Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mariel Boatlift, 1980

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Academic literature on the topic 'Mariel Boatlift, 1980'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Mariel Boatlift, 1980"

1

Card, David. "The Impact of the Mariel Boatlift on the Miami Labor Market." ILR Review 43, no. 2 (January 1990): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399004300205.

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Using data from the Current Population Survey, this paper describes the effect of the Mariel Boatlift of 1980 on the Miami labor market. The Mariel immigrants increased the Miami labor force by 7%, and the percentage increase in labor supply to less-skilled occupations and industries was even greater because most of the immigrants were relatively unskilled. Nevertheless, the Mariel influx appears to have had virtually no effect on the wages or unemployment rates of less-skilled workers, even among Cubans who had immigrated earlier. The author suggests that the ability of Miami's labor market to rapidly absorb the Mariel immigrants was largely owing to its adjustment to other large waves of immigrants in the two decades before the Mariel Boatlift.
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Hampton, Melissa. "Constructing the Deviant Woman: Gendered Stigma of the 1980 Cuban Mariel Migration." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 10 (September 2017): 1086–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217732105.

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This article argues that the 1980 Cuban Mariel migration marked a turning point in American perceptions and media representations of female Cuban immigrants, and Cuban exiles in the United States more generally. By examining how sexualized representations of Mariel women coincided with a more general stigmatization of Mariel migrants, I contend that single Cuban women arriving in the boatlift underwent a process of racialization, in which they became increasingly undifferentiated from historical stereotypes of the sexually threatening Latina immigrant in the United States.
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3

Borjas, George J. "The Wage Impact of the Marielitos: A Reappraisal." ILR Review 70, no. 5 (February 13, 2017): 1077–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793917692945.

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This article brings a new perspective to the analysis of the wage effects of the Mariel boatlift crisis, in which an estimated 125,000 Cuban refugees migrated to Florida between April and October, 1980. The author revisits the question of wage impacts from such a supply shock, drawing on the cumulative insights of research on the economic impact of immigration. That literature shows that the wage impact must be measured by carefully matching the skills of the immigrants with those of the incumbent workforce. Given that at least 60% of the Marielitos were high school dropouts, this article specifically examines the wage impact for this low-skill group. This analysis overturns the prior finding that the Mariel boatlift did not affect Miami’s wage structure. The wage of high school dropouts in Miami dropped dramatically, by 10 to 30%, suggesting an elasticity of wages with respect to the number of workers between −0.5 and −1.5.
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4

Simpson, Craig S. "Voices from Mariel: Oral Histories of the 1980 Cuban Boatlift." Oral History Review 47, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 371–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00940798.2020.1771932.

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5

Kami, Hideaki. "The Limits of Dialogue: Washington, Havana, and Miami, 1977–1980." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 3 (August 2017): 4–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00753.

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This article explores the complex interactions between diplomacy and human migration as a fundamental component of U.S.-Cuban relations in the late 1970s. It assesses U.S. and Cuban leaders’ intentions in pursuing bilateral normalization, as well as their responses to the competing opinions of the Cuban-American community in Miami. The article also examines the opening of the secret U.S.-Cuban talks, the growing mistrust and suspicion among Washington and Havana, and the breakdown of communications prior to the Mariel boatlift of 1980. Drawing on U.S., Cuban, and Cuban-American resources, the article shows that the complex triangular relationship linking Washington, Havana, and Miami was crucial in the short-lived U.S.-Cuban dialogue. The article demonstrates that miscommunication and disagreements over Cuban migration were just as important as the U.S.-Cuban clash over the Cold War in Africa in undermining the spirit of that dialogue.
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Peña, Susana. ""Obvious Gays" and the State Gaze: Cuban Gay Visibility and U.S. Immigration Policy during the 1980 Mariel Boatlift." Journal of the History of Sexuality 16, no. 3 (2007): 482–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2007.0072.

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7

Carroll, David J. "Still crazy after all these years: U.S.-Cuban relations and the embargo." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 74, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2000): 281–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002565.

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[First paragraph]Cuba: Confronting the U.S. Embargo. PETER SCHWAB. New York: St. Martin's, 1999. xiii + 226 pp. (Cloth US$ 29.95)Presidential Decision Making Adrift: The Carter Administration and the Mariel Boatlift. DAVID W. ENGSTROM. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997. x + 239 pp. (Paper US$25.95)Fleeing Castro: Operation Pedro Pan and the Cuban Children's Program. VICTOR ANDRES TRIAY. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998. xiv + 126 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95, Paper US$ 14.95)Some forty years after it was first imposed in 1960 in the midst of the cold war, the U.S. embargo against Cuba remains the defining feature of U.S.-Cuban relations. Like the Berlin Wall, the embargo is both a symbolic and a physical barrier keeping apart two neighbors destined to move closer. Unlike the Berlin Wall which feil at the end of the cold war, the U.S. embargo against Cuba still stands.
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8

Thompson, Daniel M. "Do citizens vote against incumbents who permit local immigration? Evidence from the Mariel Boatlift." Political Science Research and Methods, February 7, 2022, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2021.76.

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Abstract Does exposure to a mass migration event cause citizens to vote against incumbents? I offer an answer to this question by studying one of the largest acute periods of migration in the US, the case of the 1980 Mariel Boatlift during which roughly 125,000 Cubans fled to South Florida. I estimate the change in support for Republican presidential candidates in Miami using the synthetic control method and fixed effects regressions with a panel of county-level and archival precinct-level election results. I find that, while Miami voters dramatically increased their support of the Republican candidate in 1980, this shift was not a local consequence of the Boatlift. Instead, the evidence suggests that Cuban support for Reagan was not a local Miami response to the Boatlift—it happened in Cuban communities throughout the US—but it was most noticeable in Miami because Miami had the largest Cuban population in the US even before the Boatlift. I also present evidence that this change in Cuban voting may have been specific to Reagan and not a broader shift against incumbents or toward Republicans. These findings suggest that, in this case, direct exposure to migration did not lead citizens to dramatically change their voting behavior.
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9

Stephens, Alexander M. "Making Migrants “Criminal”: The Mariel Boatlift, Miami, and U.S. Immigration Policy in the 1980s." Anthurium A Caribbean Studies Journal 17, no. 2 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.33596/anth.439.

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Books on the topic "Mariel Boatlift, 1980"

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Crónicas del Mariel. Miami, Fla: Ediciones Universal, 1992.

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2

Madrigal, Roberto. Zona congelada. Lawrence, MA: CBH Books, 2005.

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3

Huellas de la noche. La Habana: Ediciones Extramuros, 2011.

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4

Rivera, Mario Antonio. Decision and structure: U.S. refugee policy in the Mariel crisis. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1991.

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5

Presidential decision making adrift: The Carter administration and the Mariel boatlift. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefied Publishers, 1997.

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6

Ulla, Jorge L. Gutiérrez. Dos filmes de Mariel. Madrid: Editorial Playor, 1986.

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7

Lewis, Ethan. How did the Miami labor market absorb the Mariel immigrants? Philadelphia, PA: Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, 2004.

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8

Clark, David D. The Mariel Cuban problem. Albany, N.Y: State of New York, Dept. of Correctional Services, Division of Program Planning, Research and Evaluation, 1991.

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9

Card, David E. The impact of the Mariel boatlift on the Miami labor market. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1989.

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10

Sarasa, Enrique González. Excluibles. La Habana Vieja, Ciudad de La Habana: Ediciones Abril, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mariel Boatlift, 1980"

1

Perry, Leah. "Immigration as Emergency." In The Cultural Politics of U.S. Immigration. NYU Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479828777.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the 1980 Mariel Boatlift to show how policy and popular culture worked dialectically in matters of immigration. Media coverage was initially positive, framing President Jimmy Carter’s welcoming of Cuban refugees as an example of America’s generosity in contrast to Cuba’s Communist regime. Yet when news broke that the Mariel Boatlift included refugees who had been released from Castro’s prisons and mental health facilities—and as refugee numbers grew—the media spectacle became alarmist. News media and popular culture made it clear that the United States was under siege in an “immigrant emergency” that originated south of the border, manifested itself in gendered ways, and necessitated action. This chapter explores, in conversation with media, the proposed solution, the Immigrant Emergency Powers Act of 1982, which would have given the president unilateral powers in the face of an “immigration emergency,” and situates these developments in immigration history.
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2

Lapidus, Benjamin. "“Invasión Del 80/¡Yo Vine Del Mariel!”." In New York and the International Sound of Latin Music, 1940-1990, 279–322. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496831286.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses the immediate musical impact of the 1980 Mariel Boatlift by examining some of the dancers and musicians who arrived in New York City at that time: Orlando “Puntilla” Ríos, Manuel Martínez Olivera “El llanero solitario” (The Lone Ranger), Roberto Borrell, Rita Macías, Xiomara Rodríguez, Félix “Pupy” Insua, Pedro Domech, Daniel Ponce, Fernando Lavoy, Gerardo “Taboada” Fernández, Gabriel “Chinchilita” Machado, and many others. The chapter highlights the musical activities of these people and other musicians and its long-term effects on the folkloric and Latin popular dance music scenes in New York and the greater United States, not only in the performance realm but in many cases also as teachers for subsequent generations of Cuban and non-Cuban musicians, particularly Puerto Ricans in New York City. This group of artists who arrived during El Mariel would also serve as important points of connection for the next major wave of newly arriving musicians and dancers in the early 1990s, known as the balseros (raft people). Ultimately, the chapter provides an analysis of and insight into this overlooked era of Cuban musical history in New York and how it would impact Latin music in New York and elsewhere.
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Luis, William. "Vigía and the Cuban Nation." In Handmade in Cuba, 154–70. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401520.003.0012.

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Ediciones Vigía emerged at a crucial juncture in the history of revolutionary Cuba: five years after the exodus of Mariel Boatlift in 1980 and six years before the onset of the Special Period in 1991. This chapter illuminates Vigía’s embodiment of the Cuban nation midway into its revolutionary cultural process by highlighting its position between extremes. Matanzas, isolated from the official and elite cultures in Havana, had a press that embraced the city’s history of artistic creativity, as well as its tradition of rebellion to create a heterogeneous and transcultural vision of Cuba.
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Lambe, Jennifer L. "The Repeating Madhouse, from Havana to Miami." In Madhouse. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631028.003.0008.

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After 1959, Cubans who fled the island would also learn to communicate their political views in the language of mental change and distress. Here, Mazorra itself would come back into the picture, when the 1980 Mariel Boatlift quickly turned into a psychiatric problem on both sides, due to the apparent presence of the mentally ill among migrants. By the late 1980s, controversy had also erupted in Miami regarding the alleged commandeering by security officials of several wards at Cuba’s Hospital Psiquiátrico. There, a growing number of voices contended, officials had tortured political dissidents, a charge refuted by hospital psychiatrists. Chapter 7 charts the evolution of both controversies to understand the reverberations of the “manicomio” across the Florida Straits, but also to chart popular understandings and experiences of revolutionary mental change.
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Gosin, Monika. "Marielitos, the Criminalization of Blackness, and Constructions of Worthy Citizenship." In The Racial Politics of Division, 57–90. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738234.003.0003.

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Chapter two analyzes the coverage of the 1980 Mariel boatlift in the Spanish language El Miami Herald newspaper. Stigmatized as criminals in the mainstream press, the Marielitos were younger, poorer, and “blacker” than were Cubans from previous immigration waves. Examining the dilemmas faced by established Cuban exiles, who during the Cold War desired to both support their new compatriots and escape the Marielito stigma, the chapter argues that white dominant tropes about laziness, dependency, and criminality were utilized by Cuban voices to set themselves apart from black or “unworthy” migrants. Juxtaposing the newspaper discourse and Afro-Cuban testimonials, the chapter illustrates how racist attitudes from Cuba and the United States intersected to impact their acceptance by the local (white) Cuban community. The chapter underscores the crucial role blackness played in the Mariel stigma, and illustrates the continued utility of anti-black racializing discourses in current notions of “worthy citizenship.”
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