Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Marginalisation'

This study analyses the relationship between perceived marginalisation and the willingness of civilians to participate in, and justify political violence in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. The dominant literature in this area tends to highlight political, economic and identity marginalisation as the causal factors behind political violence. However, there remains a lack of clarity in the conceptualisation and operationalisation of the purported political and socioeconomic marginalisations. This because large portion of the literature fails to take into account the psychological aspect of marginalisation. Using a statistical analysis of Afrobarometer1 survey data collected in 2003, the study applies two regression models to measure the predictive effects of 16 variables on attitudes towards both political violence justification and the willingness to participate in political violence in the Niger Delta. The benefit of survey methodology is it is a more accurate measurement of the term marginalisation, as marginalisation is perceived by people and is thus a psychological phenomenon. By disaggregating these broad marginalisation terms into discrete items, this study provides a more nuanced analysis of the motivating factors behind political violence. Interestingly, no measures of economic marginalisation were statistically significant in either model. Two elements of political marginalisation exhibited a statistically significant effect on the justification of political violence. Multiple aspects of political marginalisation and identity group prioritisation exhibited statistically significant effect on the willingness to participate in political violence, however not all items exhibited effects predicted by the majority of the literature. This analysis does confirm that the relationship between citizen and state is a salient predictor of attitudes towards political violence. However, the results also demonstrate that the blanket marginalisation terms used in political science literature are overly simplistic and lack nuance. Nevertheless, both scholars and policy makers should prioritise the government’s relationship with society when crafting policy designed to minimise political violence.

L’étude de la déviance implique la détermination des normes à partir desquelles un comportement est juge comme déviant. Au-delà de la transgression des lois fixées par le législateur, la conscience collective - selon la terminologie durkheimienne- est celle qui juge d'un comportement déviant. De ce fait, la déviance imputée aux jeunes issus de l'immigration maghrébine est déterminée par la relation qu'entretient la société française avec une minorité dont les origines ethniques et culturelles sont différentes, et dont la situation économique est généralement celle du prolétariat.

The primary aim of this research is to develop my own critical perspective on oppression, marginalisation and education in Kerala, India. First, it critiques Freire’s educational thoughts including banking and problem-posing education; second, it goes on to extend Freire’s ideas to develop a dialogical methodology in the field of Education while addressing my fieldwork struggles and dialogues. Third, it addresses how Freire’s educational thoughts can also be critically understood to explore the oppressive and marginalizing nature of non-formal education and community work in Kerala; fourth, this thesis contributes to innovative knowledge mainly at theoretical, methodological and empirical levels.

This study focused on presenting an analysis of the concept of marginalisation of former fighters after the Liberian civil conflict and how the web of connections such as status, identity and networks were central to any proposed establishment of a debate. The study had two aims. The first aim was to give a voice to the ex-soldiers who became neglected after the war, allowing them to tell their own stories of marginalisation before, during and after the conflict. The second aim was to help establish a debate on the notion of marginalisation that existed before the war and impacted the soldiers after the war. Within this, the study aimed to assess how the evolution of identity of individuals from youth to neglected veterans had occurred and to further the knowledge of the empirical literature in this regard. A secondary aim was to evaluate the success of reintegration of the ex-soldiers into Liberian society post-conflict and how far marginalisation hindered this attempt. To achieve these aims, the study focused on the use of a qualitative research methodology as the central research component. As well as considering the view of the empirical literature, the researcher wished to provide an account of marginalisation from those that had experienced it first-hand. Therefore, the study dispensed with the use of quantitative surveys and instead carried out personal conversations face to face that would reveal the former fighters’ feelings and attitudes in a more rounded and richer way. This methodological approach aimed to give a voice to the ex-soldiers and whether or not they perceive themselves as part of society. Using these interviews, the thesis aimed to analyse the influence of internal and external factors that caused the former fighters to perceive themselves as being either included, excluded or marginalised within Liberian society. The interviews, combined with the results of the review of the empirical literature, enabled the researcher to draw a number of salient points regarding the concept of marginalisation. The study found that the creation of the feeling of marginalisation for former fighters was composed of a variety of psycho-social factors. These included detachment from family, marginalised primary identities, the development of war-connected networks and a resilient sense of belonging, all of which combined to create a distinct group identity of the neglected veteran that currently exists in Liberian society. This has been because the former fighters have been unable to homogenise their status and identity with the rest of the population. This has stemmed from their perception of the failure of the reintegration process to eliminate the gap between former fighters and civilians and has led to serious problems within Liberian society. The study concludes that Liberian youth developed a war-family identity (collective group identity) and gained a strong sense of belonging. The actions of DDR led to this disintegration of the war family and triggered a series of reactions psychologically and socially. Moreover, reintegration attempts have proved unsuccessful due to the lack of education and skills held by the former fighters. Attempts to be accepted into society has not led to real integration. This has increased the perception of former fighters that they are now neglected veterans. Recommendations for further study are also provided in this work.

La littérature écrite par les femmes au Chili a été peu analysée. Or, il semble qu'elle mérite une étude qui mettrait en valeur les romancières et l'évolution qui s'est opérée au fil des promotions littéraires. Nous nous sommes centrée sur le vingtième siècle, porteur de changements significatifs, en distinguant quatre promotions : la première, située dans les années vingt et le début des années trente, est d'orientation historique et réaliste ; au cours de la seconde, qui s'étend sur les années trente et quarante, nous observons un courant plus intimiste ; la tendance dominante de la troisième période, dans les années cinquante et soixante, est à la liberté et à la présentation de nouvelles images de la femme ; la dernière, dans les années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix, voit l'éclosion de nouvelles techniques littéraires et se situe sous le signe d'une souffrance politique liée à la dictature instaurée par Augusto Pinochet. Les œuvres de Magdalena Petit, Marta Brunet, Maria Luisa Bomba, Maria Flora Yanez, Mercedes Valdivieso, Maria Elena Gertner, Isabel Allende, Pia Barros et Diamela Eltit serviront de base à notre analyse. Ces auteurs sont fort différents cependant, notre hypothèse est que les romancières chiliennes du vingtième siècle dessinent un vaste mouvement depuis la marginalisation jusqu'à la transgression qui inclut tant les démarches des personnages que celles des écrivains. Le point de départ, l'étude de la marginalisation des personnages dans les domaines économique, politique et spécifiquement féminin, conduit dans un second temps à étudier les modalités et conditions de la transgression pour montrer enfin que le cheminement des protagonistes trouve un prolongement dans l'attitude intellectuelle des auteurs ainsi que dans leur conception de la littérature.

<p><p>This thesis contributes to understanding the problematic aspect of heterosexual dominance in leading development discourse, most especially in relation to gender, sexuality and human rights. In order to embrace a full perspective of gender, an expansion of the rights-based approach to include sexual minorities is suggested.</p><p>Based on the lived experiences of lesbian, bisexual and transgender women in Kampala, Uganda, it is argued that human rights are constantly negotiated and interpreted to legitimize a social and legal exclusion of selected members of society. Qualitative methodology has been employed to investigate issues of health, participation, employment and personal safety. The voices of the marginalised are explored from a local context and show that discrimination of sexual minorities is institutionalised and difficult to combat as the present human rights framework refrains from directly including this group as right-holders.</p><p>The author argues that there is a strong relation between lack of sexual rights and marginalisation, where the latter occurs as a direct result of social and legal pervasive practises of discrimination in society, ranging from the government level to the nuclear family.</p></p>

Si de nombreux travaux se sont employés à décrire les rapports biographiques de Balzac avec la peinture, à relever les oeuvres et les artistes réels cités dans La Comédie humaine ou à étudier les emprunts à la technique picturale au sein même de l'esthétique romanesque balzacienne, peu de chercheurs se sont précisément penchés sur le personnage du peintre dans l'oeuvre de Balzac. Profitant de cette lacune dans les études balzaciennes, le but de notre mémoire est d'étudier de plus près les modalités, les fondements et les implications d'une hypothétique mise à l'écart sociale du peintre balzacien pour évaluer si elle est finalement évidente et inéluctable, ou si elle n'est pas plutôt nuancée, selon les figurations. Dans notre premier chapitre, nous nous sommes penchée sur la marginalisation du peintre en appréhendant ce dernier en tant qu'individu hors-norme et décalé vis-à-vis de la société fictive au sein de laquelle il évolue. Nous avons pu observer que sa singularié était traduite tant dans sa corporalité problématisée par une suractivité intellectuelle que dans sa moralité forcément influencée par son activité artistique. Au second chapitre, nous avons plutôt cherché à appréhender le peintre balzacien, non plus individuellement, mais en tant qu'élément d'un collectif fictif lui-même marginalisé dans l'univers balzacien. Grâce à cet angle de recherche, nous avons remarqué que le collectif fictif des peintres balzaciens semblait bel et bien se constituer et se placer lui-même en marge du monde balzacien, que ce soit symboliquement, dans la nature de ses rapports à d'autres classes sociales fictives, ou géographiquement, vu le nombre restreint des lieux qu'il fréquente. Enfin, dans le dernier chapitre de notre mémoire, nous avons examiné les compromissions auxquelles se livre le peintre qui, bien que marginalisé individuellement et collectivement, fait quelques tentatives afin de mieux s'intégrer à la société fictive dont il est issu. À ce propos, nous avons compris que les peintres balzaciens pouvaient acquérir un confort économique par la réalisation de tâches artistiques subalternes et bénéficier de certains avantages institutionnels et sociaux, à la condition de ne pas compromettre, pour y parvenir, leur intégrité artistique et leur nature désintéressée au sein d'une vie dissolue et de la prostitution de leur art. L'ambivalence entre, d'une part, le peintre marginalisé et le collectif mis à l'écart auquel il appartient, et, d'autre part, les compromissions faites par les peintres dans le but d'atteindre une réussite économique et sociale, pourrait sembler une véritable contradiction. Cependant, comme dans l'oeuvre balzacienne le désir d'élévation sociale caractérise tous les personnages, il n'est que naturel qu'une telle ambigüité préside dans le portrait des peintres de La Comédie humaine. De plus, c'est peut¸être grâce à la marge où les place Balzac en tant qu'individus et collectif fictif, que les peintres s'en sortent si bien dans leurs compromissions avec le jeu social.

The thesis investigates the political wing of the Occitan ethnoregionalist movement in the south of France from 1974, a point when it had a comparatively high profile, to 2000, and analyses the reasons for its marginalisation over time. Unlike other ethnoregionalist movements in France, it has been subject to little academic research. A study was made of documentary sources, including the internal bulletins of the political organizations and their published journals, which made possible a micro-level perspective on the movement, and revealed some inaccuracies of interpretation by previous researchers. An overview of the evolution of the political wing is established. An evaluation of the functioning and effectiveness of the organizations, which identifies their internal problems, is followed by an investigation of the external factors which contributed to the marginalisation of the Occitan movement. These include the geographical, historical, demographic and socio-linguistic factors which have differentiated the Occitan movement from other French ethnoregionalist movements, and made mobilization of the target audience difficult. By taking a global view of Occitania, rather than focussing, like previous researchers, on Languedoc, the study highlights the extent to which such factors made the movement's aims for political autonomy for the whole of the territory unrealistic. The relative success of the movement in the mid 1970s resulted from the fact that for a period its aims were congruent with the wave of social movement activity in post-1968 France, but the association was not deep-seated. In the 1980s and 1990s the effects of the decentralization reforms and the growth of the Front National had a negative effect on the movement's mobilizational potential. The issue of leadership, referred to briefly in previous studies, is subjected here to more detailed analysis, and is revealed as a significant factor in the weakness of political Occitanism.

Drawing on qualitative research conducted in Birmingham (2009-2014), this thesis explores the role music plays in shaping and producing the urban environment via a focus on three specific processes; normalisation, marginalisation, and resistance. The contemporary city’s relationship with music has undergone substantial change in recent years within the UK, including significant growth in the live music industry and the increased targeting of musical activities within urban policy. The thesis examines the implications of these changes in the context of Birmingham. Chapter One introduces the research aims and objectives. Chapter Two positions the thesis within the current geographies of music field and grounds the thesis in an anti-essentialist approach to geography and cultural politics. Chapter Three provides an overview of the research location and methodology. Chapter Four explores ‘normalisation’ by examining the role of public bodies in shaping local musical activities. Chapter Five explores ‘marginalisation’ by examining the exclusion of local rap music from the mainstream live musicscape, and rap music’s place in shaping marginal geographies. Chapter Six explores ‘resistance’ through three in-depth examples of how different individuals use music as a tool of resistance against dominant power relations and the production of uneven urban geographies.

Thesis (PhD) -- Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the last two decades of the twentieth century, the world economic order has passed through a transformation which can be characterised as a shift away from the idea of the "Keynesian compromise" to the idea or principle of greater openness and a revision of the role of the state in macroeconomic policy formulation. As a result, and to achieve the goal of global competitiveness, states have become more "outward" orientated. The last twenty years have also seen an increase in the levels of inequality within and between states, which means that the effect of economic growth on the reduction of poverty is much reduced. Critics of the "openness" principle point out that the policies of developing states should be more inwardly focused to ensure that economic openness contributes more directly to the alleviation of poverty and inequality. Southern Africa is a region where the problem of inequality (particularly within states) is prevalent. The Critical Theory ofRobert W Cox (CCT) suggests that one of the ways in which increasing levels in inequality can be observed and analysed is to determine how people are related to the dynamics (via their national economies) of the contemporary world economic order. Are they marginalised, in a precarious position, or integrated? Furthermore, Cox assumes that the marginalised are a social force which could bring about transformation "from below." Following on from this assumption a number of claims about the marginalised can be deduced from CCT: they are inclined to political protest, they are dissatisfied with the political economic system of their country, they are politically apathetic, they are prone to low levels of political efficacy, they have turned "their back on the state" and belong to self-help associations, they are more inclined to participate in the activities of civil society and they are critical of neoliberal economic policies. The study's primary empirical question investigates whether the attitudes which Cox attributes to the marginalised are accurate. This is done through a detailed exposition of his core theoretical framework and a thorough conceptualisationloperationalisation of the marginalised, precarious and integrated. The area which is focused on is southern Africa. The vast majority of people in the region belong to the marginalised and the precarious components of Cox's economic hierarchy. They derive little or no economic benefit from greater openness and outward orientated forms of state. The question is whether they can be mobilised into a "counter-hegemonic social movement" (as Cox foresees) and how they view the role of the state. The second question is theoretical and is concerned with the usefulness and strong points of Cox's explanatory framework compared to other approaches which either (1) ignore the state as a point of entry for analysis, (2) regard it as the primary actor in the international system, (3) or "bypass" it because they predict its demise in a future post-sovereign world. I argue that it is incorrect to associate Cox's approach with the work of Richard Ashley, Mark Hoffman, Andrew Linklater and Mark Neufeld and to group them into a Critical Theory of International Relations school. Two important differences between Cox and these scholars are his incorporation of the state in a flexible, multiple points of entry framework and his resourceful combination of a diverse number of sources. The theoretical question is addressed by a substantive literature review of Cox's major publications in English and a representative review of the contributions made by Ashley, Hoffman, Linklater and Neufeld. In the reading of Cox's work, I focused on the development of his thinking, his major influences and on the epistemology and ontology of his core theoretical framework. The empirical question was investigated through a nationally representative survey of seven southern African states (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe) which was undertaken by a research consortium of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa's Public Opinion Service during 1999-2000. In terms of Cox's theoretical expectations ofthe marginalised the study found that, in southern Africa; their political protest potential is lower than the integrated, they participate less in politics and in civil society, they are not more inclined to belong to self-help associations, they are inclined to accord slightly more legitimacy to the state than the integrated, their economic values cannot be summarised as generally unsympathetic to "market" orientated policies, and that the majority (significantly more so than the integrated) think that the state should be the major provider of social services. The marginalised are more tolerant of authoritarian political alternatives, but are not significantly more dissatisfied (relatively) with the economy than the other groups. We cannot, therefore, uncritically accept Cox's assumption that the marginalised will act as a potential source of transformation "from below." Furthermore, in the countries which were part of the survey, the marginalised still regard the state as the primary source for development assistance and social services. There was, however, strong support for the claim that the marginalised are inclined to be more politically apathetic and less politically efficacious. A close reading of Cox's work and comparison with Ashley, Linklater, Hoffman and Neufeld revealed that they share some tenets with CCT. However, they cannot be grouped with Cox in a school of critical thought because their intellectual debt is mainly located in the work of Habermas and the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory, while CCT is influenced by a variety of sources (cf. Braudel, Carr, Gramsci, Khaldun, Marx, Sorel and Vico). This is an important and essential distinction to make because the empirical results of the survey data analysis validate Cox's focus on the mutual influence between social forces, forms of state and world orders. It is, therefore, more accurate to regard CCT as a "critical realist" theory of International Relations (cf. Richard Falk, 1997). It is recommended that, in a world order which is characterised by increasing inequality and the outward orientated form of state, public policy practitioners in developing states must reconsider the standard TINA (There is no Alternative) response to the critics of the openness principle. A more balanced approach to addressing inequality and poverty, which requires an outward/inward policy orientation is essential. What is needed, is a form of state which creates opportunities for the integrated but protects and assists those who are marginalised. This essential inward orientation remains one of the state's primary responsibilities, even in a postW estphalian world where there are other centres of authority.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die laatste twee dekades van die twintigste eeu het die wereld ekonomiese orde deur 'n verandering gegaan. Hierdie verandering is gekenmerk deur 'n verskuiwing vanaf die "Keynesiaanse kompromie" idee, na die idee of beginsel van meer oopheid en 'n hersiening van die rol van die staat in makroekonomiese beleidsformulering. Gevolglik, en om die doelwit van globale mededingendheid te bereik, het state meer "uitwaartsgeorienteerd" geword. Die laatste twintig jaar is ook gekenmerk deur 'n toename in ongelykheid binne en tussen state. Hierdie ongelykheid het die impak van ekonomiese groei op armoede baie verminder. Die kritici van die "oopheid" beginsel wys daarop dat die beleid van ontwikkelende state meer na binne gerig moet word ten einde te verseker dat ekonomiese oopheid meer direk hydra tot die vermindering van armoede en ongelykheid. In die Suider-Afrikaanse streek kom die ongelykheidsprobleem (spesifiek binne state) algemeen voor. Die Kritiese Teorie van Robert W Cox (CKT, Coxiaanse Kritiese Teorie) doen aan die hand dat een van die maniere waarvolgens toenemende vlakke van ongelykheid waargeneem en geanaliseer kan word, is om te bepaal wat die verhouding is tussen mense en die dinamika (via die nasionale ekonomie) van die hedendaagse wereld ekonomiese orde. Is hulle gemarginaliseerd, in 'n onsekere posisie, of gei'ntegreerd? Daarby, is dit 'n aanname van Cox dat die gemarginaliseerdes 'n sosiale mag is wat "van onder af' verandering sou kon teweegbring. Voortvloeiend uit hierdie aanname, kan 'n aantal beweringe oor die gemarginaliseerdes afgelei word uit CKT: hulle is geneig tot politieke protes, hulle is ontevrede met hulland se politiek-ekonomiese stelsel, hulle is polities apaties, hulle is geneig tot lae vlakke van politieke doeltreffendheid, hulle het hul "rug gedraai op die staat" en behoort aan selfhelp-organisasies, hulle is meer geneig om deel te neem aan burgerlike samelewing aktiwiteite en hulle staan krities teenoor neoliberale ekonomiese beleidsrigtings. Die primere empiriese vraag wat die studie ondersoek is om te bepaal of die houdings wat Cox toeskryf aan die gemarginaliseerdes akkuraat is. Dit word gedoen deur 'n breedvoerige uiteensetting van sy verklarende raamwerk en 'n deeglike konseptualisering/operasionalisering van die drie ekonomiese kategoriee (gemarginaliseerd, onseker, gei'ntegreerd). Die fokus-area is Suider-Afrika. Die oorgrote meerderheid mense in die streek behoort tot die gemarginaliseerde en onsekere komponente van Cox se ekonomiese hierargie. Hulle trek min of geen ekonomiese voordeel uit meer "oopheid" en uitwaartsgeorienteerde staatsvorme nie. Die vraag is of hulle gemobiliseer kan word in 'n "teen-hegemoniese sosiale beweging" (soo Cox in die vooruitsig stel) en hoe hulle die rol van die staat beskou. Die tweede vraag is teoreties van aard en is gerig op 'n evaluering van die bruikbaarheid en sterk punte van Cox se verklarende raamwerk, in vergelyking met ander benaderings wat of (1) die staat ignoreer as 'n vlak van analise, (2) die staat beskou as die belangrikste akteur in die intemasionale stelsel, (3) die staat "omseil" omdat hulle die ondergang daarvan voorspel in 'n toekomstige post-soewereine wereld. Ek argumenteer dat dit verkeerd is om Cox se benadering te assosieer met die bydraes van Richard Ashley, Mark Hoffman, Andrew Linklater en Mark Neufeld, en om hulle saam te voeg binne 'n Kritiese Teorie van Intemasionale Betrekkinge denkskool. Twee belangrike verskille tussen Cox en die ander bydraes is sy inkorporering van die staat in 'n buigsame, veelvoudige vlak-van-analise raamwerk en sy vindingryke samevoeging van 'n diverse aantal bronne. Die teoretiese vraag is ondersoek deur middel van 'n uitgebreide literatuuroorsig van Cox se belangrikste publikasies in Engels en 'n verteenwoordigende oorsig van Ashley, Hoffman, Linklater en Neufeld se bydraes. Die evaluering van Cox fokus op die ontwikkeling van sy denke, die identifisering van diegene wat horn beYnvloed het, en die kennisleer en ontologie van sy kem-teoretiese raamwerk. Die empiriese vraag is nagevors deur die analise van 'n verteenwoordigende nasionale opname in sewe Suider-Afrikaanse state (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibie, Suid-Afrika, Zambie en Zimbabwe). Die opname is ondemeem deur 'n navorsingkonsortium van die Instituut vir Demokrasie in Suid-Afrika se Openbare Meningsdiens tydens 1999-2000. Aangaande Cox se teoretiese verwagtinge van die gemarginaliseerdes, het die empiriese analise van die Suider-Afrikaanse data-stel bevind dat hulle politieke protes potensiaal laer is as die van die geYntegreerdes, dat hulle minder deelneem aan die politiek en 'n minder aktiewe rol speel in die burgerlike samelewing, dat hulle nie geneig is om aan selfhelp-organisasies te behoort nie, dat hulle geneig is om die staat as ietwat meer legitiem te beskou as die geYntegreerdes, dat hulle ekonomiese waardes nie veralgemeen kan word as onsimpatiek tot mark-georienteerde beleidsopsies nie, en dat die meerderheid (betekenisvol meer as die geYntegreerdes) die staat beskou as die belangrikste verskaffer van sosiale dienste. Die gemarginaliseerdes is meer verdraagsaam ten opsigte van outoritere politieke altematiewe, maar is nie betekenisvol meer ontevrede (relatief gesproke) met die ekonomie as die ander groepe me. Ons kan dus nie Cox se aanname, dat die gemarginaliseerdes as 'n moontlike bron vir verandering "van onder af' sal optree, onkrities aanvaar nie. Daarby beskou die gemarginaliseerdes, in die lande wat deel was van die opname, steeds die staat as die primere bron vir ontwikkelingshulp en sosiale dienste. Daar was egter beduidende ondersteuning vir die bewering dat hulle meer geneig is tot politieke apatie en politieke ondoeltreffendheid. Die bestudering van Cox se benadering en die vergelyking daarvan met Ashley, Linklater, Hoffman en Neufeld, toon aan dat die vier skrywers sekere beginsels met CKT deel. Nietemin, kan hulle nie saam met Cox in 'n skool van kritiese denke gevoeg word nie, omdat hulle intellektuele inspirasie uit Habermas en die Frankfurt Skool van Kritiese Teorie geput word. Cox, daarenteen, is beYnvloed deur 'n verskeidenheid denkers (bv. Braudel, Carr, Gramsci, Khaldun, Marx, Sorel, en Vico). Hierdie onderskeid is belangrik en noodsaaklik omdat die empiriese resultate van die opname data-analise, Cox se fokus op die wedersydse invloed tussen sosiale magte, staatsvorme en wereldordes, ondersteun. Dit is dus meer korrek om CKT te beskou as 'n "krities-realistiese" teorie van Intemasionale Betrekkinge (bv. Richard Falk, 1997). Die studie beveel aan dat, in 'n wereld wat gekenmerk word deur toenemende ongelykheid en die voorkoms van die uitwaarts-georienteerde staat, openbare beleidmakers die standaard DIGA (Daar is geen Altematief) antwoord, in reaksie op diegene wat die "oopheid" beginsel kritiseer, in heroorweging moet neem. 'n Meer ewewigtige benadering tot die aanspreek van ongelykheid en armoede is noodsaaklik, en dit vereis 'n uitwaartslbinnewaartse beleidsherorientering. Wat benodig word is 'n staatsvorm wat geleenthede skep vir die ge'integreerdes maar wat ook die gemarginaliseerdes help en beskerm. Selfs in 'n post-W estphaliaanse wereld waar daar ander magsentra voorkom, bly hierdie noodsaaklike binnewaartse orientasie een van die staat se primere verantwoordelikhede.

This study focused on pupils' voices as a vehicle for understanding notions of marginalisation, and of inclusion, within a particular school. The aims of the study were twofold: first, to bring to the surface children's views about how they experience marginalisation at school; and, second, to explore how children come to construct meanings about other children and, especially, those children who seem to be marginalised. There was also a consideration of the relationship between these meanings and the way children behave towards one another. The research involved an ethnographic study in a primary school in Cyprus, over a period of five months. Mainly qualitative methods were used, particularly, participant observations and interviews with children. In addition, some quantitative methods were used, such as sociometric measures. These were, however, analysed in a rather qualitative way. Through the process of carrying out the research and analysing the data, marginalisation came to be conceptualised in four different ways within a primary school context: when a child is experiencing some kind of marginalisation and is recognised almost by everybody including himself/herself; when a child is feeling that he/she is experiencing marginalisation whereas most of the others do not recognise this; when a child is found in what appears to be marginalised situations but does not feel it, or does not view it as marginalisation; and, finally, when a child is experiencing marginalisation but does not admit it. It is argued therefore, that marginalisation in school contexts is a complex multi-faceted process. Interpretation of the data suggests that children's meanings about other children and especially those who come to experience marginalisation, are influenced by certain factors. In particular, the factors that were identified as influential in children's constructions of meanings about other pupils were: other children and the interactions between them; adults' way of behaving in the school; the existing structures within the school; and the cultures of the school and the wider educational context. Even though the most powerful factor was viewed to be the adults' influence, it was rather the interweaving between different factors that seemed to lead to the creation of particular meanings for other children and especially those experiencing marginalisation. The study concludes that children's voices should not be used only as a strategy for better understanding and developing inclusive education, but more importantly these voices should be seen as an essential element within the process of developing inclusive practices.

De la colonisation de l'Australie en 1788 jusqu'en 1967 les Aborigènes étaient exclus de la vie politique australienne. Depuis le référendum de 1967 l'Etat peut légiférer en matière d'affaires autochtones. Les Aborigènes, qui représentent environ 2% de la population, sont presque absents des institutions politiques australiennes, ils sont relégués à une place déterminée par le gouvernement à l'intérieur du système politique australien. Les revendications des activistes politiques aborigènes sont détournées par le gouvernement vers ses propres choix politiques. En réponse aux demandes d'autodétermination, des institutions aborigènes gouvernementales ont été imposées. Celles-ci étaient censées participer aux prises de décision mais le gouvernement les contrôle et exprime clairement son désaccord lorsqu'elles prennent des initiatives. Face aux revendications pour un traité, le gouvernement a également imposé sa priorité et sa manière de négocier, la Réconciliation. Néanmoins, militants et leaders Aborigènes promeuvent toujours le droit à l'autodétermination, la reconnaissance de la souveraineté aborigène ou encore la négociation d'un traité. Certains ont trouvé des moyens de contourner la marginalisation en se servant des outils politiques imposés par le gouvernement. D'autres tentent d'obtenir une avancée des droits en créant des mouvements contestataires, comme le Gouvernement Aborigène Provisoire qui menace de mettre en place un Etat aborigène. D'autres encore choisissent d'agir sur le système en faisant pression sur le gouvernement par le biais des instances onusiennes. A travers l'étude de la marginalisation des Aborigènes dans le système politique australien et des réponses à cette marginalisation on observe que les revendications aborigènes pour une reconnaissance politique participent à un processus de définition identitaire, un besoin de reconnaissance de l'identité aborigène (ou aboriginalité)<br>From the colonisation of Australia in 1788 until 1967 Aboriginal people were excluded from the Australian political life. Since the 1967 referendum the government has been able to legislate on indigenous issues. Aboriginal people constitute about 2% of the population and they are almost absent from the main Australian political institutions, they are confined to a place determined by the government in the Australian political system. Claims from aboriginal activists are diverted by the government towards its own political choices. In response to claims for self-determination aboriginal governmental institutions were created. They were supposed to participate in the decision-making process but the government controls them and clearly expresses its disagreement when they take initiatives. The government also answered to claims for a treaty by imposing its own priority and its own way of negotiating, that is Reconciliation. Nonetheless, Aboriginal activists and leaders still promote the right to self-determination, the recognition of Aboriginal sovereignty as well as the negotiation of a treaty. Some have found ways to circumvent marginalisation using the political tools imposed by the government. Some try to obtain a betterment of their rights through the creation of protest movements, like the Aboriginal Provisional Government which is threatening to establish an Aboriginal State. Others choose to put pressure on the system via the United Nations authorities. By studying the marginalisation of Aboriginal people in the Australian political system and the responses to this marginalisation, it is possible to note that aboriginal claims for political recognition are linked with a process of definition of identity, a need for recognition of Aboriginal identity (or aboriginality)

@Cette recherche a pour objet l'analyse des effets de la transformation post-communiste tchèque sur les formes de marginalisation sociale dans ce pays. En effet, les changements qui s'opèrent en République tchèque depuis l'effondrement du régime communiste, conduisent certains individus à expérimenter une dégradation de leurs conditions de vie et une perte d'identité sociale valorisante. L'étude de ces changements et de la situation sociale particulière des personnes sans domicile-fixe et des Roms illustre cela. Les propos de ces personnes recueillis lors d'une enquête qualitative par entretiens semi-directifs menée avec l'aide d'une collaboratrice tchèque auprès de ces populations, font apparaître les processus sociaux de marginalisation et de désaffiliation sociale qui agissent dans cette société. La disparition du cadre régulateur communiste a fragilisé les populations les plus vulnérables, celles qui étaient les plus démunies avant 1989. Elles éprouvent de grandes difficult́és à renégocier leur statut social en accord avec les nouvelles attentes de la société et s'en trouvent fortement stigmatisées et marginalisées. Leur position sur le nouveau marché de l'emploi est marquée par la précarité ce qui les prive d'un revenu décent et parfois d'un logement. Les liens sociaux qui les unissent à la société s'effritent et l'Etat reconnaît leurs difficultés en terme marginal, les isolant davantage. Elles perdent le bénéfice d'une reconnaissance sociale positive et sont contraintes à l'assistance. La transformation de la société tchèque prive alors ces personnes d'une réelle reconnaissance sociale qui révèle de l'anomie partielle de cette société. La transformation post-communiste ne se fait pas sans discontinuité et sans risques, sans un déficit de régulation<br>@This research analyses the effects of post-communist Czech transformation on the different forms of social marginalisation in this country. Changes that are taking place in the Czech Republic since the communist regime's collapse, lead some people to experiment a degradation of their conditions of life and to a lost of positive social identity. The study of this changes and particular social situation of the homeless and the Roma illustrates this point. The words of this people collected during a qualitative enquire conducted by interviews with a Czech colleague's help, show the social processes of marginalisation and desaffiliation that act in this society. The disappearance of communist frame of regulation made fragile the situation of more vulnerable populations, the ones that were the more deprived before 1989. These populations experience difficulties to renegotiated their social status in accordance with society's new social expectations and then feel deeply stigmatised and marginalised. Their position on the new labour market is precarious and deprives them of decent income and sometimes of home. The social links that unite them with society crumble and the State recognises their difficulties in marginal term, isolated them more. They lost benefit of a positive social recognition and are constrained to assistance. The transformation of the Czech society deprives this people of a real social recognition that reveals the partial anomie of this society. The post-communist transformation is not doing itself without discontinuities and even risks, without regulation's deficit

The conflict in Darfur, largely regarded as the ‘worst humanitarian crisis’ of the 21st century, has been presented as a war between two exclusive ethnic/national identity groups. This study challenges such reductionist thinking, with the theory that ethnic identities in Darfur are not strictly divided by a primordial African/Arab dichotomy. Conversely, this project argues that such identities are a result of perceptual differences that transcend any biological essentialist mode of argument. Further, the cementing of these perceived identities is strengthened by various state policies espoused by several Sudanese governments’ vision of ‘Arabisation’ and ‘Islamisation’. These policies serve as tools for the marginalisation of non-Arabised groups in Darfur and, in turn, have served to exclude groups challenging perceived anomalies and injustices via means of force and armed struggle. In essence, this study problematises the issue of identity as it relates to marginalisation and development in Darfur. Given that the main theme of this study is identity, the principle methodology adopted is qualitative in nature, consisting of in-depth semi-structured interviews with, multi-ethnic informants. Darfurian identities, it is argued, are largely political in nature rather than strictly cultural or racial. Overall, this study argues that state-endorsed policies have led to discriminatory strategies which aid marginalisation and the under-development of certain groups in the region. This creates a dysfunctional patron-client state system which only seeks to support groups perceived to be in-line with the accepted definition of Darfurian national identity, as well as creating a widening gap between the co-existing groups in terms of political, socio-economic and human development. Such a gap only serves to strengthen the perceived differences amongst and between the ethnic groups under consideration and further reinforces the perceived ‘ethnic boundaries’ Barth (1969) wrote about.

Le vocabulaire francais de la pauvrete a ete etudie a partir des textes officiels, municipaux, judiciaires et litteraires, et en particulier de la litterature a destination populaire. Partir de l'argumentation des "polices" des pauvres, a l'epoque ou se mettent en place la repression du vagabondage et une nouvelle forme d'assistance, permet d'eclairer les conceptions des elites urbaines ("importunite", "oisivete mere des vices", "vol" de l'aumone, peur de la peste), mais aussi les discours antagonistes, exprimant en particulier la resistance des pauvres ("peut-on chasser dieu de la ville?"). La separation des "vrais" et des "faux" pauvres doit etre replacee dans toute une serie d'evolutions, tant mentales que semantiques : emergence du verbe "travailler" dans le champ conceptuel du travail ; notion d'inutile" au monde ; aggravation des notions d'oisivete, de paresse et de vagabondage ; multiplication des noms du "faux mendiant" ; changement de sens de "mechant". . . Cette desacralisation du mendiant modifie aussi "l'echange" de l'aumone et les mots qui s'y disent (bien que la moquerie a l'egard du mendiant soit plus ancienne). Ce n'est qu'apres l'analyse de ces "discours", qu'a ete abordee l'etude semantique des mots eux memes : d'abord le paradigme des noms du "faux mendiants", de "truand" a "faineant" en passant par "caimant" (dont l'etymologie vient peut etre de cain?) ; ensuite le champ semantique de la pauvrete et de ses synonymes, qui associe a la notion de "manque" la douleur, l'etroitesse et la malediction, et inscrit ce manque dans un schema allant de la fortune et de la chute a la pitie et au mepris. L'etude des themes de "faute d'argent", de la melancolie des pauvres, de la fortune et du "pauvre peuple" permettent de poser la question de la place de la pauvrete dans la "vision populaire du monde", la maniere dont les contemporains la voyaient et la vivaient, ainsi que la question de l'existence d'une "culture de la pauvrete"<br>The language of poverty has been studied through official, municipal, judicial and literary texts, and in particular through those of popular literature. To start by discussing "policies" concerning the poor, at the time when the repression of vagrancy and a new form of assistance were coming into being, allows a clarification not only of the conceptions of the urban elite ("importunity", idleness-the mother of all vices, the "theft" of the begging bowl, fear of the pleague), but also of the opposing views expressed by the poor (can god be driven out of town?). The separation of the truly poor from the imposters has to be put within the context of a series of evolutions, as much conceptual as semantic ; a hardening of attitudes towards laziness, idleness and vagrancy ; the notion of uselessness in life ; the emergence of the word "travailler" in the language of work ; a multiplication of the names given to the fake beggar ; a change in the meaning of "mechant". . . This desacralization of the beggar also changed the whole relationship between the giver and the receiver. It is only after describing the discourse on the subject that the semantic study of the words themselves can been tackled ; first of all, the paradigm of the names given to the fake beggar, from "truand" to "faineant" passing by way of "caimant" (of which the etymology possibly derives from cain) ; next the semantic field of poverty and its synonyms which allies to the notion of "want" such ideas as pain, constraint and malediction, and situates this "want" in a schema extending from fortuna and downfall to pity and contempt. The themes of "lack of money", of "melancholy", of "fortuna", of the "pauvre peuple" force us to ask what is the place of poverty in the "popular vision of the world" and secondly if there exists a "culture of poverty"

Dans Le Roman expérimental (1880), Émile Zola affirme que «nous [les écrivains] n'av[ons] pas à tirer une conclusion de nos oeuvres, et cela signifie que nos oeuvres portent leur conclusion en elles». Grâce à l'objectivité narrative tant souhaitée de Zola, les personnages évolueraient sans que le narrateur ne porte de jugement. Cette thèse se propose d'étudier le discours populaire des femmes de modeste condition, principalement les prostituées et les comédiennes dans Nana . Le discours du narrateur sera pris en compte dans la mesure où il met en scène tous leurs discours, non pas d'une façon objective, mais avec force de gloses péjoratives qui font de la figure féminine un bouc émissaire. Conscientes de la doxa du patriarcat qui les domine à travers le narrateur, les femmes populaires croient détenir un certain pouvoir par la voie du sexe et d'un discours calqué sur celui des hommes. Nous nous pencherons tant sur les idées reçues quant au sexe, notamment sa construction sociale qui s'articule sur l'opposition masculin/activité et féminin/passivité et d'autres stéréotypes plutôt mythiques que naturalistes, que sur les composantes linguistiques (implicite, sous-entendu, usage de la maxime, style indirect libre) qui condamnent les femmes tout en permettant au narrateur de conserver un semblant d'objectivité.

Within the past few years, Marseille has been upheld in the media as a success story of French immigration policy due its apparent ability to welcome and integrate diverse social groups, notably North African immigrants and their descendants. While it is true that Marseille has largely escaped the social unrest found in other French cities with significant numbers of immigrant residents, the city’s large North African population still faces marginalization and discrimination. This thesis aims to challenge the recent positive journalistic narrative by highlighting the ongoing social issues that North African immigrants still face in the city.

In this thesis it is suggested that witchcraft accusations and persecution are being used as a marginalisation mechanism of women. The re-emergence of witchcraft beliefs in contemporary society and the prevalence of the violence associated with such beliefs has received little attention within academic literature, yet witchcraft related violence against women is, progressively, becoming one of the most pervasive forms of violence facing women to-date. This thesis addresses this gap in the literature, discussing the re-emergence of witchcraft beliefs in contemporary society, whilst assessing the effectiveness of international human rights law in protecting women from witchcraft accusations and persecution. Owing to the complexity of the topic, this thesis adopts an interdisciplinary approach, drawing on feminist commentary from disciplines of anthropology, history, law, politics and sociology in order to embrace the importance of cross-cultural enquiry.

Dams have had significant impact on the hinterlands of the regions in which they are built. Since the 1980s, there has been a growing body of empirical literature that has critiqued the fallout of dams on populations residing in the catchment areas and face uncertain futures due to inadequate or lack of rehabilitation policies that do not consider the long-term impact of the displacement on the economic, social and political lives of the affected population. Due to such encompassing effects, dams have long been the points of critique for environmentalists and social activists in the countries of the South. In south Asia, the Narmada dam controversy raised questions of displacement and water politics in the decade of the 1990s specifically but raised larger questions on the nature of adivasi relations with the Indian state, and the nature of development and paradigms of progress in the region. However, there are few studies in the field of anthropology or displacement studies that have examined the relationship between development projects and how these are remembered among those adversely affected by them. Based on fieldwork over 8 months, this thesis seeks to explore the different ways in which displacement due to the Ukai dam in the south Gujarat region of India is remembered by a group of 3 adivasi villages. It focuses specifically on the perception of the displaced adivasis and contexts and creation of the varying memories of displacement across social status, gender and generations in these three villages. In remembering the processes of disempowerment among displaced groups, the different groups of adivasis articulate the hunger and marginalisation that pervades their everyday lives. This thesis attempts to look at this fibre of social suffering and how this is experienced and lived out by the displaced villagers 30 years after the event of being displaced due to the dam. Through the focus on remembering displacement, the thesis attempts to examine the process through which pre-existing hierarchies are strengthened in the postdisplacement period and the disempowerment experienced by some of those already living on the margins in the pre-dam socio-economic and political structures. By focusing on the different memories and experiences of disempowerment from a long-term perspective, the thesis calls into question the singularity of an `impoverished community' and the role of development projects in exacerbating pre-existing hierarchies rather than transforming them.

This thesis examines access to justice in summary criminal proceedings by considering the ability of defendants to play an active and effective role in the proceedings. Summary proceedings are those which take place in magistrates’ courts, and are decided by lay magistrates or a district judge (magistrates’ courts) without a jury. The study uses ethnographic fieldwork to explore the structural/cultural intersection of public services by considering both the effects of structural changes in criminal proceedings in magistrates' courts and the agency of the courtroom workgroup. While the cultural practices of magistrates’ courts have always tended to exclude defendants from active participation in the process, I argue that the structural influences of neoliberalism, in terms of demands for ever more efficient practices and emphasis on individual responsibility as a function of citizenship, have exacerbated the inability of defendants to participate in the process of prosecution. I also observe that, for a number of reasons, the professional workgroup has tended to absorb and adapt to, rather than resist, the neoliberalisation of summary criminal justice. Thus, the combination of structural and cultural influences on magistrates’ court proceedings perpetuates the marginalisation of defendants. Further, in light of neoliberalism's preference for market based approaches to government, there is little political motivation to address the identified problems of access to justice.

This thesis presents an examination of the interplay between bamboo and institutions of resource management in China, India and internationally, highlighting the need for greater diversity and scope of Western dominated forestry institutions and associated mechanisms. Firstly, the thesis aims to explore the conceptual understanding of forests and the exclusion of bamboo from this construction. The key reason this question is important is that it changes the 'technological zones‘ of forestry. Growing resource scarcity has meant that bamboo is now an increasingly important input in the global forest products marketplace. Secondly, the thesis aims to examine how governance mechanisms and actors respond to the inclusion of this new input. The thesis adopts the 'paper route'; the first paper traces the socio-historical reasons why bamboo‘s potential is yet to be realised, particularly within international policy. It considers the challenges of forestry being predominantly conceptualised as treed lands and the implications for the limited efficacy of sustainable forestry, carbon and trade instruments when applied to bamboo. The second paper acts as an introduction to Western produced forest certification devices, focusing on their transformation within forestry institutions and perceived legitimacy within China. The third paper focuses on a case study of bamboo certification in India. The final paper analyses the controversy regarding the efficacy of forest certification for bamboo globally. The thesis aims to explore these topics through three lines of theory. First, it contributes to institutional framing theory by examining where the idea of a 'forest' originated from and the consequences this has had for the rise of bamboo as a 'timber' product. Second, the thesis aims to further legitimacy theory in two key ways, by examining how the Chinese government accommodates and facilitates the differing needs of both international and domestic markets, whilst ultimately assuming a legitimate form of (institutionalised) domestic governance, and how the perceived input (procedure) and output (efficacy) legitimacy influence the potential success of current and future forest certification for bamboo. Third, the thesis seeks to provide a dynamic analysis of the role of certification through the lens of performativity, which uncovers how certification can create different realities for different actors. This thesis is timely and important for a number of reasons. Firstly, China is gaining more prominence on the world stage, both as an economic and political power. With increased pressure on forestry resources, the forestry administration is determined to upscale sustainable forest management. This requires adhering to global notions of sustainability thorough market mechanisms and ensuring a degree of autonomy of forest management through localising processes. Secondly, China recently received Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) bamboo certification for some of the most intensively managed areas in the country. This has increased controversy amongst experts regarding the efficacy of the mechanism to truly bring about sustainable bamboo management. Thirdly, on a more global scale, one of the crucial issues with up-scaling bamboo management is the fact that there are over 1,200 species of bamboo, with three different rooting structures: monopodial (diffuse) sympodial (clumping), and amphodial (mixed) – which have distinct policy and management needs. Focusing purely on the large-scale, intensively managed, monopodial or treelike' stands in China would ignore the vast areas of small-scale, sympodial bamboo homesteads with issues regarding flowering and propagation of sterile species. Bamboo plantations in Africa, Latin America, and India are being developed, which require enabling policy and management mechanisms. With a global industry estimated at US$10bn, the implications of an inclusive and enabling frame for bamboo management could have wide ranging impacts for both natural resource management and livelihood development.

Pendant très longtemps, la littérature sénégalaise d’expression française s’est enrichie suivant les canons de l’esthétique occidentale. Du point de vue du style et des techniques de narration, les écrivains sénégalais de la première génération montraient une certaine maîtrise et dépendance de ceux-là. À une période récente, d’autres écrivains ont exprimé, dans leur choix d’écriture, une liberté de style et de ton vis-à-vis de la tradition littéraire. Le corpus choisi dans cette étude, s’inscrivant dans une dynamique de rupture d’avec les anciens récits de héros positifs, est constitué d’échantillons d’oeuvres d’écrivains appartenant à toutes les générations. Ces derniers, ne s’alignant pas sur les anciens canons esthétiques, offrent un nouveau regard à la littérature sénégalaise sous le prisme de la marginalisation.Dans cette étude nous relevons et analysons les éléments constituant l’esthétique de la marginalisation dans le texte sénégalais d’expression française. Pour situer le lecteur dans le contexte sénégalais, il nous incombe de signaler la diversité ethnique et religieuse qui fait du wolof l’une des langues nationales, du français, la langue officielle et de l’Islam, la religion dominante. Ces différentes composantes s’interfèrent dans les textes à travers des procédés narratifs et stylistiques mis en place pour créer d’autres types de discours. Pour donner corps et forme à ceux-là, les écrivains ont créé des figures marginales à cet effet.En définitive, analyser l’esthétique de la marginalisation dans la littérature sénégalaise d’expression française, c’est interroger les formes de discours, de structures des récits et d’images que les auteurs mettent en oeuvre pour transgresser les normes établies. Et quand leur écriture s’approprie la marginalisation, le renouvellement des effets stylistiques et le changement de champs thématiques deviennent des formes de refus et de rébellion<br>For a very long time, the Senegalese literature of French expression has expanded following the canons of Western aesthetics. From a stylistic and narrative techniques perspective, the Senegalese writers of the first generation showed a sense of mastery and dependence on the former. Of recent, other writers have expressed in their choice of writing, their freedom of style and tone in relation to literary tradition. The chosen corpus in this study, following a dynamic break from old stories of positive heroes, consists of samples of works by writers belonging to all generations. These, aligning with the old aesthetic canons, offer a new look to the Senegalese literature under the prism of marginalization.In this study we identify and analyze the elements constituting the aesthetics of marginalization in the French-speaking Senegalese text. To place the reader in a Senegalese context, we deem it necessary to point out the ethnic and religious diversity which makes Wolof one of the national languages, French, the official language and Islam, the dominant religion. These different components interfere in the texts through narrative and stylistic processes used in order to create other types of discourse. To give concrete form to them, the writers have created marginal figures to that effect.Finally, to analyze the aesthetics of marginalization in Senegalese literature of French expression, it is to reflect on speech forms, story and image structures that the authors use to transgress the established standards. And when their writing appropriates marginalization, the renewal of the stylistic effects and the change of thematic fields become forms of rejection and rebellion

This thesis combines ethnographic methods with feminist political analysis to examine Congolese young people’s decision-making roles in families, households, communities and policy spaces in Kampala and Kyaka II refugee settlement, Uganda. As refugees and young people, research subjects face many structural constraints. However, their diverse experiences defy homogenising discourses of marginality as an inherent, fixed characteristic. Instead, this thesis develops and applies a conceptual framework of political marginalisation as a dynamic process in multiple spaces. Research findings show that young people’s decision-making roles vis-à-vis resource distribution and division of labour are relational and contextual. Their multiple subject positions and relationships in overlapping networks affect differential decision-making roles. In particular, social age and gender are major axes of decision-making processes. Analyses of inter-linkages across patterns of relationships reveal that research subjects in peer networks and intergenerational household networks with independent resources have more decision-making opportunities at household, community and policy levels than their counterparts in intergenerational family networks. This contradicts assumptions that young people without their biological parents are inherently ‘marginalised’, and highlights the political importance of decision-making processes in perceived ‘private’ spaces, such as families and households. Structure and power relationships thus situate decision-making processes and affect available choices, but they cannot solely explain political roles and behaviour. This thesis also stresses the importance of agentic beliefs, intentions and aspirations. As actors in dynamic marginalisation processes, some young people attempt to access central spaces through education, remunerated formal employment and physical mobility. Others use marginal and transitional spaces to provide alternatives to the status quo. Such creativity and productivity occasion possibilities of political change. However, UNHCR’s protection and assistance responses do not facilitate these transformative processes because of their focus on perceived essentialist characteristics of monolithic ‘marginals’. This thesis offers an alternative approach that recognises refugee young people’s political agency, as well as the structural and power dynamics that constrain their decision-making opportunities.

This thesis sheds light on Dollie Radford as one of the talented women writers whose work is still insufficiently acknowledged by contemporary studies because of the lack of extant information about her life. LeeAnne Richardson, Ruth Livesey, and Emily Harrington are three of only a handful of scholars who have discussed in any detail Radford's role as a poet, socialist, and activist who was surrounded by key figures in the history of English literature and culture, such as William Morris, Oscar Wilde, Eleanor Marx, and Olive Schreiner. Despite being identified by Victorian reviewers as a “domestic” woman poet, all contemporary scholars who have hitherto considered Radford pinpoint her “radical” thoughts and engagement with the New Woman. Building on arguments by Radford's contemporary scholars, my argument highlights Radford's role as a Victorian feminist who sought, through her poetry, to challenge patriarchal attitudes and defy social conventions which imprisoned women of her generation. While the first two chapters of this thesis provide a contextual background of women's rights and women's poetry in the Victorian era, the four remaining chapters explore how Radford's personal conflict as an ignored married woman and unsupported writer might have influenced her empathetic portrayal of marginalised figures, such as prostitutes, the working classes, women writers, and homosexuals. Simultaneously, the chapters highlight the subversive meanings obscured by Radford's use of evocative and aesthetic language. The majority of the poems, letters, and diary entries included here are unpublished and have not yet been considered by contemporary critics. Thus, this research adds to the existing body of knowledge, offering a new approach to Radford's life and poetry in relation to aspects concerning women in Victorian and Edwardian England. By continuously interrogating Radford's choice of metaphors and images in contrast with those depicted by other Victorian poets, I aim to establish Radford as a significant fin-se-siècle woman poet whose poetry embraces a literary tradition which questions negative gendered attitudes biased against passionate women writers.

This thesis describes and analyses the development of the most prestigious large- scale exhibitions of the Taipei Fine Arts Museums from its opening in 1983 until 2009, concentrating on the Trends of Modern Art in the R.O.C. series of the 1980s , the introduction of the Taipei Biennial in 1992, and the Taiwan Pavilion in Venice from 1995 until 2009. Its focus lies on the transformation of the museum space and the status of the work of art. Several threads of questions run through this thesis: an attempt to analyse and illuminate the specific modernity and its inherent contradictions that characterized the museum space; the specific status of the object of art (and the artist) within the museum space; and lastly the image of the nation and its transformations as it is projected through these exhibitions. The first part of this thesis concentrates on how modernism was enacted in the first museum of modern and contemporary art in Taiwan (and one of the first in Asia), how a Chinese modernism was anointed through the exhibitionary system, and how this was challenged and finally abolished in favour of a new exhibitionary system, the Taipei Biennial. This part also analyses the rupture between those two exhibitions, and how the latter inaugurated a new and different status of the work of art, not merely an aesthetic object, but an element of a cultural narrative and discourse. The second part of the thesis shifts its focus on how the work of art was re-framed through the discourse of Taiwanese identity. Using as a starting point the writings of Benedict Anderson, the idea of the nation as a universe or microcosm of knowledge is used to describe a new pattern of representation of the nation that emerged since 1995, with the inauguration of the Taiwan Pavilion at the Venice Biennale. This part of the thesis concentrates on how this new and pluralist pattern of nationalism was created, repeated, and re-confirmed, but also re-written over the years, projecting an archetypical image of an “imagined community” or a microcosm of knowledge of the nation, rooted in the past, projected into the future, and centred around a synthesis of the nature of its territory and the urban experience of the capital. The third part of the thesis describes how the subaltern position of local artists and curators in relation to the museum have re-shaped their analysis of the nation, and how the notion of centrality of the nation was de-constructed once the question of the voice of a nation, but most of all of its curators and artists within a globalised world came to the fore.

Against the background of continuing political rhetoric promising better outcomes for disadvantaged children and advocating the importance of parents’ roles, this study gave voice to a group of parents from a disadvantaged community. The author’s experiences, as a headteacher in challenging schools, of disadvantaged children’s outcomes not improving coupled with diminishing parental voice, provided the passion which drove this study. The participant parents’ children attended a non-selective secondary school within a highly selective authority in England. Through an innovative combination of a Facebook group and follow up interviews, the parents chose and discussed schooling issues which they identified as relevant to their experiences. The themes interpreted from the parents’ discussions were used to analyse government speeches in order to explore the extent to which there existed a relationship between parents’ views and government rhetoric. Interpretations of the parents’ views, and their relationship with government rhetoric, highlight three contentions which add to current discourses about disadvantaged parents’ experiences of schooling. Firstly, notions that exclusion and marginalisation cause parents’ disadvantage, do not fully explain the complexity of the participant parents’ views and their relationship with government rhetoric. Secondly, the thesis proposes the existence of two separate fields of schooling. An ambitious field which the parents consciously resist and are excluded from, and a less ambitious field focused on disadvantage, which the participant parents’ views are most aligned with. Thirdly, the existence of two separate fields of schooling is argued to evidence political intentionality, which is demonstrated by speeches adopting deterministic and less ambitious rhetoric when focused on issues of disadvantage. Finally, the thesis adopts a notion of social justice which advocates parents’ participation and roles for organic intellectuals (Gramsci, 1971), as a route to ameliorating experiences and outcomes for disadvantaged parents and children.

L'objectif de cette recherche est de déterminer les facteurs psychodynamiques communs dans le processus de marginalisation défini par l'abdiction partielle, sub-totale et totale, et de mettre en évidence les liens entre le mode de fonctionnement abdictif et le mode de fonctionnement et d'organisation de la personnalité. Il s'agit également de montrer que la variabilité du mode de fonctionnement abdictif dépend de la variabilté des modes de fonctionnement et d'organisation de la personnalité dans lesquels s'inscrit la psychopathologie du lien. L'échantillon est constitué de deux groupes indépendants : un groupe de 23 sujets inscrits dans une dynamique de réinsertion sociale et un groupe de 35 sujets en situation d'urgence sociale. Les résultats démontrent l'existence de processus communs à l'abdiction (psychopathologie du lien), qui dépendent du mode de fonctionnement et d'organisation de la personnalité. La psychopathologie du lien est présente dans 96 % des cas. Le mode de fonctionnement et d'organisation de la personnalité borderline échelon supérieur, recouvrant les troubles de la personnalité limite, narcissique et dépendante, est liée à l'abdiction partielle dans 19 % des cas. Le mode de fonctionnement et d'organisation de la personnalité borderline échelon inférieur, recouvrant les troubles de la personnalité antisociale, narcissique, dépendante et évitante, est liée à l'abdiction sub-totale dans 53 % des cas. Le mode de fonctionnement et d'organisation psychotique de la personnalité, en tant qu'organisation défensive m̀ise en place par les sujets pour lutter contre l'intolérance à l'angoisse et les états de fragmentation pathologiques, est liée à l'abdiction totale dans 27 % des cas<br>Objective of this research is to determine the psychodynamic factors in the process of marginalization defined by partial, sub-total and total abdiction, and to prove the ties between the mode of abdictive functionning and the mode of personality organization. It intends also to show that variability of the mode of abdictive operating depends on the variability of modes of functionning and of the personality organization in which reveals (registers) the psychopathology of ties. The sample is constituted by two independent groups : a group of 23 subjects registered in a social dynamic rehabilitation situation and a group of 35 subjects in an emergency social situation. The results demonstrate the common process to abdiction (the tie's psychopathology), that depend on the personality's organization and functioning mode. The psychopathology of ties is present in 96 % of cases. The mode of functioning and organisation of the borderline personality superior level covering borderline, narcissistic and dependent personality disorders, is linked to the partial abdiction in 19 % of cases. The functioning and organization mode of borderline inferior level, that is the narcissistic, dependent, evitent and antisocial personality disorders, is linked to the sub-total abdiction in 53 % of cases. The mode of functioning of the psychotic personality as a defensive organization installed by subjects is used to fight against the intolerance of anguish and the pathologically fragmented states, is linked to total abdiction in 27 % of cases

À Dakar (Sénégal), des enfants et des jeunes ont investi des recoins abandonnés de l’espace public. Ils vivent de mendicité, de récupération, de petits commerces, mais également de pratiques à la limite de la légalité (vols, consommation de stupéfiants…). Communément désignés sous le terme de faqman (fugueur), ces jeunes quittent domicile ou daara (écolecoranique) pour la rue. Leur apparence, leurs comportements, leurs activités, mais surtout la perception qu’en ont les populations, leur valent d’être mis en marge et stigmatisés. Leur présence dans la rue est réprimée par les autorités publiques quand des acteurs de l’humanitaire de leur côté proposent de venir à leur secours pour les « réinsérer » dans la société.Qualifiés de marginaux qui quittent les cadres sociaux conventionnels pour développer dans la rue des « contre-valeurs », les faqman continuent pourtant de partager avec leurs concitoyens un même univers moral et symbolique. En s’intéressant au sens subjectif que ces jeunes donnent à leur présence dans la rue par une ethnographie de l’expérience qu’ils font dans cet espace,cette thèse propose un décloisonnement de la figure du faqman jusque-là cantonné aux statuts de victime et de déviant<br>In Dakar, Senegal, children and young people have taken over abandoned corners of public space. They live by begging, recycling, small shops, but also practices at the limit of legality (theft, consumption of narcotics ...). Commonly referred to as faqman (runaway), these young people leave home or daara (Koranic school) to invest the street. Their appearance, theirbehavior, their activities, but especially the perception that the populations have of them, are worth marginal and stigmatized. Their presence on the street is repressed by the public authorities when humanitarian actors on their side propose to come to their aid for their rehabilitation into society.Qualified as marginals who leave the conventional social frameworks to develop in the street of the "counter-values", faqmans nevertheless continue to share with their fellow citizens the same moral and symbolic universe. By taking an interest in the subjective sense that these young people give to their presence in the street with an ethnography of the experience they make in this space, this thesis proposes an exploration of the figure of the faqman to break with his usual status of victim and deviant

This research explores the nature and impact of disability hate crime from the perspective of disabled people, victims and key informants from criminal justice and other agencies. The evidence base included two focus groups with disabled people, an online anonymous questionnaire with 83 disabled participants, narrative interviews with 12 victims of disability hate crimes and semi-structured interviews with 15 key informants. It draws on all forms of disability, impairment and conditions and contributes to the current research deficit in the field of disability hate crime. All of the participants spoke of a prevalence of targeted violence and harassment against disabled people that is cumulative and repetitive in nature. Victims reported a variety of abuse and hostility, from name-calling and verbal abuse to physical and sexual violence, harassment and damage to property. A significant minority reported experiencing a withdrawal of support or assistance from carers or family members, something which is unique to this strand of hate crime. The impact of this victimisation on disabled communities is both emotional and practical, and can include utilising avoidance or acceptance strategies that restrict living and working conditions for disabled people, thereby contributing to their isolation and Othering. Some participants reported suicidal ideation; others were resilient and described their experiences as normative. Victims recount inadequate, offensive and inappropriate responses from the criminal justice system generally, and a consequential lack of confidence in them as a result. Government policy on benefit claimants and concurrent negative media coverage of disabled people were factors in victims' experiences of hate crimes, with participants advocating that recent cultural and social changes in how disabled people are perceived and framed have directly led to an increase in incidents and crimes. The research demonstrates how domination and subordination of a marginalised group in society has led to resignation and acceptance by them of disability hate crime as part of life. It makes recommendations to address this by establishing dedicated hate crime units within police forces, embedding hate crime awareness and training within safeguarding practices and improving third party reporting facilities.

On t.p.: Master of Arts (International Studies)<br>Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to examine the chances that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has in changing the unbalanced relations between the powerful countries of the North and the marginalised developing world. In doing so, it investigates how the leaders of Northern countries received the New Africa Initiative which was launched by a group of African heads of states, including Mbeki, at the G-8 summit in Genoa in July 2001. Unlike preceding works, this study takes a systemic perspective. The power relations in international affairs are pointed out with specific consideration of South Africa's status as an emerging middle power in the international system. Special recognition is furthermore given to the question as to whether there is currently a global re-think under way about globalisation, the ideology of neo-liberalism and the interaction with poor countries in the global political economy. The study comes to the conclusion that despite the fact that South Africa as a middle power is subordinate to the powerful countries of the North when it comes to effecting global change, and despite the outcomes of Genoa that do not indicate that an equitable global order is close, there are considerable trends and developments visible which support what Mbeki is trying to achieve. As a consequence, it is contended that his "Global Initiative" has a much better chance of being successful than the plea for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om die volgende te ondersoek: die waarskynlikheid dat Suid-Afrika se President, Thabo Mbeki, die ongebalanseerde verhoudinge tussen die magtige lande van die Noorde en die gemarginaliseerde ontwikkelende wêreld kan verander. Gevolglik word gekyk in hoe die leiers van die Noordelike lande die "New Africa Inititiative", wat in Julie 2001 by die G-8 spitsberaad in Genoa deur 'n groep staatshoofde van verskeie Afrikalande (Mbeki ingesluit) bekend gestel is, ontvang het. Anders as in vorige studies, word 'n sistematiese benadering in hierdie studie gevolg. Spesiale aandag word verder geskenk aan die vraag of daar huidiglik 'n globale heroorweging onderweg is. met petrekking tot _globalisering, die ideologie van neo-liberalisme en die hantering van arm lande binne die globale politeke ekonomie. Die studie 'kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar merkbare neigings en ontwikkelinge is wat Mbeki se werk ondersteun. Dit is ten spyte van die feit dat Suid-Afrika, as middelrnag, ondergeskik is aan die Noordelike lande wanneer invloede op globale veranderinge ter sprake is, en nieteenstaande die gevolge van Genoa, wat geensins aandui dat 'n regverdige globale bedeling naby is nie. Gevolglik word geargumenteer dat hierdie "Globale Inisiatief' 'n beter kans het om suksesvol te wees as die pleidooi vir 'n "Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde" tydens die 1970s.

Le sujet traite les transformations socio-economiques introduites par la colonisation espagnole dans le rif. La societe rifaine precoloniale vivait essentiellement de l'agriculture. La penetration de l'economie coloniale a bouleverse les anciennes structures sociales, economiques et politiques. La monetarisation de l'economie rifiane a cree chez les paysans le besoin de l'argent pour pouvoir, d'une part, payer les impots par les autorites coloniales et acheter les produits manufactures d'autre part. La colonisation agraire a prive un grand nombre de rifains de leurs terres, ce qui a accelere le mouvement d'exode rural. L'emigration des travailleurs rifains vers l'algerie a mis la societe rifaine en contact avec l'economie europeenne et elle a ete un facteur important des changements intervenus dans le rif pendant la premiere moitie du vingtieme siecle. Nous avons egalement analyse les transformations qui ont decoule de la confrontation des structures sociales traditionnelles du rif avec le systeme economique capitaliste dans sa version coloniale. Il reste que la naissancedu salariat est le recours d'une partie de la population rifaine au travail salarie est le grand changement qui a marque l'evolution de la societe rifaine. Un des objectifs de cette etude consiste a etudier le processus qui a abouti a la formation du salariat<br>The subject is about social and economical transformations introduced by spanish colonization in the rif. The precolonial rifan society was living essentially from agriculture. The penetration of colonial economy changed completely the ancient social, economical and political structures. The monetarization of the rifan economy created the need of money so as, on the one hand, to pay the taxes set by colonial authorities and, on the other, to buy the manufactured products. The agrarian colonization deprived a great number of rifans froms their lands; this accelerated the rural exodus movement. The emigration of rifan workers towards algeria brought rifan society into contact with european economy, this was an important factor in the outcoming changes in the rif during the first half of the twentieth century. We have also analyzed the transformations ensued in the confrontation between the rifan traditional social structures and the capitalist colonial system of economy. The birth of wage-earning class due to the resort of a certain part of rifan population to wage-earning work is the greatest change that marked the evolution of rifan society. One of the aim of this works is to study the process of the wage-earning class formation

À travers l’étude de nombreuses sources textuelles arabes et persanes de la période mamelouke, la présente thèse a pour but de traiter l’ensemble des implications relatives au déclin politique et militaire des Kurdes au sein du sultanat d’Égypte et de Syrie à partir des années 1250. Nous y étudions les multiples facteurs de la construction d’un territoire des Kurdes entre les franges occidentales du Zagros et l’Anatolie de l’est. En ancrant leur histoire dans les montagnes zagrossiennes, lieu refuge de ces groupes belliqueux, les tribus entérinent cette construction. Les grands États du Moyen-Orient sont également des contributeurs essentiels des transformations spatiales, notamment par le pouvoir qu’ils sont de nommer les lieux. Les tribus kurdes implantées dans le Pays kurde sous influence mongole se trouvaient dans une situation intermédiaire du point de vue géographique, social et politique leur permettant de capter un certain nombre de ressources. Dans le détail de cette description ethnographique du territoire des Kurdes se logent les modes de captation des ressources et la production par ces acteurs d’un ordre intratribal et intertribal, matrice de leur autonomie. L’étude du rapport des groupes kurdes aux deux Empires de la région, les Mamelouks et les Ilkhanides mongols, révèlent le déclin politiques des Kurdes en Syrie et en Égypte et la réinstallation de pouvoirs kurdes autonomes en Haute Mésopotamie. Les autorités mameloukes marginalisent les émirs kurdes et tentent d’utiliser les forces kurdes contre les Ilkhanides. Ces derniers tentent dans un premier temps de les réduire, puis les intègrent peu à peu à leur appareil militaire pour le contrôle du territoire. La convergence de ces politiques étatiques contradictoires s’impose comme le facteur essentiel d’une autochtonisation des Kurdes<br>Through the study of many arabic and persian sources of the Mamlûk period, this doctorate seeks to take into account all the implications of the political and military decline of the Kurds within the Egypt’s and Syria’s Sultanate from 1250. The multiple factors of constructing the territory of the Kurds that stretches from the Zagros western fringes to eastern Anatolia, will be studied. In asserting their history in the heart of the Zagros mountains, shelter of these rebel groups, the tribes endorsed this territorial construction. The great States of the Middle East also highly contributed in this spatial transformation, by naming places for instance. The tribes established in the Kurdish land under mongol influence occupied an intermediary position, from the geographic, social and political viewpoint. This allowed them to capture a certain amount of resources. Describing the ethnographic situation of the Kurdish territory helps studying the capture of these resources and the production by the actors of a intra-tribal and inter-tribal order at the core these groups autonomy. The study of the relationship between the Kurdish groups and the Great Empires of the time, Mamlûks and Ilkhanids, reveals the political decline of the Kurds in Egypt and Syria as well as the reinstitution of Kurdish powers in High Mesopotamia. The Mamlûks sought to protect the core institutions of the state from the threat of a Kurdish-Ayyūbid restoration, in marginalising the Kurdish amirs. Nevertheless, faced with the overawing power of the Mongol warmachine and in order to offset their military inferiority outside Egypt and Syria, they adopted a relatively novel set of favourable strategies towards the Kurdish tiny powers in the highlands of western Asia. On the other hand, the Ilkhanids try at first to annihilate the Kurdish presence but soon commence to integrate Kurdish tribes within their military apparatus in order to control the territory. The convergence of these contradictory state policies resulted in the autochtonisation of the Kurds

Notre recherche vise à dévoiler les différents mécanismes d'exclusion non pas simplement comme partie intégrante de la nature du système, mais aussi comme tactique politique, économique et culturelle qui tend à baigner tout un imaginaire social. Nous avons donc choisi la place djemaa el fana comme l'espace ou éclate toute une panoplie de contradictions: place lieu de survie, lieu de désordre, lieu de spectacle, ou l'acteur se fait valoir comme artiste et non comme exclu. Ce qui fait que le jeu et la réalité se font un, deviennent une représentation culturelle dans laquelle le marginalise vit l'univers de la confusion et de la métamorphose. Après avoir parcouru les différentes théories sur la marginalisation et les changements sociaux et urbanistiques qu'a subis Marrakech, nous avons mené notre recherche vers la description de la ville entière dans son découpage. Ainsi avons-nous approche le marginalise dans sa vie quotidienne, dans ses pratiques, dans ses récits de vie, pour saisir ce mélange comportemental normal anormal qui dynamise toute une logique interne de la place. Nous avons donc fait un montage de la parole pour traduire l'histoire de la place par le biais de l'histoire de chaque marginalise<br>In our research, we aim to expose the different mechanisms of exclusion not only as an integrating part of the system's nature, but also as political, economic and cultural tactics that tend to dominate the social imaginary. We have chosen Djemaa el Fana place as the point where breaks out a panoply of contradictions: place of survival, place of desorder, place of spectacle, where the actor shows off as an artist not as an excluded man. So play and reality become the same: a cultural representation in which the marginalized man lives in the world of confusion and metamorphosis. After examinating the different theories about marginalization, and the social and urbanistic changes that Marrakech knew, we have driven our research to the description of the whole town's configuration. So we have approached the marginalized man in his daily life, his practices, his life narratives in order to understand this confused normal anormal behaviour that reflects the internal logic of the place. So we have assembled the meanings of each marginalized's recital through which we extracted the story of the place

L'analyse des media camerounais fait apparaitre l'exclusion des ruraux dont la tres large majorite ignore le francais et l'anglais, langues de communication officielles, ce qui produit l'ecrasement des particularismes locaux au profit du pouvoir central. Ce constat explique l'organisation de l'ouvrage en quatre parties : - la premiere partie inventorie en les explicitant les missions devolues aux media officiels. - la deuxieme partie s'emploie a mesurer la place occupee par le monde rural dans les media officiels. Elle souligne fortement le hiatus entre les missions assignees aux media et le contenu reel de ces media. - a partir d'une enquete realisee en milieu rural (pays babimbi), la troisieme partie tente de repondre a deux questions precises : quel regard les paysans posent-ils sur les media officiels ? leur attitude vis-a-vis de ces media peut-elle justifier leur exclusion du champ mediatique ? le cadre spatial a servi plus de point d'appui a l'analyse de la marginalisation du monde rural du champ mediatique qu'a une description exhaustive des media officiels dans cet ensemble geographique. - la quatrieme partie est prospective. Elle ouvre la voie a une reflexion sur la necessite d'inventer une autre ecole par les media pour les ruraux<br>Analysing camerounese media reveals the exclusion of rural people whose overwhelming majority cannot understand or speak french and english, the two official communication languages. This fact results in the crushing down of native particularisms to the benefit of central power. This phenomenon explains why the book has been into four sections : - the first section is a survey of the various missions wich have been endowed to official media. - the second section deals with the assessment of the place occupied by the rural communities in official media. - based on a survey carried out in a rural environment (the babimbi country), the third section is an attempt to answer two central questions. - the four section is a prospective analysis. It leads towards a reflexion about the necessity to invent a media-based education for rural people

It is my contention that were the Church a better mirror of Jesus Christ, churches would be filled, people clamouring to hear and experience this incredible love story. Tragically, conversely, the Developed World Church is in major decline; it is in crisis. Over my fifty year Church journey, thinking on this topic has been triggered by observation of the informal leaving of/non-participation in the Church by most of my childhood contemporaries. There must be something drastically wrong in the telling, and lifestyle modelling, of this incredible love story. Furthermore, I have learnt that many outsiders are not only ambivalent, but also hostile, to the Church. Why? Some Christians attribute this to anti-God related guilt; maybe so. However, I forever recall outsiders labelling Church members hypocrites - and subsequently discovering this often to be the case. Not only so, the Church has victimised, persecuted, judged and rejected outsiders. It has often been anything but the incarnation of Christ in the world. These and other factors - including the course Building up the local church at the University of Pretoria - have inspired this research. I have a passion for transformation of C/church identity into Christ-likeness through, and as a result of, the building up process, thus removing obstacles to Church belonging. My conviction is that this will be a watershed moment in the C/church s witness, and thus its growth and the expansion of the kingdom of God. I hope, trust and pray that this research may in some way contribute toward this end.<br>Mini Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2015.<br>tm2016<br>Practical Theology<br>MA<br>Unrestricted