos nos últimos 50 anos; ABSTRACT: This Project Work focuses on the translation of chapters IV(“The Outer Circle”), V (“A World of Shadows”) and VI (“Teacher’s Pest”) of The Path to Power, the second of the two volumes of Margaret Thatcher’s autobiography, published in 1995 by HarperCollinsPublishers.
Aiming to the dissemination of knowledge into the Portuguese language about this relevant Stateswoman both in the British and the international political sphere, the translation of the above mentioned chapters was underpinned by theoretical concepts of translations studies, having simultaneously enabled a reflection on several aspects of the process whose precepts have taken major steps forward in the last fifty years.
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Barlow, Geoffrey Keith. "The labour movement in Britain from Thatcher to Blair." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 1996. http://d-nb.info/990746585/04.
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Jackisch, Klaus Rainer. "Britain and the German question : the decision-making process within the British government on German unification in 1989/90." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321748.
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Mkinsi, Mourad. "Constructing Thatcherite man : political and literary discourse on an ideal subject." Thesis, Open University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390802.
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Nunn, Heather Alison. "The masquerades of Margaret Thatcher : an exploration of politics and fantasy." Thesis, University of East London, 2000. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/3153/.
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This thesis explores the figure of Margaret Thatcher and how, as a cultural icon, she has been central to a range of political and media representations from the mid-1970s to the 1990s. Underpinning this thesis is the argument that gender is one of the persistent signs through which political power is conceived, authorised and popularly understood. This thesis interrogates how Thatcher, the first female Conservative Party leader and then British Prime Minister, disrupted the dominant discourses of mainstream politics and the conventionally understood masculine status of high political office. I argue that Thatcher's political persona gained its political force and broader cultural resonance from the disruption of conventional gender roles and from an ambiguous play on conventionally understood masculine and feminine attributes. This disruption of gender and paradoxically the endorsement of certain forms of masculine authority and feminine common sense were integral parts of Thatcherism's central political imagery of social insurrection and potential chaos. Through the analysis of political commentary, biography, press articles and political speeches I propose that Thatcher's significance can only be understood fully through the fantasies of authority, violence, war, independence, freedom and gender difference which sustained her powerful symbolic status in the Conservative political imagination. The biographical construction of Thatcher's path to power and the significance of her father are interrogated through Joan Riviere's psychoanalytical concept of the 'masquerade'. A textual analysis of unconscious anxiety about feminine vulnerability and the seizure of masculine power that accompanied Thatcher's masquerade is developed to consider the relevance of her precarious middle-class Methodist background in 1930s Britain. The interrelated facets of class, gender and religion are drawn upon to argue for the centrality of propriety and self-policing respectability to Thatcher's persona and to her political discourse. This analysis of political and personal history then broadens to a consideration of key concepts in Thatcherite discourse and significant moments in Thatcher's premiership. I chart the links between Thatcherite and New Right endorsement of social authoritarianism, morality and the 'traditional' nuclear family. Focusing specifically on the child as a repository of adult hopes and fears, I argue that Thatcher envisaged a 'privatisation' of the child that symbolised a broader extraction of Thatcherite subjects from the dependency of the Welfare State and into consumer self-sufficiency. Finally, this thesis explores the 1983 general election campaign and the Conservative Party's support of nuclear armament as a prerequisite of national survival and aggressive symbol of national strength. I unpack how Thatcher, as 'war leader', was set up as the barrier to impending chaos and social disarray and as supporter of legitimate force and state control. Oppositions between freedom and thraldom, liberation and restraint were central to Thatcherite discourse. I investigate the placing of her persona and by implication Thatcherite Britain, on the cusp of these oppositions and how this dialectic was played out in political speeches and reportage. An analysis of the varied political and media accounts of social chaos emanating from or turned against Thatcher in 1983 lead to an interrogation of Thatcher as 'super-ego'. I argue that the psychoanalytical concept of the super-ego provides a key way of understanding how Thatcher's imaginary power was consolidated through an ambivalent engagement with imagery of illegitimate violence and also a counter-investment in the extreme authority of the state and the law in the modern British nation.
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Vaz, Milena Isabel Barão. "Questões de tradução em The Path to Power, de Margaret Thatcher." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/15369.
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O presente Trabalho de Projecto centra-se na tradução dos três primeiros capítulos de The Path to Power (“A Provincial Childhood”, “Gowns-woman”, “House Bound”), o segundo dos dois volumes da autobiografia de Margaret Thatcher, publicado em 1995, por HarperCollins Publishers.
Constituindo-se como um contributo para a disseminação em língua portuguesa do conhecimento acerca de uma personalidade de reconhecida importância na cena política britânica e internacional, o exercício de tradução de tais capítulos foi norteado por fundamentos teóricos advindos dos Estudos de Tradução, tendo simultaneamente proporcionado uma reflexão sobre aspectos diversos de uma prática que se apercebe como unitária e sobre algumas das dificuldades específicas que o género autobiográfico em causa impõe e que o estilo da autora motivou; ABSTRACT: This Project Work focuses on the translation of the first three chapters of The Path to Power ("The Provincial Childhood", "Gowns-woman", "House Bound"), the second of the two volumes of Margaret Thatcher‟s autobiography, published in 1995 by HarperCollins Publishers.
Aiming to contribute to the dissemination of knowledge about a relevant figure in both the British and the international political sphere, the translation into Portuguese of the above mentioned chapters was underpinned by theoretical concepts of translation studies, having simultaneously enabled a reflection on several aspects of a process which is perceived as unitary and on some specific issues underlying both the autobiographical genre in question and the author‟s style.
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Vinson, Rachel. "The Effect of Negative Media on Political Campaigns: Hillary Clinton, Margaret Thatcher." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/702.
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Hillary Clinton and Margaret Thatcher are role models who have had a significant impact inspiring everyone, especially young women. They have had long political careers and are prominent politicians. In certain respects, many political observers including the public and media have misunderstood her personal, public, and political life. Since the media has become the most fundamental way people receive information and make judgments based on that information, it is vital that it accurately represent such prominent role models.
The media plays a crucial role in political campaigns and changes the way the public views candidates. I compare Clinton and Thatcher’s achievements, negative gender bias portrayal in the media, their campaign strategies, and the ultimate effect of this media attention. I will show that while both these women faced similar depictions in the media, Thatcher was able to win as a result of the difference in politics. This difference in the relationship with the media, and ability for Thatcher to have more control in her campaign strategies were the result of tighter restrictions on British broadcasting and campaigns, including political finance.
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Esposito, Marie-Claude. "La politique industrielle des gouvernements conservateurs d'Edward Heath et de Margaret Thatcher." Paris 4, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA040130.
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A la fin des années soixante, les idées néo-libérales ont suffisamment progressé dans le parti conservateur, pour que le gouvernement, formé en juin 1970 par Edward Heath, affirme vouloir mener une politique de désengagement de l'état de la vie économique. Priorité est également donnée à la lutte contre l'inflation. Près de dix ans plus tard, les conservateurs élus en mai 1979 se fixent les mêmes objectifs. Est-ce à dire que la politique industrielle va disparaitre de la politique économique sous le gouvernement d’Edward Heath et sous ceux de Margaret Thatcher? Non si on conçoit, par politique industrielle, un ensemble de mesures prises par les gouvernements pour influencer souvent indirectement les décisions des entreprises, notamment en matière d'investissement, et qui devrait contribuer à terme, à la réalisation des grands objectifs de la politique économique, tels que la diminution de l'inflation, la réduction du chômage. Dans ces conditions, l'état se donne pour tâche de définir un cadre économique stable au moyen des instruments macroéconomiques traditionnels (politique monétaire et politique budgétaire) et de prendre des mesures du côté de l'offre, pour améliorer la flexibilité des marches et augmenter la concurrence ce qui contribuera à un ajustement plus positif de l'économie. Toutefois, lorsque des problèmes sérieux apparaissent, le gouvernement est souvent contraint d'intervenir pour favoriser l'adaptation structurelle ou prendre en charge les effets néfastes, notamment en termes d'emplois, de cette adaptationAt the end of the sixties following the progress of liberal ideas, the conservative government led by Edward Heath decided to disengage the state from industry. Fighting inflation was a prior aim. Ten years later the conservative government that was returned to power in May 1979 had the same objectives. One could wonder whether industrial policy was to disappear from the field of economic policy ? The answer is no if industrial policy means a set of measures taken by governments to influence indirectly the decisions of firms as regard investment in order to bring about in the long term the main objectives of economic policy such as a reduction of inflation and unemployment. In such a context the state has to define a stable economic framework thanks to traditional macro-economic instruments (monetary policy and budgetary policy) and on the supply side to take measures to make markets more flexible and increase competition. This will lead to a more flexible adjustment of the economy
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Bermant, Azriel. "A triumph of pragmatism over principle : Margaret Thatcher and the Arab-Israel conflict." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2012. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1338131/.
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Margaret Thatcher's concern over Soviet ambitions strongly influenced her Middle East policy. The present thesis will contend that this was a highly significant factor behind the cooperation between 10 Downing Street and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in the Middle East during the period in question. Notwithstanding her instinctive understanding for the State of Israel, Thatcher increasingly perceived Israeli policies as a liability rather than an asset for Western interests. There was unease that these policies were increasing instability in the Middle East, and therefore undermining the security of Britain's Arab allies. Thatcher feared that the Soviets and other radical forces would exploit regional turmoil in order to expand their influence in the Middle East. Therefore, Thatcher agreed with the FCO on the urgent need to resolve the Arab-Israel conflict as a means of defusing regional tensions. As Thatcher acquired greater authority in the realm of international affairs, there was a growing convergence with the traditional position of the FCO on the Palestinian question. Thus, Thatcher used her stronger control over foreign policy to enhance the objectives of the FCO rather than to counter them, in the Middle East arena. Furthermore, during the second term of the Thatcher Government, it was the FCO rather than 10 Downing Street which took an initiative to advance a political dialogue with the State of Israel, resulting in a significant improvement in relations between Britain and Israel. Within Israeli Government circles and the Anglo-Jewish community, the FCO was generally viewed as the source of the apparently hostile British attitude towards Israel, while Number Ten was considered the more sympathetic institution. However, it is argued here that this is a simplistic view of the respective roles played by the FCO and 10 Downing Street in Middle East policy.
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Hortinhas, Patrícia Isabel Bandeira. "Estratégias de tradução em autobiografia:o caso de "The Path to Power" de Margaret Thatcher." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/29823.
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O Trabalho de Projeto que aqui se apresenta centra-se na tradução do sétimo e oitavo capítulos de The Path to Power ("No End of a Lesson" e "Seizing the Moment"), o segundo dos dois volumes da autobiografia de Margaret Thatcher, publicado em 1995 por HarperCollinsPublishers.
Pretendendo ser um contributo para alargar o conhecimento em língua portuguesa de uma figura de relevo da política do Reino Unido de reconhecida importância à escala global num dado momento da História Contemporânea, o exercício de tradução empreendido sobre os capítulos supracitados pautou-se por fundamentos teóricos advenientes dos Estudos de Tradução, tendo proporcionado concomitantemente a oportunidade de tecer algumas considerações sobre o processo desta prática universal e sobre questões inerentes ao discurso autobiográfico; Abstract:
Strategies of Translation in Autobiography: the case of The Path to Power, by Margaret Thatcher
This Project Work focuses on the translation of the seventh and eighth chapters of The Path to Power ("No End of a Lesson" and "Seizing the Moment"), the second of the two volumes of Margaret Thatcher's autobiography, published in 1995 by HarperCollinsPublishers.
Aiming to contribute to broaden the Portuguese public’s knowledge of a relevant political figure in the United Kingdom who also assumed worldwide importance in a given period of Contemporary History, the translation of the aforementioned chapters was underpinned by theoretical concepts of translation studies, which, simultaneously, provided both the opportunity to reflect on this universal practice and on some translation issues raised by the autobiographical discourse.
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Houngnikpo, Mathurin C. "La crise de l'Etat-Providence dans la Grande-Bretagne de Margaret Thatcher : (1979-1990)." Paris 8, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA081445.
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L'arrivee au pouvoir de margaret thatcher en 1979 a marque un tournant ideologique dans l'evolution de la politique britannique. Desormais les principes economiques keynesiens, la gestion economique corporatiste ainsi que le bien-etre pour tous sont abandonnes. La superiorite du choix du marche sur le choix administratif etait reconnue. Le gouvernement thatcher a lance de nouvelles initiatives radicales,et defie dans plusieurs domaines la sagesse politique classique. Dans la gestion macro-economique le keynesianisme a ete rejete en faveur du monetarisme. Le plein-emploi a ete ecarte comme politique objective et la maitrise de l'inflation etait devenue la plus importante des priorites. Afin de reduire les depenses publiques. Madame thatcher elimina ou diminua les subventions dans le secteur public, et experimenta diverses de privatisations. Elle a aussi defie l'influence et les privileges juridiques des syndicats en reduisant leur pouvoir. Margaret thatcher est venue au pouvoir avec un objectif clair : eliminer fetat-providence britannique financierement encombrant. Mais elle a appris a ses depens que sa + revolution ; avait des limites. En voulant trop forcer ses reformes, son nouvel impot local, connu sous le nom de poll-tax, a emporte son pouvoirMargaret thatcher's becoming prime minister in 1979 marked an important ideological turn in british politics. From then on, keynesianism, corporatist management and social welfarefor all, were abandonned. The preeminence of market over government choice was acknowledged. The thatcher administration embarked on new radical reforms, defying classical political wisdom. On a macroeconomic level, keynesianism was rejected with monetarism. Full employment is no longer an objective and the control of inflation became the first priority. In order to reduce public expenditures, mrs thatcher eliminated or diminietied subventions in the public sector, and experimented all kinds of privatisation. She also defied the influence and the legal privileges of trade unions, through a diminution of union power. Margaret thatcher came the power with a clear goal: get rid of the british welfar state that became a financial burden - however, she learned at her own expense that her + revolution ; has limits. By forcing too much her reforms, her new local tax, known as polltax, brought down her administration
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Bradley, Christopher. "La politique culturelle de Mme Thatcher : de la théorie à la réalité." Nancy 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996NAN21003.
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Dans la présente recherche, les activités culturelles de tout l'éventail social sont prises en compte : les arts élitaires, les pratiques des classes moyennes ainsi que celles des classes populaires. On constate que Mme Thatcher adhérait aux idées de la nouvelle droite mais suivit plutôt la tradition tory. Pendant les années quatre-vingt, dans le domaine des arts, des pratiques commerciales sont introduites et entrainent un changement des mentalités mais les subsides sont maintenus. D’autre part, dans un contexte international, la plupart des industries culturelles connaissent un essor important. Cette politique culturelle engendra de nombreuses réactions, parmi lesquelles celles de l'establishment, des intellectuels, de la gauche et d'une partie des couches populaires. Les deux objectifs principaux de Mme Thatcher, l'un à court terme, renforcement de l'état, l'autre à long terme, libéralisation du marché, étaient difficilement conciliables. Cela explique l'écart entre la cote théorique de ses propos et le pragmatisme de sa politiqueThis research deals with the whole cultural spectrum: highbrow, middlebrow and lowbrow cultural practices. One is surprised to find that Mrs. Thatcher supported the ideas of the new right but in fact applied mostly traditional tory policies. In the case of the arts, certain commercial practices were introduced, without reducing the level of subsidy. On top of this, in an international development, most of the cultural industries expanded considerably. This cultural policy provoked numerous reactions among the establishment, the intellectuals, left-wing politicians and various sections of the lower classes. Mrs. Thatcher had two main objectives: the first aim was to strengthen the authority of the state and was to be short term; the second was to free the market-place and was long term. In fact, these two aims were incompatible. This can help explain the implementation gap between what she stated and her generally pragmatic policy applications
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Meziti, Kamel. "L'expérience Thatcher : nouveau conservatisme et projet de société." Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA040186.
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Une décennie de thatchérisme a profondément marque la société britannique. D'aucuns ont souvent qualifie le projet thatchérien de simple programme politique qui a œuvré à la rénovation de l'appareil économique du pays ; d'autres y voient un effort de reconstruction globale (politique, économique et sociale). Aux yeux de son instigatrice, le thatchérisme sous-entend un véritable projet de société. "Plus qu'un programme, un mode de vie", celui-ci doit inaugurer un renouveau de la Grande-Bretagne à tous les niveaux. L'analyse de fondements idéologiques du thatchérisme et de l'action politique de la dame de fer (à travers l'étude de quelques points fondamentaux) tente de définir le projet de société thatchérien, sa forme, son contenu tout en évaluant ses points forts mais aussi ses limitesA decade of Thatcherism has deeply marked the British society. Some have qualified the Thatcherist project has a mere political program which aimed at the renovation of the economic apparatus of the country. Others consider it as an attempt of global reconstruction in the various fields (political, economic and social). For Margaret Thatcher, Thatcherism embodies a genuine project of society. "More than a program, a way of life", it is supposed to instaure a renewal of Britain at all levels. Through the analysis of the ideological background of Thatcherism and the political action of the iron lady this research tries to formulate and evaluate the Thatcherist project
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Zmihi, Nassera. "Les sans-abri sous les gouvernements de Margaret Thatcher et John Major : l'exemple de Londres." Rouen, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011ROUEL030.
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Cette thèse porte sur le phénomène des sans-abri à Londres au cours des années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix. Avant toute analyse des causes du phénomène, une réflexion s'engage sur la portée de l'héritage victorien dans l'appréhension du phénomène au XXe siècle. La distinction qui s'opère entre les différentes catégories de sans-abri pose la question de la reconnaissance officielle du statut de sans-abri régie par des textes de loi. Faute d'obtention du statut officiel de sans-abri, certains ont été contraints de s'installer dans des foyers ou des hôtels, voire de dormir dans la rue. Une analyse des données rares et parfois peu fiables sur ce segment de population indique une augmentation du nombre des sans-abri dans les rues de Londres à la fin des années quatre-vingt. L'analyse des causes de cette hausse tend à focaliser l'attention sur des facteurs structurels, dans un contexte de crise économique mondiale. Mais, notre étude démontre que certains choix politiques opérés par les gouvernements Thatcher ne peuvent être que partiellement incriminés. En effet, notre recherche a mis en exergue des facteurs plus personnels, sans lien nécessaire avec la conjoncture économique ou les décisions politiques. Ainsi, cette thèse mesure la part de responsabilité des gouvernements conservateurs menés par Margaret Thatcher, dans l'augmentation du phénomène des sans-abri à la fin des années quatre-vingt en même temps qu'elle aborde le phénomène sous un angle moins politique et plus sociologique. L'étude du parcours de quelques sans-abri permet également de mettre en avant des éléments d'ordre psychologique dans l'appréhension du phénomène des sans-abriThis thesis deals with homelessness in London in the 1980s and 1990s. It reveals the impact of the victorian inheritage in the decisions concerning homelessness in the XXth century. The distinction between the various categories of homeless people has led to the dichotomy between statutory and non-statutory homeless people. The people that were not officially homeless were compelled to go to hostels or bed and brekfast hotels, or even sleep rough. The analysis of the rare and sometimes unreliable information on this group of population shows an increase of the number of people sleeping rough in London in the late 1980s. The analysis of the causes of this rise focuses the attention on structural factors in a context of a worldwide economic crisis. However, our study shows that we can only partially incriminate Margaret Thatcher's political choices. Indeed, our research work has pointed up to more personal factors, not necessarily linked to the economic situation or the political decisions. Thus, this thesis measures the extent of the responsability of the Conservative governments led by Margaret Thatcher in the increase of rough sleeping in the late 1980s and it also studies the phenomenon from a more sociological point of view. The study of the pathways of a few rough sleepers in London has also allowed to highlight some psychological elements in apprehending rough sleeping
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Goodwin, Peter. "The television policies of the UK administrations of Margaret Thatcher and John Major 1979-1997." Thesis, University of Westminster, 1999. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/945y0/the-television-policies-of-the-uk-administrations-of-margaret-thatcher-and-john-major-1979-1997.
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This thesis provides an extended analysis and review of the television policies of the UK Conservative administrations of Margaret Thatcher and John Major from 1979 to 1997 and examines the causes, coherence and consequences of those policies. In particular, it identifies the potential forces for change in UK television policy from the late seventies: notably, international changes in the economic, social and cultural, and technological environment of the industry; and the political changes in the UK introduced by the new Conservative administrations, generally known as `Thatcherism'. The thesis analyses the specific strengths of the UK television system established by the 1970s, and reviews the criticisms made of that system in the years before 1979. It then assesses the major developments in television policy instituted by the Thatcher and Major administrations: the establishment of Channel 4; their policies on the new technologies of satellite and broadband cable; the impact of the Committee chaired by Alan Peacock on the Financing of the BBC; the reform of ITV; their policies for the renewal of the BBC charter in the 1990s; and their policies on digitalisation and multimedia. Particular attention is paid to the changes that these policies produced in the UK television industry, and the lack of overall coherence of the policies. The thesis argues that the changes were significant but that they were only partial, and that, while pursuing a general goal of marketisation, the policies were incoherent in many of their specifics. This incoherence stemmed partly from resistance by established institutions within the industry, and partly from internal contradictions within the Tories' overall free-market project. The thesis concludes with an examination of the light that Tory television policy during this period sheds on the wider political debate on `Thatcherism' and the international context of UK television policy during the same period.
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Waldman, Benjamin F. "Climbing the Mountain of Conflict: Margaret Thatcher's Falklands Crisis." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1112.
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Early in her Prime Ministership, Margaret Thatcher fought an unlikely diversionary war far from home for the ownership of the Falkland Islands. The Islands lie off of Argentina’s coast about 8,000 miles from London, but have been subject to Britain’s rule since 1836. In April 1982, hoping to distract from domestic political and economic turmoil, Argentina’s military dictatorship ordered a surprise invasion of the Islands. Thatcher, Britain’s first female Prime Minister, responded in full force. By early May, a British fleet reached the Islands. By June, despite American efforts to stop a war between its allies, Britain launched an assault on the Islands and took them back by force. Thatcher’s victory propelled her to immense popularity in late-1982 and 1983, and the Argentine dictatorship’s defeat gave life to a people’s revolt that quickly ended the regime and decades of military leadership.
This thesis examines Thatcher’s leadership in April 1982, before Britain launched its retaliatory invasion of the Islands. It seeks to answer how Thatcher managed to make the war possible and popular in three key arenas: with her own cabinet and government, with the United States and the United Nations, and ultimately with the British public. This study operates on the idea that the war served as an intentional diversion for Thatcher, who had struggled domestically as Prime Minister up until the Falklands Crisis. Utilizing newly released archival documents from the Thatcher government, this study shows the Prime Minister never had any interest in avoiding war, undermining any potential for peace as it emerged.
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Silva, Wellington Souza. "Jerusalém em Bruxelas: o discurso de Bruges e a mudança da política externa britânica para a Comunidade Europeia em 1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-08092017-155241/.
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O trabalho busca demonstrar se realmente houve uma mudança em termos concretos da política externa britânica para a Comunidade Econômica Europeia desde a declaração de inflexão feita pela primeira-ministra Margaret Thatcher no Discurso de Bruges em 1988. Para atingir este objetivo, o trabalho apresenta as circunstâncias que acabaram culminando no teor das declarações contidas no discurso, esclarece os principais pontos declarados, faz um levantamento das fases de relacionamento do Reino Unido sob o governo Thatcher com a Comunidade Europeia e analisa os níveis de mudança de política externa para comprovar sua real ocorrência no caso britânico. A conclusão do trabalho evidencia que, apesar das declarações do discurso, o Reino Unido não fez nenhuma mudança objetiva nas relações com o processo de integração europeia naquele momento, embora o discurso tenha passado a exercer influência no crescente euroceticismo britânico a partir de então.This work seeks to demonstrate if there really was a change in concrete terms of British foreign policy towards the European Economic Community from the inflection made by the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in her 1988 Bruges Speech. To achieve this objective, this work presents the circumstances that culminated in the content of the speech\'s declaration, clarifies the main declared points, reviews the main relationship phases in United Kingdom\'s relationship under Thatcher\'s government with the European Community and analyses the levels of foreign policy change to check its real occurrence in the British case. This work\'s conclusion brings evidence that despite of the speech\'s declarations, United Kingdom did no objective change in its relations with the European integration process in that moment; however, the speech became an influence over the growing British Euroscepticism since then.
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Salem, Manel. "The british Conservative Party under Margaret Thatcher's leadership : conservatism seen from within." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30041.
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Cette thèse aborde le sujet du conservatisme britannique, notamment le conservatisme de1979 jusqu’à 1990, la période qui correspond aux mandats de Margaret Thatcher. Ce travail vise à démontrer que la continuité a été l’aspect déterminant du parti conservateur depuis les XVIIIe et XIXe siècles. Les valeurs premières du conservatisme ont continué à être appliquées avec l’avènement de Margaret Thatcher au pouvoir même si elle incarnait, pour beaucoup de gens, le changement. Ceci apparait dans les discours que Margaret Thatcher tenait quand elle était leader de l’opposition. Le changement était nécessaire selon elle car la société britannique était stagnante. En effet, Thatcher ne pouvait pas accepter ce qu’elle considérait comme étant une « société oisive ».Dès son jeune âge, elle avait appris que travailler dur était à la fois une responsabilité et un plaisir. Ce plaisir-là émane des principes d’indépendance et de persévérance auxquels elle a toujours cru très profondément. Dans ce sens, le changement signifie essentiellement la remise en question du consensus de l’après-guerre, conçu pour aider le pays et ses habitants à se reconstruire. Margaret Thatcher était déterminée à démanteler la social-démocratie keynésienne qui avait imprégné la politique britannique depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale à cause des circonstances changeantes. L’originalité de sa politique réside dans l’abandon du consensus de l’après-guerre largement basé sur l’état providence et l’intervention de l’état ainsi que l’encouragement des membres de la société à être autonomes et indépendants en plus d’une économie forte et capable de s’autoréguler sans avoir besoin d’intervention de la part du gouvernement. La liberté, l’individualisme et l’autonomie sont les conséquences ultimes de la dérégulation. Ces valeurs étaient les valeurs premières du conservatisme et leur application durant les années quatre-vingt n’étaient que retour au vieux parti conservateur. La continuité du parti conservateur, qui a été interrompue par le keynésianisme du parti travailliste, a été alors rétablie. Pour prouver de cette continuité, un nombre de documents d’archives ont été étudiés au Churchill Archives Centre à Cambridge; des archives telles que les procès-verbaux des réunions du parti conservateur et les discussions qui se sont déroulées entre conservateurs. Par ailleurs, savoir comment les conservateurs eux-mêmes définissent le conservatisme britannique élucide la nature du conservatisme. Pendant longtemps, le parti conservateur a été considéré comme étant le parti monolithique par excellence. Mais le retour en force d’autres partis, comme le parti travailliste après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, a poussé les conservateurs à réfléchir davantage, à innover, à créer des thinks tanks et à ne plus avoir peur d’exprimer leurs opinions diverses. Désormais, ils ne craignent plus le changement, partant du principe que « les choses doivent changer pour qu’elles restent identiques » (The Leopard by Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa). Une large partie de cette thèse porte sur la politique économique. La variable de la politique économique constitue peut-être le critère de réussite le plus visible notamment du fait qu’il est aisément quantifiable, et révèle que l’économie a toujours été une priorité chez les conservateurs. Selon Margaret Thatcher par exemple, le keynésianisme de l’après-guerre avait échoué et devait être abandonné. Pour Thatcher, le problème majeur à résoudre n’était pas le chômage mais l’inflation. La dichotomie entre continuité et changement sera analysée non seulement dans les discours publics de Margaret Thatcher mais aussi dans les discussions internes du parti conservateur. La pléthore de définitions et opinions pose également la question de l’héritage de la dame de fer, à travers son successeur John Major et des événements contemporains tels que le BrexitThis thesis focuses on the dynamics of continuity and change within the Conservative Party from 1979 to 1990, the period of Margaret Thatcher’s premierships. The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that continuity had been the defining feature of the Conservative Party since the 18th and 19th centuries. The implementation of the primary values of early Conservatism continued with the advent of M. Thatcher to power although she represented, for many people, the epitome of change. This was all the more obvious in Margaret Thatcher’s public speeches when she was Leader of the Opposition. Change was, to her, necessary since British society was stagnant. In fact, Mrs. Thatcher could not accept what she considered as an “idle society.” When she was very little, Mrs. Thatcher learned that working hard was not only a duty but also an enjoyment. These feelings emanated from the values that she dearly cherished such as independence and perseverance. In this sense, therefore, change only meant the questioning of the postwar consensus. The policies implemented during the consensus period aimed at helping Britain and her citizens reconstruct. Margaret Thatcher was determined to dismantle the Keynesian social democracy that had permeated British politics since World War Two because of changing circumstances. The novelty of her politics lay in getting rid of the postwar consensus, broadly based on the welfare state and government intervention and encouraging a society whose members should be self-reliant and independent in addition to a strong economy capable of self-regulating without the need for regulation from the government. Freedom, individualism and autonomy were the ultimate consequences of deregulation. These values were the original values of Conservatism and their implementation in the 1980s was nothing but a return to Old Tory Conservatism. The continuity of the Conservative Party, which was interrupted by the politics of Keynesianism of the Labour Party, had therefore been reestablished. In order to trace this continuity, a number of archival material have been studied in the Churchill Archives Centre in Cambridge; archival material such as the minutes of the Conservative Party or the discussions that took place among Conservatives. Besides, how members of the Conservative Party themselves define British Conservatism sheds light on the nature of Conservatism. The Conservative Party has been considered to be the monolithic party par excellence but as a result of the increasing influence of other parties, notably the Labour Party after World War Two, Conservatives became more aware of the need to think more, innovate, create thinks tanks and express their distinct opinions more widely. They were no longer afraid of change given that “Everything needs to change, so that everything can stay the same” (The Leopard by Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa). An important part of this thesis deals with the economy. The variable of economic policy is perhaps the most visible criterion of success namely because it is easily quantifiable. It also reveals that economy has always been a priority among Conservatives. For Margaret Thatcher for instance, the Keynesianism of the postwar era had failed and should be abandoned. According to Thatcher, inflation was the problem to solve, not unemployment. The dichotomy between continuity and change will be analyzed not only in the public speeches of Margaret Thatcher but also the internal discussions of Conservatives. This plethora of definitions and opinions also concerns the legacy of the Iron Lady mainly through her successor, John Major, in addition to contemporary events such as the Brexit
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Katz, Ariel. "Margaret Thatcher, Golda Meir, and Indira Gandhi's Actions and Rhetoric Regarding Feminism and Gender During Their Ascent to Power." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/518.
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This paper explores the rhetoric and actions of Margaret Thatcher, Golda Meir, and Indira Gandhi regarding feminism and their gender before they became prime minister. The paper finds that none of the leaders identified as feminists, and did not actively focus on women’s issues or elevate the status of women while in office. Yet, all of these leaders called for women to mobilize and pursue careers, either via their actions or speeches. Thatcher, particularly in the crucial period in which she rose to power, explicitly encouraged women to mobilize as voters and pursue work outside the home in her formal speeches, public statements, letters and interviews. Through their organized activities before they obtained office, Meir and Gandhi worked to mobilize women politically, although their rhetoric did not explicitly encourage women over men to participate politically. The paper explores nuanced ways that each leader associated with her gender and preached for other women to pursue careers. Looking ahead at one case study shows that women now are not necessarily averse to explicitly associating with their gender. Tzipi Livni, the candidate for the Kadima Party in the 2009 Israeli election, used her gender as a campaign tactic. Hopefully this paper helps lay the groundwork for future study on women candidate’s rhetoric and actions regarding feminism before they are elected.
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Gálvez, Carcelén Mauricio Rafael. "Una mujer en la revolución conservadora : el caso de Margaret Thatcher, imagen y pensamiento en el Perú de los ochenta." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/9231.
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El propósito de esta investigación será el análisis de la imagen que tanto Margaret
Thatcher, así como su pensamiento, el thatcherismo, reflejó en el Perú de la década de
1980. La Dama de Hierro, adalid de la Revolución Conservadora, es un personaje que
encarnó las dimensiones tanto política como de género, así como también rompió
esquemas en la política mundial al resaltar sus cualidades en ambos campos. Si bien es
un personaje ajeno a nuestra realidad nacional, no se puede negar su gravitación en el
escenario internacional: un referente obligatorio del liberalismo durante el contexto de la
Revolución Conservadora y más allá, Thatcher despertó admiración así como críticas en
latitudes tan alejadas como puede serlo el Perú del Reino Unido. Prueba de ello son las
constantes menciones durante la Guerra de las Malvinas, así como también sus reuniones
con políticos de nuestro país tales como Manuel Ulloa y Alberto Fujimori, y su
inspiración para la plataforma política de Mario Vargas Llosa en las elecciones de 1990.
Para esta investigación, fueron de consulta fundamental fuentes como los diarios El
Comercio y La República, así como también revistas tales cual Quehacer, Monos y
Monadas, y Caretas.Tesis
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Drakopoulou, Sarah L. "Religious influences on the Thatcherite enterprise culture." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2637.
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During the 1980s, the government of Great Britain, led by Margaret Thatcher, promoted a political and economic ideology known in the demotic as the Thatcherite Enterprise Culture. This set of beliefs and actions included an encouragement of hard work, thrift, self-responsibility, and self-employment, as well as legislating for the support of small firms, privatisation, free markets and a strong - but minimal - central state. Behind the Enterprise Culture lay a religious paradigm, explicitly called upon by its chief creators, including Margaret Thatcher. The thesis builds an ideal-type of the Thatcherite Enterprise Culture, following a Weberian methodology, to form the major object of study. The work aims to discover whether the ideal-type under analysis is theologically coherent, and whether it can justifiably claim to be a continuation of Christian thought in this area. This thesis examines the development of Western European philosophy and theology as it relates to the key aspects of the Thatcherite Enterprise Culture, beginning with the Ancient Greeks and concluding with the Victorian Age of Enterprise. The historical review demonstrates that the Thatcherite Enterprise Culture is generally discontiguous with the tradition of religious thought, and in some instances is essentially in direct contradiction with important aspects of the tradition, such as the significance of the Incarnation. A review of the theological works of the Thatcherite Enterprise Culture and its critics adds to the findings of the historical examination, indicating further flaws and contradictions within Enterprise Theology. Critics of Enterprise Theology are found to be much more consistent with mainstream Christian Theology.
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Lindqvist, Ossian. ""Rösten, maken, frisyren - alla trodde hon skulle bli en parentes på Downing street" : Om den svenska pressens framställning av Margaret Thatcher." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-25574.
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Tůmová, Jana. "Konservativní politika M.Thatcherové ve VB a její implikace na politiku v ČR po roce 1989." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10190.
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The main aim of this diploma thesis is to analyse the economic and political development in the United Kingdom under Margaret Thatcher and to judge, to which degree the measures applied by the government of Margaret Thatcher were applicable to the Czech Republic, respectively, to which degree the government of Václav Klaus (1992 -- 1997) was inspired by the British approach and which the practical results of this inspiration were.
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Andersson, Elvira. "En ny röst i miljörörelsen? : En komparativ analys av Greta Thunbergs, Rachel Carsons och Margaret Thatchers implicerade auditorier." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445534.
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Choi, Yuan-han Mable, and 蔡婉嫻. "Britain needs an iron lady : an exploration into the rhetoric and ideology of Margaret Thatcher in the months preceding her appointment to the premiership." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/207137.
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This study explores Thatcher’s use of metaphor in the communication of her ideology in the months before she was elected prime minister of Britain in May 1979. The study contends that circumstance was the making of Thatcher. Contextual analysis is performed to establish the social and political circumstances that prompted Thatcher to respond with rhetorical discourse. Three rhetorical events are discerned: the industrial situation, the passing of the motion of no confidence and the election campaign, and these are defined in terms of Bitzer’s (1968) rhetorical situation. The study then examines Thatcher’s use of metaphor in her three speeches following Charteris-Black’s (2014) critical metaphor analysis. The analysis reveals that the metaphor type most frequently used by Thatcher is conflict, which is systematically deployed across the three speeches, giving rise to the main conceptual metaphor POLITICS IS CONFLICT. This conceptual metaphor helps create two political myths – the myth of the crusading Iron Maiden and the myth of Britain as a sick patient – that are central to Thatcher’s efforts at defining social reality. By portraying herself as the intrepid leader who remains resolute in the face of adversity and Britain as a nation in decline in need of a revival, Thatcher is able to present herself as the manifest solution to Britain’s problems. The Winter of Discontent strikes prove to be the straw that broke the camel’s back; after more than three decades of consensus politics, the British people were ready for a change. In the months preceding her ultimate political destiny, Thatcher’s rhetoric of legitimation correctly captured the nation’s mood for change, enabling her to fulfill her ambitious dream of becoming Britain’s first woman prime minister.published_or_final_version
Applied English Studies
Master
Master of Arts in Applied Linguistics
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Allan, Lewis. "Thatcher's economists : ideas and opposition in 1980s Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:db77150a-75bb-4249-8d1b-a82d14daceae.
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This thesis is an historical study of the formation of Thatcherite economic thinking and policymaking with a particular focus upon investigating the part played by economic ideas and economists in Thatcherism. While some economists and economic ideas are closely associated with Thatcherism, Thatcherites were hostile to the bulk of Britain’s economists residing in universities and in the Government Economic Service and skeptical of the usefulness of economic theory in policymaking. Thatcherites thought that British academic and government economists supported a ‘Keynesian consensus’ which was purported to have been in operation since the Second World War and had allegedly retarded Britain’s growth from a quasi-mythical free-enterprise Victorian high-point. However, Thatcherites were keen to win the ‘battle of ideas’ and became eager ‘buyers’ of economic ideas – Keith Joseph particularly – in a ‘marketplace in economic ideas’ which developed over the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Yet, Thatcherites were not suddenly converted to neoliberal economic thinking by the marketplace in economic ideas. Instead, Thatcherites pragmatically sought out ideas which could be adopted and adapted in combination with long-standing ideological beliefs which were hostile to the size and role of the state and in favour of ‘sound money.’ Thatcherite economic thinking developed to include sometimes contradictory strands of supply-side economics, Austrian economics, monetarism/rational expectations and public choice economics but also contained, particularly for Margaret Thatcher, elements of ‘businessmen’s economics’ and ‘housewife economics.’ A case study of privatisation policy illustrates the point that pre-existing Thatcherite thinking, such as the desire to ‘roll back the state’, provided the core underlying rationale for economic policies. Yet, Thatcherites were also able to use a jumbled amalgam of economic ideas such as Austrian and neoclassical economics to promote secondary objectives such as introducing competition when conditions were judged as favourable by Thatcherites.
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Jenbrant, Nelly. "Kvinnligt ledarskap i en värld av manliga ledare : En jämförande fallstudie mellan Margaret Thatchers och Anna Kinberg Batras politiska karriärer." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100033.
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This essay examines two different female political leaders' ways to top positions. Even though it is over a century since women received voting rights in both the United Kingdom and Sweden, quite few women leaders have reached top positions. The purpose of this essay is to find explanation factors to why Margaret Thatcher succeeded to reach the top and why Anna Kinberg Batra did not. The method in this essay is a comparing case study between Great Britain's Margaret Thatcher and Sweden's Anna Kinberg Batra and it is analysed through Jane S Jensens theory that tries to give explanations behind the low representation of female political leadership. Yvonne Hirdmans gender theory is also a part of the analytical framework. The result of this study offers several factors as helpful for succeeding in reaching top positions such as growing up in a supportive family, having an attitude that gender would not be an obstacle and to be able to step outside one’s gender role seems essential to reach the political leadership as a female.
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Růt, Štěpán. "Dopravní politika konzervativních vlád ve Velké Británii v letech 1979-1997." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-110442.
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The diploma thesis analyzes the changes in transport policy during the time of Thatcher and Major conservative governments. It tries to answer why the traffic situation resulted in a permanent break with the concept raised in the 1940s by labour government. The changes are associated with principles of Thatcherism which also influenced the transport industry. The contribution of the work consists of creating a compact view of the privatization of bus and rail transport, including consideration and evaluation of options and results. Both the same and different elements of the privatization of two transport sectors are mentioned. Author uses information from contemporary sources obtained in the National Archives, London-Kew as well as modern literature and scientific studies.
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Hartridge, Stephen Paul. "Thatcherism and the restoration of governability." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/80088.
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Mrs Thatcher's third electoral victory in the summer of 1987 appeared to confirm and consolidate both the success and the popularity of the political and economic experiment attempted during her eight years in office. Thatcherism is perhaps most remarkable for guiding Britain out of the dark decades of the 1960's and 1970's when relative economic decline was the chief cause of a governmental and institutional paralysis that inevitably led to policy failures, "u-turns'', and defeats at the hands of the trade union movement. At a time when governmental effectiveness had been diluted, the hold of public expectations, symbolic of "consensus" or "Butskellite'' politics, showed no sign of loosening; despite the fact that welfare statism retained it's grip over the British public, years of economic decline and governmental ineffectiveness (symbolised by Heath's defeat by the miners and the "winter of discontent" under Callaghan), meant that fiscally, government commitments, both old and new, were outreaching their grasp and ability to deliver. It was speculated by many of the period's more prolific writers that public recognition of successive governments' inability to manage the demands of a modern economy was leading to severe, if immeasurable, credibility and legitimation problems.
To what extent have the Thatcher policies solved these seemingly intractable problems? Has Thatcherism found a solution to the demands of social democratic Britain? What is the real extent of Britain's economic recovery? Is there a "new consensus" that underpins the Thatcher challenge to the "mal Anglais''? These questions will be central to this paper's analysis of the extent of the restoration of British governability in the Thatcher years.Master of Arts
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Gee, Gabriel. "La création et ses formes dans le contexte socio-politique de la Grande-Bretagne : les scènes artistiques dans le Nord de l'Angleterre des années 1980 au début du 21e siècle." Paris 10, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA100132.
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Cette étude porte sur les scènes artistiques dans les grandes conurbations du Nord de l'Angleterre depuis la fin des années 1970 et l'élection de Margaret Thatcher à la tête du gouvernement britannique jusqu'à nos jours. La production, la diffusion, et la réception des arts contemporains à Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, Newcastle-upon-Tyne sont étudiées en relation avec le contexte socio-politique de l'époque. Ces villes ont progressivement vu au cours du 20e siècle le démantèlement de leurs économies traditionnelles fondées sur la manufacture et diverses activités industrielles. La mise en place pendant les années 1980 des politiques thatcheriennes a accentué les antagonismes nord-sud et Londres - province dans un premier temps. Puis durant les années 1990, ce sont les stratégies de régénération économique au travers des arts et notamment des arts contemporains qui ont prévalu dans la reconstruction urbaine, économique, et identitaire dans le Nord de l'Angleterre. Cette étude s'intéresse au développement des arts durant la période en relation avec ce contexte de transformations sociales et économiques notables, en en considérant les conséquences en termes d'infrastructures, de politiques de diffusion artistiques institutionnelles, mais en considérant également les oppositions, les résistances, et d'une manière générale les interactions qui se forgent entre les artistes, leurs pratiques, et les politiques culturelles, les évolutions de l'environnement, des économies régionales, nationales et mondialisée, les évolutions de la société britannique tant locale que nationaleThis research focuses on the art scenes in the cities of the North of England from the late seventies and the election of Margaret Thatcher at the head of the British government to the beginning of the 215` century. The production, exhibition, and reception of contemporary arts in Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, Newcastle-upon-Tyne are studied in relation to the socio-political context of the time. These Northem cities have witnessed the progressive demise of their traditional economies based on manufacture and various industriel activities. The politics of Thatcherism during the 1980s increased the tensions in between north and south, the capital London and the provinces. During the 1990s, economic regeneration strategies involving arts and particularly contemporary visual arts have prevailed in the reconstructions of the urban, the economic, and identities in the North of England. This study looks at the development of the arts during the period in relation to this context of major social and economic transformations, considering the consequences in tenus of infrastructures, institutional policies of art exhibition, as well as oppositions, resistance, and more generally the interaction that connects the artists, artists practices, to the cultural policies, the evolution of the environment, of regional, national, and global economies, and the evolutions of British society locally and nationaley
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Kukuraitytė, Rita. "Politinių lyderių vaidmuo krizinėje situacijoje 1990 - 1991 m. Irako - Kuveito konflikto kontekste." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20090908_194031-33211.
Full textAbstract:
Kiekviena politinės lyderystės apraiška 1990 – 1991 metais vykusio Irako – Kuveito konflikto kontekste buvo skirtinga priklausomai nuo JAV, Didžiosios Britanijos, Prancūzijos ir Irako politinių lyderių asmeninių savybių, lyderiavimo motyvų, nuo skirtingai suvokiamų atskiros visuomenės tikslų įgyvendinimo specifikos, nuo tarptautinės grupės ypatybių ir kitų socialinių, politinių, ekonominių bei kultūrinių sąlygų. Vieni politiniais lyderiais tapo dėl asmeninio patrauklumo, charizmos, kiti atsidūrė tam tikru momentu tam tikroje situacijoje, treti veikė vedini savo asmeninių ambicijų. Kaip tik todėl magistro darbo objektas yra politinių lyderių vaidmuo Irako – Kuveito konflikte. Darbo aktualumas. 1990 – 1991 metais Persijos įlankoje netrūko radikalių permainų: pagrindiniu tikslu buvo laikomas Irako prezidento Sadamo Huseino nuvertimas, o tai reiškė, jog sąjungininkai privalėjo užimti Irako sostinę Bagdadą ir kontroliuoti visus strateginius jame esančius objektus. Būtent šioje situacijoje politiniams lyderiams atsirado puiki terpė pasireikšti. Magistro darbe aiškinamasi apie galingiausių to meto valstybių verbalinį ir fizinį ryšį, jų vykdomus ar ketinamus vykdyti veiksmus. Kadangi nebuvo ir vis dar nėra jokios paprastos lyderystės formulės ar griežtos mokslinės disciplinos, kuria būtų galėję vadovautis nagrinėjami politiniai lyderiai, tai tapo akstinu pažvelgti į šią problemą iš naujo. Darbo chronologinės ribos. Pavadinime įvardintas 1990 – 1991 metų laikotarpis. Konfliktas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Every political clash leaves a trace in World history. The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in the end of XX century is not the exception. Amid growing tension between the two Persian Gulf neighbors, Saddam Hussein concluded that the United States and the rest of the outside world would not interfere to defend Kuwait. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait and quickly seized control of the small nation. Within days, the United States, along with the United Nations, demanded Iraq’s immediate withdrawal. U.S. and other UN member nations began deploying troops in Saudi Arabia within the week, and the worldwide coalition began to form under UN authority. On January 16, 1991, Allied forces began devastating bombing of Iraq and its forces in Kuwait. The Allied bombing sought to damage Iraq’s infrastructure so as to hinder its ability to make war while also hurting both civilian and military morale. Unfortunately, Allied air strikes and cruise missile attacks against Iraq proved more devastating than expected. When the Allied armies launched the ground war on February 23, the Iraqi occupation forces in Kuwait were already beaten. On March 3, 1991, Iraq accepted the terms of the cease-fire and the fighting ended. So the object of master‘s work has been the evaluation of the role, substantiality and particularity of political leaders during the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. The goal has been to point out the connection between the expression of political... [to full text]
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Johansson, Martin. "Storbritanniens utrikespolitik under Falklandskriget 1982 : En kvalitativ fallstudie om de brittiska beslutsfattarnas motiv och eventuellt bakomliggande sådana." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75551.
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When Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands in 1982, it was the beginning of a two month long war. The aim of this essay is to find alternative explanations to the Falklands war with the main question being whether there were hidden motives for Thatcher and her reactions in 1982. The essay will focus on the period 1965-1982 in which different texts will be analyzed by applying theories. The diversionary war theory describes how state leaders can improve their political popularity by intentionally escalating a conflict. The geopolitical theory explains how a state, by investments, constructions and military, can create demographic and international perceptions regarding a territory while foreign political theory describes how decision making is affected by the bureaucracy, psychology and the international system. The ministry of defense and the navy was heavily affected by the financial cuts during the conflict and may also have affected the manner in which they advised Thatcher in 1982. Because of the British unwillingness to invest geopolitically in the Falklands and their aggravation of the diplomatically efforts to find a peaceful solution, the conflict got worse. In addition, Thatchers intentions to implement economic reforms and her record low political popularity make it plausible to suspect her for having, intentionally, escalated the conflict to gain political popularity and to enable the economic reforms.
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von, Bargen Max Anders. "A Misunderstood Partnership: British and American Grand Strategy and the “Special Relationship” as a Military Alliance, 1981-1991." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu158766455515096.
Full text
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Andreoni, Edoardo. "Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative and transatlantic relations, 1983-86." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270343.
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My doctoral project investigates the impact of Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative on transatlantic relations during the period 1983-86. The dissertation focuses on the three main European powers, namely Britain, France, and the Federal Republic of Germany, and examines their reaction to SDI both individually and comparatively. The study exploits SDI’s position at the intersection of nuclear strategy, political ideology, Cold War diplomacy, and industrial politics to offer a multifaceted, multi-national, and primary source-based analysis of US-European relations during the Reagan Presidency. The picture of the transatlantic relationship which emerges from the dissertation is a complex and nuanced one. On the one hand, the analysis argues that relations across the Atlantic during the Reagan era cannot be reduced to a scenario of accelerating ‘drift’ between the United States and Western Europe. Instead, on SDI as well as on other matters, moments of acute friction alternated with a constantly renewed search for dialogue, cooperation, and compromise on the part of the Europeans and also, if to a lesser degree, of the Americans. On the other hand, the ‘exceptionalist’ ideology and worldview underpinning SDI, the prevailing indifference in Washington to its implications for NATO, and most importantly the persistent anti-nuclear rhetoric and ambitions associated with the initiative revealed a distinct lack of sensitivity to European interest by the Reagan administration. As the dissertation shows, the anti-nuclear drive inherent in SDI, which both reflected and reinforced Reagan’s deep-seated interest in nuclear abolition, constituted the most disruptive aspect of the initiative from the viewpoint of European leaders. In these respects, the SDI controversy epitomises the unilateral tendencies and increasingly divergent priorities from those of the European allies which characterised much of the Reagan administration’s foreign policy – making the 1980s a decade of recurrent tensions in transatlantic relations.
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Prestidge, Jessica Dawn. "Margaret Thatcher's politics : the cultural and ideological forces of domestic femininity." Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12192/.
Full textAbstract:
In December 1974 Margaret Thatcher hung up her hat and put on an apron. Despite being a wealthy, professional woman, it was as a lower-middle class ‘housewife’ that she won the Conservative party leadership in 1975 and the general election in 1979. This raises significant historical questions. What was it about a ‘housewife’ identity that was believed to suggest the necessary qualities of a political leader? It also emphasises the centrality of gender to Thatcher’s leadership image. This thesis will explore the cultural, ideological and political significance of Thatcher’s femininity, with a particular focus on the rich and varied resonances of domestic femininity. Although a considerable body of literature analyses Thatcher’s status as Britain’s first female Prime Minister, the majority of work focuses on her failure to either promote ‘women’s issues’ or to improve women’s political representation. The conservatism of Thatcher’s feminine image is frequently presented as a manifestation of the regressive social attitudes that shaped Thatcherite policy on ‘women’s issues’. Emphasis on Thatcher’s opposition to the feminist movement has discouraged a more nuanced understanding of the changing role femininity played in the construction of her public personality. As this ‘public personality’ was a product of multiple influences, focus on Thatcher’s public image facilitates a wide-ranging study that considers diverse cultural and political contexts. Overemphasis on the prescriptivism of Thatcher’s domestic image risks undermining the extent to which it reflected popular and political values, assumptions and prejudices. It also underestimates the extent to which Thatcher’s feminine authority constituted a political problem. By examining gendered responses to Thatcher’s leadership in political institutions, among her staff and colleagues, in popular culture, among women and within ‘the women’s movement’ this thesis will consider the ways in which femininity functioned as part of a strategy for managing the presentation of unprecedented female power.
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Zumpano, Lisa. "Heritage and the making of a national identity : a study of Margaret Thatcher's Britain." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5539.
Full textAbstract:
Britian during the 1980’s experience a heritage boom. This was not something
unique to Britain. The United States was experiencing the same phenomenon, as was
Canada. Britain, however, is an interesting case study as it has a long history of
preservation. Early movements shunned life characterized by industry and trade in favor
of a mythical England; static, rural and idyllic. This mythical England was nationally
appealing. By the 1980’s however, Britain had lost much of its empire and was
experiencing social, political and economic unrest. The election of Margaret Thatcher in
1979 marked a radical departure for the heritage movement. With the New Right’s focus
on the industrial prowess of England, the heritage movement began to include a
harmonized version of industrial history on their heritage roster. This thesis argues that
the new inclusion of industrial sites under the umbrella of ‘heritage’ beginning in the
1980’s enabled British history to be told in a more balanced way. I seek to understand
how heritage came to reflect a new national narrative in the 1980’s and what this new
heritage, and indeed, new nation looked like.
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BORSANI, DAVIDE. "LA "RELAZIONE SPECIALE" ANGLO-AMERICANA E LA GUERRA DELLA FALKLAND (1982)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6226.
Full textAbstract:
Nell’aprile 1982, l’Argentina – un Paese alleato degli Stati Uniti attraverso il Patto di Rio – invase le isole Falkland, un Territorio d’Oltremare del Regno Unito, rivendicato da Buenos Aires sin dal XIX secolo. Margaret Thatcher, l’allora Primo Ministro britannico, rispose con vigore. Alla fine la Gran Bretagna – alleato NATO degli USA – riuscì a riconquistare le isole e a ristabilire lo status quo ante. Il conflitto va inquadrato nel framework della ‘seconda Guerra Fredda’. Il confronto tra gli Stati Uniti e l’Unione Sovietica fu particolarmente aspro nei primi anni Ottanta e la logica bipolare influenzò le dinamiche diplomatiche della guerra del 1982. Da un lato, l’Emisfero occidentale era al centro della rinnovata strategia americana anti-comunista e l’Argentina era il principale pilastro nel Cono Sud. Dall’altro lato, il rafforzamento della ‘speciale relazione’ anglo-americana costituiva la pietra angolare della grand strategy statunitense nel teatro europeo. Con questo sfondo, è naturale domandarsi quale ruolo Washington scelse di giocare nella guerra delle Falkland tra due dei suoi alleati. A causa di interessi divergenti, la ‘relazione speciale’ non fu infatti del tutto speciale.In April 1982, Argentina – a country allied with the United States through the Rio Pact – suddenly invaded the Falkland Islands, a long-time Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom, disputed by Buenos Aires since the XIXth century. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, vigorously responded and finally Britain – a US NATO ally – was able to regain the Islands and re-establish the status quo ante. The conflict needs to be contextualized in the ‘second Cold War’ framework. The struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union was particularly tough in the first years of the 1980s and the bipolar logic strongly influenced the diplomatic course of the 1982 war. On the one hand, the Western hemisphere was at the core of the renewed anti-communist US strategy and Argentina was the main pillar in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was the European cornerstone of the US grand strategy. Against this background, what kind of role the US chose to play in the Falklands war between two of their allies instinctively arises as the main question. Affected by diverging interests, the ‘special relationship’ was not indeed entirely special.
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BORSANI, DAVIDE. "LA "RELAZIONE SPECIALE" ANGLO-AMERICANA E LA GUERRA DELLA FALKLAND (1982)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6226.
Full textAbstract:
Nell’aprile 1982, l’Argentina – un Paese alleato degli Stati Uniti attraverso il Patto di Rio – invase le isole Falkland, un Territorio d’Oltremare del Regno Unito, rivendicato da Buenos Aires sin dal XIX secolo. Margaret Thatcher, l’allora Primo Ministro britannico, rispose con vigore. Alla fine la Gran Bretagna – alleato NATO degli USA – riuscì a riconquistare le isole e a ristabilire lo status quo ante. Il conflitto va inquadrato nel framework della ‘seconda Guerra Fredda’. Il confronto tra gli Stati Uniti e l’Unione Sovietica fu particolarmente aspro nei primi anni Ottanta e la logica bipolare influenzò le dinamiche diplomatiche della guerra del 1982. Da un lato, l’Emisfero occidentale era al centro della rinnovata strategia americana anti-comunista e l’Argentina era il principale pilastro nel Cono Sud. Dall’altro lato, il rafforzamento della ‘speciale relazione’ anglo-americana costituiva la pietra angolare della grand strategy statunitense nel teatro europeo. Con questo sfondo, è naturale domandarsi quale ruolo Washington scelse di giocare nella guerra delle Falkland tra due dei suoi alleati. A causa di interessi divergenti, la ‘relazione speciale’ non fu infatti del tutto speciale.In April 1982, Argentina – a country allied with the United States through the Rio Pact – suddenly invaded the Falkland Islands, a long-time Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom, disputed by Buenos Aires since the XIXth century. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, vigorously responded and finally Britain – a US NATO ally – was able to regain the Islands and re-establish the status quo ante. The conflict needs to be contextualized in the ‘second Cold War’ framework. The struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union was particularly tough in the first years of the 1980s and the bipolar logic strongly influenced the diplomatic course of the 1982 war. On the one hand, the Western hemisphere was at the core of the renewed anti-communist US strategy and Argentina was the main pillar in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was the European cornerstone of the US grand strategy. Against this background, what kind of role the US chose to play in the Falklands war between two of their allies instinctively arises as the main question. Affected by diverging interests, the ‘special relationship’ was not indeed entirely special.
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Batonyi, Gabor. "“Creative Ferment in Eastern Europe”: Thatcher’s Diplomacy and the Transformation of Hungary in the Mid-1980s." 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15221.
Full textAbstract:
yesThis analysis of British Ostpolitik focuses on Margaret Thatcher’s diplomacy, exploring her quietly pragmatic efforts to bring about a gradual transformation of Eastern Europe at the cost of supporting selected communist regimes. The analysis reveals how a market-oriented economic experiment in Budapest first sparked the prime minister’s interest in Hungary and inspired her foreign policy in Eastern Europe. It documents the British search for a socialist transition ‘model’, which led to unprecedented diplomatic overtures towards a small enemy state on the brink of bankruptcy. Based on extensive archival research in Budapest and London, as well as on the personal recollections of three senior British diplomats, this case study challenges some of the common assumptions of the historical literature about Thatcher’s chosen method of combating communism and Britain’s long-term strategy towards the Eastern bloc.
Hungarian Academy of Sciences
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Rys, Jiří. "Labour Party v období vlády Margaret Thatcherové (1979-1990)." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-393772.
Full textAbstract:
The diploma thesis called Labour Party during the Premiership of Margaret Thatcher (1979- 1990) focuses on the causes of the defeats of the Labour Party in 1979, 1983 and 1987. For this purpose it examines the relations of the individual party factions. Attention is also paid to opinion polls, especially party preferences. Last but not least, it is taken into account how the Labor Party turned towards centrism and rejected the more radical left-wing policy it had enforced in its first opposition period. Key words Labour Party, Militant, Social Democratic Party, Tony Benn, Neil Kinnock, David Owen, Michael Foot, National Executive Committee, Tony Benn, Trade unions
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Šmigol, Ondřej. ""Bůh ochraňuj královnu": Historie punku v éře Železné lady (1975-1990)." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-354335.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis focuses on the analysis of the relations between the punk movement and Thatcherism. It explores the roots both of Thatcherism and punk in the seventies and eighties. Next it examines the social and economic crisis of Britain in these years and its consequences on the thinking of the youth and Conservatives. It show both movements had common starting- points and to a certain extent even conclusions. The thesis the focuses on punk's effect on politics and its perception by the society. It also analyses the political background in the second half of 1970s and the victory of Margaret Thatcher in the 1979 election. The last part of the thesis discusses the second punk generation and its perception of Thatcherism. In the end it examines the political conversion of old punkers.
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Liu, Shih-Han, and 劉士漢. "Research on the Special Relationship between Britain and the United States of the Period of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan: A Case Study in the Falklands War." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/h57h4s.
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碩士淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
104
Based on the colonial complex and the ethnic identity, Britain and America have always maintained friendly relations; in the diplomatic policy, America is even the most important ally of Britain. After the World War II, through the Cold War, In the structure of the “Three Ring Diplomatic Policy of Churchill”, the “Special Relationship between Britain and America” has been shaped. Later, in the period of the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the American President Ronald Reagan, it was even the peak period of the Special Relationship between Britain and America. The best proof is the “Falklands War” between Britain and Argentina in 1982. From the main diplomatic issue of Britain and America in the period of the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the American President Ronald Reagan, it is not difficult to see the diplomatic policy of the “Pro-US Far Europe” of Britain. A time when the “Implementation of the Martial Law in Poland” in 1981 and the “Air Attack in Libya” in 1986, faced on the active and strong attitude of America, Britain supported America both. Though the strategic difference between Britain and America was still existed in the same period, eventually, Britain and America could both save the day and never damaged the good special relationship between Britain and America. However, based on the protection of the national interest of Britain, the relationship between Britain and other European countries and also the European Community not only almost broke but also dropped to the freezing point in the same period. The good special relationship between Britain and America in the period of the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the American President Ronald Reagan, we can see the similarity from the economic policy of the “Neoconservatism” and the diplomatic policy of the “Anti-Communist” and the “Anti-Soviet” and also the “Anti-Terrorism”. By the cooperation of the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the American President Ronald Reagan, Britain and America handled many international dangers together, especially the Falklands War. During the Falklands War, America provided Britain many assistances; plus, with the counterattack of Britain, finally, America helped Britain to defeat Argentina and retake Falkland Islands. The assistances of America not only consolidated the status of the strategic partner with Britain but also proved the good special relationship between Britain and America. From the fetter of the history, the evolution of the international relation, the exacerbation of the Three Ring Diplomatic Policy of Churchill, and the Conjunction of the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the American President Ronald Reagan, we can see in the structure of the special relationship, the stand-up of the relationship between Britain and America until now. In addition, Britain comes from Europe and is a member in the European Union. Therefore, instead of suffering from the doubt of the Pro-US Far Europe, in the diplomatic position, eventually, Britain must maintain balanced relations between America and Europe. The acceptance or rejection of the diplomatic policy will test the wisdom of all previous governments of Britain.
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Potůček, Ondřej. "Zvláštní vztah? Britsko-americké vztahy v letech 1979-1990." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311005.
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Diploma thesis Special Relationship? British-U.S. Relations, 1979-1990 examines the nature of relations between the United Kingdom and the United States, focusing predominantly on the period of parallel governance of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. The aim is to study both the extent to which the relationship was genuinely special and anticipations both countries connected with it. Providing an overview of the development of the special relationship after the WWII the paper addresses foreign, political, economic and ideological bonds between the countries and their political leaders. It considers not only the basic similarities of domestic and foreign policies, but also tensions and conflicts accompanying this alliance. The paper also describes the influence of the special relationship on the relations with European states and the Soviet Union. The uniqueness of the special relationship is identified in both the nuclear, defence and intelligence cooperation and in the British Prime Minister's and American President's ideological and political comprehension.