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Journal articles on the topic 'Marine archaeology'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

Butzer, Karl W., P. M. Masters, and N. C. Flemming. "Quaternary Coastlines and Marine Archaeology." American Journal of Archaeology 89, no. 3 (July 1985): 524. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504372.

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2

Firth, A., and B. Ferrari. "Archaeology and Marine Protected Areas." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21, no. 1 (February 1992): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1992.tb00344.x.

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3

Mays, Simon. "Human remains in marine archaeology." Environmental Archaeology 13, no. 2 (October 2008): 123–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174963108x343245.

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4

Smith, Andrew B. "When Is Marine Salvage 'Archaeology'?" South African Archaeological Bulletin 43, no. 148 (December 1988): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3888625.

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5

Ashmore, Patrick. "4D archaeology." Antiquity 76, no. 293 (September 2002): 784–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00091237.

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IntroductionBy far the commonest absolute date estimates come from radiocarbon ages converted to dates by comparing them with the ages of tree rings of known date. There are still many problems with the technique. The quoted errors attached to most of the dates obtained between 1950 and around 1982 have to be increased by factors between 1.4 and 4 (Baillie 1990; Ashmore et al. 2000). There are plateaux in the calibration curve which mean that some ages correspond to an unacceptably wide range of calendar dates. Many archaeological sites contain pieces of charcoal much older than the main period of activity on them. Many charcoal dates obtained before about 1999 were from bulk samples and some demonstrably reflect mixing of charcoal of very different age, providing a meaningless date somewhere in between (Ashmore 1999a). There is now fairly abundant evidence that dates from poorly preserved bone, whether buried or cremated, can be centuries out. The marine effect, which has been assumed to make all Scottish shell dates 405 years too old, may fluctuate (Harkness 1983; Cook & Dugmore pers. comm.). The bones of people who ate food from marine sources show the marine effect and calculation of the required change to an age measured by a laboratory depends on a measurement of the strength of the marine effect at the time the person lived (Barrett et al. 2000). Some dates from residues on pots seem to represent accurately the time they formed; others for unknown reasons do not.
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6

Cederlund, Carl Olof. "Marine archaeology in society and science." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 1 (February 1995): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1995.tb00707.x.

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7

Verlaan, Philomène A. "Marine Archaeology: A Trojan (Sea) Horse?" Ocean Yearbook Online 8, no. 1 (1989): 231–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160089x00137.

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8

Cederland, C. "Marine archaeology in society and science." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 1 (February 1995): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijna.1995.1003.

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9

Galili, Oron, and Cvikel. "Five Decades of Marine Archaeology in Israel." Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology & Heritage Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.6.1-2.0099.

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10

Bell, Heather. "Prospects for marine archaeology in South Asia." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 3 (August 1990): 258–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00272.x.

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11

Dellino-Musgrave, Virginia, Sanjeev Gupta, and Mark Russell. "Marine Aggregates and Archaeology: a Golden Harvest?" Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 11, no. 1 (March 2009): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/135050309x12508566208362.

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12

Nayling, Nigel. "Marine Archaeology: A Handbook. By VirginiaDellion-Musgrave." Archaeological Journal 171, no. 1 (January 2014): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2014.11078297.

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13

Dolwick, Jim S. "Virginia Dellino-Musgrave: Marine Archaeology: A Handbook." Journal of Maritime Archaeology 8, no. 1 (June 2013): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11457-013-9111-7.

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14

McPHERSON, KENNETH. "Marine Archaeology: Recent Advances - by Alok Tripathi." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 37, no. 1 (March 2008): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2007.00179_24.x.

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15

Moss, Madonna L., and Jon M. Erlandson. "Animal Agency and Coastal Archaeology." American Antiquity 67, no. 2 (April 2002): 367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694574.

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Until more archaeologists, not just faunal analysts and taphonomists, recognize the range and variety of animals that can deposit marine or estuarine animal remains into archaeological localities, insufficient research attention will be paid to distinguishing taphonomic agents. As demonstrated elsewhere (Erlandson and Moss 2001), an understanding of the antiquity of coastal adaptations and the nature of marine resource use in certain contexts requires careful assessment of noncultural sources of faunal remains in coastal settings. To address such problems, understanding the ecology of those nonhuman animals whose taphonomic signatures can mimic some of the characteristics of hominid middens is crucial.
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16

BAILEY, G., and N. FLEMMING. "Archaeology of the continental shelf: Marine resources, submerged landscapes and underwater archaeology." Quaternary Science Reviews 27, no. 23-24 (November 2008): 2153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quascirev.2008.08.012.

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17

Reese, David S., and Judith C. Shackleton. "Marine Molluscan Remains from Franchthi Cave." American Journal of Archaeology 94, no. 4 (October 1990): 682. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505129.

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18

Benjamin, Jonathan, and Alex Hale. "Marine, Maritime, or Submerged Prehistory? Contextualizing the Prehistoric Underwater Archaeologies of Inland, Coastal, and Offshore Environments." European Journal of Archaeology 15, no. 2 (2012): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957112y.0000000007.

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Studies in submerged prehistoric archaeology have gained momentum in recent years with particular focus on the inundated landscapes of the European continental shelf. Although this renewed interest lies primarily in modern coasts and seas, there are a variety of differences between the submerged prehistoric archaeologies of inland and marine environments, ranging from questions of scientific research to heritage management to practical field methods. Some of these differences are the result of location, function, and period. Despite this, there exist similarities that, if ignored, risk increased marginalization of the archaeology of submerged landscapes from the greater field of prehistoric archaeology. A holistic evaluation of prehistoric archaeological landscapes must include inland waters and coastal zones and their relationships. Aquatic environments, viewed both as individual locations as well as continuous and connecting waterways, are introduced for their differences and similarities, and simplified examples of material and legislation are introduced in order to contextualize submarine sites and practices within the greater fields of prehistory and underwater archaeology.
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19

Trubitt, Mary Beth. "Crafting Marine Shell Prestige Goods at Cahokia." North American Archaeologist 26, no. 3 (July 2005): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/4nr2-8c4h-awxb-jvpe.

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Acquired from coasts and exchanged inland across North America, marine shell was an important raw material for making prestige goods, valued objects that “materialized” relationships between individuals or groups. Of interest here is how marine shell prestige goods production and exchange was organized, including the social identities of crafters and consumers. At Cahokia, shell working was associated with higher-status households, especially in the later phases of the Mississippian sequence. Shell ornaments crafted by elite households may have been used locally, but since prestige goods often passed through many hands, some shell objects may have ultimately been deposited far from Cahokia.
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20

Ødegård, Øyvind, Aksel Alstad Mogstad, Geir Johnsen, Asgeir J. Sørensen, and Martin Ludvigsen. "Underwater hyperspectral imaging: a new tool for marine archaeology." Applied Optics 57, no. 12 (April 18, 2018): 3214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/ao.57.003214.

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21

Glover, E., I. Glover, and C. Vita-Finzi. "First-order 14C dating of marine molluscs in archaeology." Antiquity 64, no. 244 (September 1990): 562–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00078455.

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22

Fletcher-Tomenius, P., PJ O'Keefe, and M. Williams. "Salvor in possession: friend or foe to marine archaeology." International Journal of Cultural Property 9, no. 2 (January 2000): 263–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739100771086.

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While the threat to the underwater cultural heritage from the treasure salvage industry is widely recognised, the approach to 'protection' ranges from absolute prohibition to the sale of state licences to the highest bidder. Even the former raises difficult problems of enforceability and the choice of mechanisms to determine whether in situ preservation is the preferred option for any particular wreck site. The common law jurisdictions have tended to prefer a regulated salvage regime, in which the courts themselves have a role in considering whether appropriate archaeological methodology is applied to the recovery of historic artefacts. This article examines the legal and economic basis of such an approach and evaluates whether the underwater cultural heritage has derived any discernible benefit from this judicial creativity. Inter alia, it concludes that the legal framework is itself flawed by uncertainty and that the deliberations of the court are hampered by procedural deficiencies.
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23

Desjardins, Sean P. A., and Peter D. Jordan. "Arctic Archaeology and Climate Change." Annual Review of Anthropology 48, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 279–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102317-045901.

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An enduring debate in the field of Arctic archaeology has been the extent to which climate change impacted cultural developments in the past. Long-term culture change across the circumpolar Arctic was often highly dynamic, with episodes of rapid migration, regional abandonment, and—in some cases—the disappearance or wholesale replacement of entire cultural traditions. By the 1960s, researchers were exploring the possibility that warming episodes had positive effects on cold-adapted premodern peoples in the Arctic by ( a) reducing the extent of sea ice, ( b) expanding the size and range of marine mammal populations, and ( c) opening new waterways and hunting areas for marine-adapted human groups. Although monocausal climatic arguments for change are now regarded as overly simplistic, the growing threat of contemporary Arctic warming to Indigenous livelihoods has given wider relevance to research into long-term culture–climate interactions. With their capacity to examine deeper cultural responses to climate change, archaeologists are in a unique position to generate human-scale climate adaptation insights that may inform future planning and mitigation efforts. The exceptionally well-preserved cultural and paleo-ecological sequences of the Arctic make it one of the best-suited regions on Earth to address such problems. Ironically, while archaeologists employ an exciting and highly promising new generation of methods and approaches to examine long-term fragility and resilience in Arctic social-ecological systems, many of these frozen paleo-societal archives are fast disappearing due to anthropogenic warming.
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24

Pétursdóttir, Þóra. "Climate change? Archaeology and Anthropocene." Archaeological Dialogues 24, no. 2 (December 2017): 175–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203817000216.

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AbstractAs we pass into an age of the Anthropocene, archaeologists, as scholars of other disciplines, are driven to consider how this physical and ideological climate change affects our craft, or how archaeology can contribute with knowledge and insight of significance in a shifting world. Basing its arguments on research conducted on marine debris and drift beaches in northern Norway and Iceland, the aim of this article is to imagine what kind of alternative ways of doing and thinking archaeology the current climate is calling for. With reference to this material, which conspicuously manifests both obstacles and promises for an ‘Anthropocene archaeology’, the article will question the worth of some perspectives traditionally considered essential to our discipline, while simultaneously building on confidence in a sincerelyarchaeologicalimagination.
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25

Kery, Sean M. "Exploring the World of Marine Wrecks, Casualties, and Historical Archaeology: Understanding the Marine Forensics Investigation." Marine Technology Society Journal 46, no. 6 (November 1, 2012): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/mtsj.46.6.10.

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26

Borrero, L. A., and R. Barberena. "Hunter‐Gatherer Home Ranges and Marine Resources." Current Anthropology 47, no. 5 (October 2006): 855–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/507186.

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27

Bass, Bryon. "Early Neolithic communities in southern Dalmatia: Farming seafarers or seafaring farmers?" European Journal of Archaeology 11, no. 2-3 (2008): 245–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461957109106376.

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Palaeoenvironmental data and vegetation histories derived from local datasets are examined in the light of Early Neolithic agro-pastoral activities and resource exploitation in the southeastern Adriatic Sea. Palynological evidence is summarized from three locations within the study area and compared to contemporaneous archaeological evidence. Coastal marine archaeological assemblages in the study area indicate that Early Neolithic inhabitants expended significant energy on terrestrial and marine hunting and gathering, and long distance maritime travel, well after the regional introduction of agro-pastoralism.
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28

Barrett, James H., and Michael P. Richards. "Identity, Gender, Religion and Economy: New Isotope and Radiocarbon Evidence for Marine Resource Intensification in Early Historic Orkney, Scotland, UK." European Journal of Archaeology 7, no. 3 (2004): 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461957104056502.

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Stable isotope measurements and radiocarbon dates on 54 burials from northern Scotland document trends in marine protein consumption from the late Iron Age to the end of the Middle Ages. They illuminate how local environmental and cultural contingencies interrelated with a pan-European trend towards more intensive fishing around the end of the first millennium AD. Little use was made of marine foods in late Iron Age Orkney despite its maritime setting. Significant fish consumption appeared in the Viking Age (ninth to eleventh centuries AD), first in the case of some men buried with grave-goods of Scandinavian style but soon among both sexes in ‘Christian’ burials. There was then a peak in marine protein consumption from approximately the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries AD, particularly among men, after which the importance of fish-eating returned to Viking Age levels. The causes of these developments probably entailed a complex relationship between ethnicity, gender, Christian fasting practices, population growth, long-range fish trade and environmental change.
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29

Walters, Ian. "Antiquity of marine fishing in South-east Queensland." Queensland Archaeological Research 9 (December 1, 1992): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/qar.9.1992.108.

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The Moreton Region Archaeology Project has investigated coastal sites in South-east Queensland since the late 1970s. Despite Pleistocene occupation in the area adjacent to the then coastline, and more recent coastal settlement dating to the later Middle Holocene, evidence of a well developed marine fishery dates only to the most recent 2,000 years. According to the data presently available, this does not appear to relate to taphonomic factors.
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30

Martin, Colin. "Conservation of marine archaeological objects." Journal of Archaeological Science 17, no. 4 (July 1990): 469–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-4403(90)90009-t.

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31

Bowman, G. M. "Oceanic Reservoir Correction for Marine Radiocarbon Dates from Northwestern Australia." Australian Archaeology 20, no. 1 (June 1, 1985): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03122417.1985.12092985.

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32

Flatman, Joe. "Conserving Marine Cultural Heritage: Threats, Risks and Future Priorities." Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 11, no. 1 (March 2009): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/135050309x12508566208245.

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33

Broadwater, John, and David Nutley. "The Management of Marine Archaeological SitesIn Situand Site Sustainability." Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 11, no. 1 (March 2009): 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/135050309x12508566208489.

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34

Chenoweth, John M. "Marine Shell and Small-Island Slavery in the Caribbean." Historical Archaeology 52, no. 2 (April 12, 2018): 467–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41636-018-0101-3.

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35

Arnold, J. Barto. "Marine magnetometer survey of archaeological materials near Galveston, Texas." Historical Archaeology 21, no. 1 (January 1987): 18–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03374077.

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36

Robinson, Gary. "Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human-Sea Relations." Norwegian Archaeological Review 53, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00293652.2020.1748105.

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37

HAUBEN, H. "Triérarques et triérarchie dans la marine des Ptolémées." Ancient Society 21 (January 1, 1990): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.21.0.2005930.

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38

Søreide, Fredrik, and Ayse D. Atauz. "Deepwater—The Future of Marine Archaeology? Some Examples from the Mediterranean." Marine Technology Society Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/002533202787913369.

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39

Phaneuf, Brett. "Marine Archaeology and Technology—A New Direction in Deep Sea Exploration." Marine Technology Society Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/002533202787913396.

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40

Grimanis, A. P., N. Kalogeropoulos, V. Kilikoglou, and M. Vassilaki-Grimani. "Use of NAA in marine environment and in archaeology in Greece." Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry 219, no. 2 (May 1997): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02038497.

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41

Erlandson, Jon M., and Torben C. Rick. "Archaeology Meets Marine Ecology: The Antiquity of Maritime Cultures and Human Impacts on Marine Fisheries and Ecosystems." Annual Review of Marine Science 2, no. 1 (January 2010): 231–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.marine.010908.163749.

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42

Smith, David Michael, and Alexandra Daphne Vlanti. "Newsround." Archaeological Reports 64 (November 2018): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608418000194.

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AbstractNewsround’ offers a platform for new data which do not appear within the specialist contributions of this year's Archaeological Reports but which nevertheless warrant emphasis, either as a result of their particular characteristics or for the contribution they make to broader archaeological narratives. This section is not intended to be exhaustive, but is designed, rather, to highlight recent discoveries in a way which complements digital content made available through Archaeology in Greece Online (https://chronique.efa.gr). The very varied nature of this material has meant that, for the most part, it has proved preferable to organize this section chronologically, although dedicated sections are provided for the inclusion of both marine archaeology and archaeological survey.
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43

Dimitrijević, Vesna, and Boban Tripković. "Spondylus and Glycymeris bracelets: trade reflections at Neolithic Vinča-Belo Brdo." Documenta Praehistorica 33 (December 31, 2006): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.33.21.

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In the provision, production and exchange of prestigious items and materials in prehistoric Europe, marine shell ornaments play important role. The marine shell collection at the Vinča-Belo Brdo site is the largest in the central and northern Balkans. More than 300 ornament items manufactured from marine shells have been collected since the first excavations in 1908 up until the most recent campaign. The majority of ornaments were made using recent shells that were obtained through trade with contemporaneous Neolithic communities; few ornaments were made of fossil bivalve shells. Bracelets were the most common type. Two bivalve genera, Spondylus and Glycymeris, were used in their production. These are easily recognizable when complete valves are compared, but difficult to distinguish in highly modified items where shell morphology is obscured. The defining characteristics for shell identification are presented, particularly to differentiate ornaments manufactured from the Spondylus and Glycymeris genera, as well as those made of recent and fossil shells. The possible exchange routes for these are discussed, as well as their diachronic distribution at the Vinča site.
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44

Ramsey, Christopher Bronk, Caitlin E. Buck, Sturt W. Manning, Paula Reimer, and Hans van der Plicht. "Developments in radiocarbon calibration for archaeology." Antiquity 80, no. 310 (December 1, 2006): 783–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00094424.

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This update on radiocarbon calibration results from the 19th International Radiocarbon Conference at Oxford in April 2006, and is essential reading for all archaeologists. The way radiocarbon dates and absolute dates relate to each other differs in three periods: back to 12400 cal BP, radiocarbon dates can be calibrated with tree rings, and the calibration curve in this form should soon extend back to 18000 cal BP. Between 12400 and 26000 cal BP, the calibration curves are based on marine records, and thus are only a best estimate of atmospheric concentrations. Beyond 26000 cal BP, dates have to be based on comparison (rather than calibration) with a variety of records. Radical variations are thus possible in this period, a highly significant caveat for the dating of middle and lower Paleolithic art, artefacts and animal and human remains.
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45

Croff, Katherine L. "The Underwater Cultural Heritage and Marine Scientific Research in the Exclusive Economic Zone." Marine Technology Society Journal 43, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.4031/mtsj.43.1.6.

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AbstractThis paper reviews the relationship between activities aimed at the underwater cultural heritage and marine scientific research in the exclusive economic zone, in particular the question of whether or not underwater cultural heritage research can be classified as marine scientific research. The study examines the definitions, practice, and jurisdiction of each, according to the Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, and States’ current practice. By revising the current interpretation of international law, underwater cultural heritage research can potentially be classified as marine scientific research. The inclusion of archaeology as marine science would have implications that would open up new rights and responsibilities of coastal and research States, as both fulfill their duties to protect and preserve archaeological and historical objects found on the seabed.
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46

Colten, Roger H. "Prehistoric marine mammal hunting in context: two western North American examples." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 12, no. 1 (January 2002): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/oa.609.

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47

van der Stok-Nienhuis, Janneke, Elisabeth Kuiper, Tonny Beentjes, Ineke Joosten, Lambert van Eijck, Zhou Zhou, and Maarten van Bommel. "A case study for scientific research prior to conservation of marine metal artefacts." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 37 (June 2021): 102909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.102909.

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48

Fischer, Anders, Anne Birgitte Gotfredsen, John Meadows, Lisbeth Pedersen, and Mike Stafford. "The Rødhals kitchen midden – marine adaptations at the end of the Mesolithic world." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 39 (October 2021): 103102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103102.

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49

Watts, Gordon P. "Deep-Water Archaeological Investigation and Site Testing in the Monitor National Marine Sanctuary." Journal of Field Archaeology 12, no. 3 (1985): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/529901.

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50

Mitchell, Peter J. "Prehistoric exchange and interaction in southeastern southern africa: Marine shells and ostrich eggshell." African Archaeological Review 13, no. 1 (March 1996): 35–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01956132.

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