Journal articles: 'Maritime law, middle east'

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Shapland, Greg. "MARITIME BOUNDARIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST." Asian Affairs 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1707529.

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Kwiatkowska, Barbara. "Submissions to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf: The Practice of Developing States in Cases of Disputed and Unresolved Maritime Boundary Delimitations or Other Land or Maritime Disputes. Part One." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 28, no. 2 (2013): 219–341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12341279.

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Abstract This is the first part of a two-part article surveying state practice regarding Disputed and Unresolved Maritime Boundary Delimitations or Other Land or Maritime Disputes under the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) Rules. It reviews basic principles and the interpretation of the 1982 UN Law of the Sea Convention and the CLCS Rules. As the 2006 Annex VII Barbados/Trinidad and Tobago Award and the 2012 ITLOS Bangladesh v. Myanmar Judgment reaffirmed, the CLCS Recommendations must in no way prejudice existing and prospective boundary delimitations, nor must they prejudice other land or maritime disputes. All practical means of giving effect to such “without prejudice” principles are carefully analysed. The present Part covers Latin America and the Wider Caribbean, Northeast and Southeast Asia, and the South Pacific. Part Two will cover South Asia and the Middle East, East Africa—Indian Ocean, South Africa, West Africa and North Africa.

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Kwiatkowska, Barbara. "Submissions to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf: The Practice of Developing States in Cases of Disputed and Unresolved Maritime Boundary Delimitations or Other Land or Maritime Disputes. Part Two." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 28, no. 4 (2013): 615–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12341296.

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Abstract This is the second part of a two-part article surveying state practice regarding Disputed and Unresolved Maritime Boundary Delimitations or Other Land or Maritime Disputes under the Rules of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS). It reviews basic principles and the interpretation of the 1982 UN Law of the Sea Convention and the CLCS Rules. As the 2006 Barbados/Trinidad and Tobago Award and the 2012 ITLOS Bangladesh v. Myanmar Judgment reaffirmed, the CLCS Recommendations must in no way prejudice existing and prospective boundary delimitations, nor must they prejudice other land or maritime disputes. All practical means of giving effect to such “without prejudice” principles are carefully analysed. Part One covers Latin America and the Wider Caribbean, Northeast and Southeast Asia, and the South Pacific. The present Part Two covers South Asia and the Middle East, East Africa-Indian Ocean, South Africa, West Africa and North Africa.

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Naboush, Eman. "The Carrier’s Liability for Delay under UAE Maritime Law: A Comparative Study." Arab Law Quarterly 34, no. 3 (February 27, 2020): 290–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730255-14030068.

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Abstract The carriage of goods by sea plays a vital role in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) economy as its several seaports are strategically located at the crossroads of the Middle East/southwest Asian region. Therefore, knowledge of the legal rules governing the carriage of goods by sea, as they are applied in the UAE, is important. This study focuses particularly on those rules relating to the carrier’s liability for delay in the delivery of goods by sea to their port of destination. Since in most cases of delay no physical loss of goods incurs, economic loss is a prominent aspect of delay cases. This study analyses the provisions of delay in the UAE and compares those with the pertinent international conventions on the carriage of goods by sea. The aim is to examine the extent to which provisions of UAE commercial maritime laws align with the international conventions regarding delay of cargo delivery.

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Fathiraini, N., W. Darmawan, T. Ma’mur, and W. I. Fauzi. "The vantage point of geopolitics: capturing indonesia’s maritime axis." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1089, no. 1 (November 1, 2022): 012062. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1089/1/012062.

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Abstract After the East Asia Summit in 2014, the Indonesia Maritime Axis became a priority under Joko Widodo’s administration. The maritime development aspect once articulated in the Djuanda Declaration in 1957, however, during several periods of leadership, the government marginalized the Maritime realm and was more directed to encourage agricultural as well as inland centric development vigorously. Truly unfortunate, it became contrast with the fact that Indonesia, as an archipelagic country based on the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 1982, hibernated over periods to maritime development. This study examined Indonesia Maritime Axis policy from a geopolitics perspective in international relations and national interests. The research method utilized qualitative with a descriptive analysis approach. The main argument rest in a state which performed geopolitics in regional dynamics, prominently towards Indo-Asia-Pacific rim to achieve national interests. The United States and China tried to anchor down their influence over this vast and vibrant region while Indonesia seeks opportunities towards cooperation to increase economic growth. Furthermore, Indonesia firmly showcased a rising middle power, as well as an archipelagic country, which struggle to protect its maritime sovereignty.

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Daniels, Kelly, and Sara McLaughlin Mitchell. "Bones of democratic contention: Maritime disputes." International Area Studies Review 20, no. 4 (November 23, 2017): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865917740269.

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While no two democratic states have fought an interstate war against each other, democratic dyads experience militarized disputes with some frequency. Previous research suggests that a large percentage of militarized disputes between two democracies involve fishing and oil resources of the sea. Yet this research selects on cases where militarized conflict occurs, and fails to consider whether democracies have more frequent diplomatic conflicts over maritime areas relative to other regime pairings. Analyzing data from the Issue Correlates of War project, which includes diplomatic conflicts over maritime areas (1900–2007) in the Americas, Europe, Middle East, and Asia, this study finds that pairs of democracies have the highest chance of experiencing diplomatic maritime disputes among all pairs of countries in the same region or dyads involving major powers. Three theoretical explanations were empirically evaluated to account for this pattern: (a) greater opportunities for democratic maritime conflicts given higher levels of economic productivity and the sizes of fishing fleets in democratic states, (b) the increasing securitization of maritime issues, especially after the terrorist attacks of September 2001, and (c) variations in the number of democracies across regional contexts. Several illustrative case studies for each theoretical argument are presented. The authors discuss the implications of these findings for the democratic peace literature and the law of the sea regime.

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Lewis, Angeline. "Flag Verification on the High Seas: Understanding Requirements for Masters and Commanders." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 30, no. 2 (May 25, 2015): 335–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718085-12341352.

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Operational reporting from the Middle East indicates that the exercise by warships of a right of visit on the high seas, in order to verify the flag of the boarded vessel, is an important part of contemporary maritime enforcement operations. However, this reliance on ‘flag verification boardings,’ pursuant to Article 110 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982, challenges the proper balance of law enforcement authority against the traditional freedom of navigation. It is therefore necessary to establish clearly for both civilian masters and warship commanders where the evidentiary threshold for reasonable doubt as to the nationality of vessels lies, so as to justify non-consensual visit and search by a foreign warship. This article makes an objective, evidence-based assessment of the threshold, concluding with a caution against over-stretching the right of visit to accommodate law enforcement purposes not envisaged in the drafting of Article 110.

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Sood, Gagan D. S. "Sovereign Justice in Precolonial Maritime Asia: The Case of the Mayor's Court of Bombay, 1726–1798." Itinerario 37, no. 2 (August 2013): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000703.

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From the beginning of the nineteenth century, remarkable developments in the realm of law were witnessed throughout the world. They expressed and paved the way for a new type of dispensation. For those parts of Asia and the Middle East with a substantial European presence, the legitimate rules, principles, and procedures for resolving disputes were progressively assimilated into systems of state-sanctioned legal pluralism. The process—at once gradual, charged, and punctuated—coincided with the initial consolidation of European imperial dominance and the emergence of Europe's modern global empires.Though these changes in the realm of law date from the nineteenth century, the European presence there had long preceded them. This was perhaps most notable in maritime Asia. The Europeans in this region tended to cluster in their factories or in certain quarters of the towns and cities dotting the Indian Ocean rim. Notwithstanding differences between, say, a Mocha and an Aceh in size, location, and form of government, all these settlements had one quality in common: each was able to profit from the traffic conducted along the coast or across the high seas. As for the sovereign justice on offer, the dispensation that governed it in early modern times was far removed from its later analogue. This stemmed in large part from the rationale and basis for the European presence. In particular, Europeans could not dominate maritime Asia's provincial and imperial powers, especially those located inland, and the great majority of those arriving from western Europe intended to return as soon as possible; despite some involvement in racketeering and other forms of surplus extraction—famously in attempts to introduce and enforce a system of passports in maritime transport and travel—their interests were mainly commercial, oriented towards trade and shipping; the indigenous populations remained on the whole large and resilient; and many of the skills and techniques vested in livelihoods long associated with the region retained their primacy. As a result, the only realistic option for Europeans in maritime Asia was to reconcile themselves to the prevailing order. And this they did, with most of the region's fundamentals, not least in the realm of law, continuing to develop along what were essentially indigenous lines.

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Chaban, Dariia. "Major Concepts of the Turkey Blue Homeland Strategy." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 12 (July 21, 2023): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2023.12.126-144.

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The article analyses the key directions of Turkey’s foreign policy under the presidency of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It examines concepts such as “ba-lance” in relations with the Middle East and the West, which Turkey is trying to achieve through the development of its economy and international trade. The article also focuses on the concept of “security in the East”, which reflects Turkey’s focus on security concerns from terrorist groups on its border with Syria and Iraq. Researchers on this topic also note the strategy of the “new Ottoman space”, which reflects Turkey’s intentions to increase its influence on the countries of the Balkans and the Caucasus. The article analyses the concept of “active diplomacy”, which consists in establishing diplomatic ties with new states, as well as developing and deepe-ning relations with countries that already have diplomatic ties with Turkey. In addition, the article focuses on the concept of “neighbourhood policy”, which reflects Turkey’s commitment to maintaining peace and stability in the region. The article also examines Turkey’s role in international organisations, such as NATO and the UN, and its “economic diplomacy” strategy, which reflects Turkey’s intention to attract foreign investment and develop trade relations with other countries. The Blue Homeland Strategy encompasses a number of policies and initiatives, including expanding Turkey’s naval capabilities, improving coordination between the various branches of the military, strengthening relations with allied countries, and promoting economic development in the maritime sector. The strategy emphasises the importance of diplomacy and legal initiatives to protect Turkey’s maritime rights in accordance with international law. “The Blue Homeland is seen as a comprehensive approach to addressing Turkey’s maritime security challenges and protecting its national interests. In addition, the Blue Homeland strategy also plays an important role in achie-ving Turkey’s broader foreign policy goals. The article provides an in-depth analysis of the main directions and concepts of Turkey’s foreign policy strategy, which helps to understand the complexity and importance of this country’s foreign policy activities in the modern world.

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Anwar, Dewi Fortuna. "Indonesia and the ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz223.

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Abstract Indonesia has taken a leadership role within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in drafting a common outlook on the Indo-Pacific concept. The widening of Indonesia's geostrategic canvas from the Asia–Pacific to the Indo-Pacific is in line with President Joko Widodo's intent to make Indonesia a Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). In view of the rivalry between the US and China and the emergence of various Indo-Pacific initiatives from other countries, Indonesia believes that ASEAN must try to maintain its centrality. The draft of Indonesia's perspective for an ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific: towards a peaceful, prosperous, and inclusive region was submitted for considerations by ASEAN, and after 18 months of intensive lobbying by Indonesia the concept was finally adopted at the ASEAN Summit in June 2019. The ASEAN outlook promotes the principles of openness, inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law and ASEAN centrality in the Indo-Pacific region. It proposes a building-block approach, seeking commonalities between existing regional initiatives in which ASEAN-led mechanisms will act as a fulcrum for both norm-setting and concrete cooperation. Rather than creating a new regional architecture, the East Asia Summit (EAS) is proposed as the platform for advancing the Indo-Pacific discourse and cooperation. Indonesia's ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific marks its renewed foreign policy activism as a middle power and underlines the continuing importance that Indonesia places on ASEAN as the cornerstone of its foreign policy, emphasising ASEAN's centrality as the primary vehicle for managing relations with the major powers in the Indo-Pacific region.

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Menhas, Rashid, Shahid Mahmood, Papel Tanchangya, Muhammad Nabeel Safdar, and Safdar Hussain. "Sustainable Development under Belt and Road Initiative: A Case Study of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor’s Socio-Economic Impact on Pakistan." Sustainability 11, no. 21 (November 4, 2019): 6143. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11216143.

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The restoration of the ancient Silk Road intends to reconnect China with Africa, the Middle East, and Europe through a railway network, airports, roads, seaports, and an optical fiber system. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has three components. One Belt, One Road (OBOR) is based upon two parts of the BRI; the maritime Silk Road and the Silk Road economic belt. OBOR is based upon six economic corridors. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the smartest corridor under OBOR, which passes only through Pakistan, and after completion, will provide a safe and cheap route for China to import oil and energy. CPEC is a multidimensional project under which much infrastructure development initiative has been started to improve the infrastructure and economic development of Pakistan. Infrastructure development is an essential requirement in economic growth, one which further leads to industrialization and is helpful in economic development. The present study was conducted in Pakistan and explored how infrastructure development under the CPEC is useful for the sustainable development of Pakistan, as well as which kind of infrastructure development projects have been included in the CPEC to improve the socio-economic paradigm of Pakistan. A sample of 500 respondents was selected through a multistage sampling technique from the two-node cities. A questionnaire survey was used to collect primary data. The results of the study show that the CPEC is a catalyst for Pakistan to improve its socio-economic conditions and to achieve sustainable development. The participants of the survey agreed that CPEC will improve the socio-economic paradigm of Pakistan and will be helpful in the achievement of sustainable development goals.

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Huber, Valeska. "Multiple Mobilities, Multiple Sovereignties, Multiple Speeds: Exploring Maritime Connections in the Age of Empire." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 4 (September 30, 2016): 763–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000908.

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What can we gain by looking at maritime spaces? Does this enable us to work towards a global history of the Middle East that moves beyond at times arbitrary geographical and disciplinary borders? In this essay I argue that maritime spaces might be particularly suitable for exploring the boundaries of Middle East studies and their interconnection with global history. By implication, the study of Middle Eastern maritime connections might be especially well fitted to develop new and more complex global histories. To make this point, a specific and perhaps unusual maritime site in the Middle East will be assessed. The Suez Canal opened in 1869 and quickly turned into a major artery of traffic between Europe on the one side, and Asia, East Africa, and Australia on the other. More importantly for our purposes, it is located at the very heart of the Middle East, where Africa and Asia, the Mediterranean and the Red Sea (and with it the Indian Ocean world), and water and desert intersect.

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Sarieddine, Toufic. "Middle Kingdom Enters Middle East." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (March 21, 2021): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1027.

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Through the lens of world-systems analysis, this research argues that Beijing is creating a miniature world-system overlapping with the United States-led world-system via its Belt Road Initiative (BRI). Although China has not yet become a core power, its BRI seems to possess the qualities of a new world-system in the making, within which China enjoys hegemonic traits such as economic and military might and capable alternative institutions. This BRI-bound world-system consists of BRI participant states whose areas and processes are being molded to better fit China as core and hegemon; a phenomenon known as peripheralization. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) appears to be peripheralizing Arab states into this BRI-bound world-system through China’s growing economic dominance of the region and promotion of new modi operandi. After arguing the emergence of the BRI-bound world-system and establishing China’s peripheralization capacity, Lebanon is taken as a case study of a peripheral MENA state to illustrate how predominant Western hegemony can hamper China’s peripheralization apparatus, forcing it to choose areas/processes of the highest immediate relevance for focused peripheralization efforts.

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Bishara, Fahad Ahmad. "Ships Passing in the Night? Reflections on the Middle East in the Indian Ocean." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 4 (September 30, 2016): 758–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000891.

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The study of the Middle East is witnessing a sea change (excuse the maritime metaphor). The traditional geographic poles of Middle East studies (Turkey, Egypt, the Levant, and Iraq) stand firm, but are now facing a challenge from places once thought to be peripheral to the historiography: namely, South Arabia and the Gulf. The rising tide of scholarship on those areas is due in large measure to the opportunities that now present themselves in resituating them historically, and thinking about them as part of broader transoceanic worlds. This reorientation has made itself clear in the growing number of publications that wrestle with the Middle East's maritime frontiers—especially in the sister disciplines of history and anthropology. Here I limit myself to just one of those disciplines—history—and chart out the waves of contact between historians of the Middle East and the Indian Ocean. I offer no argument, but rather a survey of where the field has been and the opportunities that lie ahead.

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Lydiatt, Kathryn, and S. H. Amin. "Middle East Legal Systems." Arab Law Quarterly 2, no. 4 (November 1987): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381621.

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NASU, Hitoshi, and Donald R. ROTHWELL. "Re-Evaluating the Role of International Law in Territorial and Maritime Disputes in East Asia." Asian Journal of International Law 4, no. 1 (August 22, 2013): 55–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251313000210.

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Recently increased tensions across East Asia over territorial and maritime disputes show glimpses of brinkmanship. However, the past experiences of Western colonization and Japan's imperialism within the region add complexity to those disputes challenging our understanding of legal debates surrounding territorial and maritime disputes. This article examines the extent to which the relevant rules of international law are capable of providing “justice” by accommodating the unique historical contexts in the region in settling highly politically sensitive territorial and maritime claims. It finds that the existing rules of international law are more than capable of accommodating the peculiar historical contexts of East Asia in the resolution of territorial and maritime disputes, whilst acknowledging that certain ambiguities in the law are contributing to some of the current tensions that have arisen over these disputes.

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Ludwig, Noel A., and Mark J. Valencia. "Building North-east Asian maritime regimes." Marine Policy 19, no. 2 (March 1995): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0308-597x(94)00001-9.

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Ltd., Batis. "Countertrade with the Middle East." Arab Law Quarterly 1, no. 5 (November 1986): 586. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381406.

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Andrizal, Andrizal, John Dirk Pasalbessy, and Arman Anwar. "Aspek Interoperabilitas Antara Lantamal IX Dengan Kamla Zona Bahari Timur Dalam Penegakan Hukum Di Laut Maluku Ditinjau Dari Perspektif Harmonisasi Hukum." PAMALI: Pattimura Magister Law Review 1, no. 2 (October 12, 2021): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/pamali.v1i2.621.

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Introductioan: The basic conception of the realization of security in the territorial waters essentially has two dimensions, namely the enforcement of sovereignty and the enforcement of security which are interrelated with each other.Purposes of the Research: This study aims to analyze and discuss the interoperability between Lantamal IX and Kamla of the East Maritime Zone in law enforcement in the Maluku Sea is viewed from the perspective of legal harmonization and the obstacles faced by Lantamal IX and Kamla of the East Maritime Zone in Law Enforcement in the Maluku Sea when interoperability is connected. with efforts to harmonize the law.Methods of the Research: The research was conducted using a normative juridical method with a c statutory approach, conceptual approach and comparative approach a by specifically analyzing the performance of the institution and its authority in the implementation of law enforcement in the Maluku Sea based on the legislation which was then analyzed qualitatively.Results of the Research: The results showed that Lantamal IX and Kamla East Maritime Zone had the same authority in conducting security and safety patrols in the Maluku Sea, thus potentially causing overlapping authorities. Therefore, interoperability is needed between the two institutions in order to create synergy and minimize the occurrence of sectoral egos. So far, the interoperability of Lantamal IX and Kamla of the East Maritime Zone has been established, but it has not run optimally and continuously. Functional analysis of the collaboration between LANTAMAL IX and the East Maritime Zone Kamla shows that there are obstacles related to juridical and material aspects. In the juridical aspect, the East Maritime Zone Kamla does not have the authority to investigate so that the ship being considered must be handed over to the authorized agency. In addition, there has been no renewal of the memorandum of understanding between BAKAMLA and TNI Headquarters. As a result, patrol operations are not supported by Indonesian Navy warships. Meanwhile, materially, the facilities and infrastructure of the East Maritime Zone Kamla are minimal while BAKAMLA has a large enough budget for the implementation of operations. Likewise, the synergy of operations and sharing of data and information has not been maximized. Therefore, interoperability is needed through harmonization of law and synergy.

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Mackie, Alan, Peter Clark, Michael Burton, Ivor Lucas, Peter Clark, Peter Clark, and John Shipman. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (March 2009): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370902750371.

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Burton, Michael, Colin Shindler, C. W. Squire, Christopher M. Davidson, Peter Clark, Christopher Catherwood, Peter Clark, and Ivor Lucas. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 40, no. 2 (July 2009): 280–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370902871748.

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Wynn, Antony, Peter Clark, Michael Noel-Clarke, Hugh Arbuthnott, and Antony Wynn. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 40, no. 3 (November 2009): 446–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370903195295.

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Muir, Richard, Christopher Rundle, J. E. Peterson, David Logan, Peter Clark, J. E. Peterson, and Michael Burton. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 41, no. 1 (March 2010): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370903474732.

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Walker, Hooky, Rodney Wilson, David Blow, Antony Wynn, Peter Clark, Francis Robinson, Peter Clark, and David G. Heard. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 41, no. 2 (July 2010): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068371003755640.

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Peterson, J. E., Ivor Lucas, Christine Silva Hamieh, Brian Lees, Michael Burton, Hugh Leach, Keith Jeffery, Norman Cameron, Nadine Rose, and Fariba Thomson. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 41, no. 3 (November 2010): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2010.510698.

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Lucas, Ivor, Colin Shindler, David Heard, Gerd Nonneman, Alan Mackie, Hugh Arbuthnott, Bijan Omrani, Peter Clark, and Henry Hogger. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 42, no. 1 (March 2011): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2011.539332.

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Brown, Gates, Rodney Wilson, Norman Cameron, J. E. Peterson, Peter Clark, Nadine Rose, and Ivor Lucas. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 42, no. 2 (July 2011): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2011.571372.

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Walker, Hooky. "Middle East." Asian Affairs 51, no. 2 (March 14, 2020): 409–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2020.1747858.

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Conant, Melvin A. "Middle East stability." Energy Policy 20, no. 11 (November 1992): 1027–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0301-4215(92)90157-w.

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Chaziza, Mordechai. "The Significant Role of Oman in China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 1 (December 26, 2018): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918812285.

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In recent years, China has been seeking to deepen its global centrality by connecting to Asia, Europe, and Africa through investments in physical infrastructure, that is, ports and pipelines, high-speed rail, and other utilities, with associated bilateral trade and investments in critical states along the land- and sea-based Silk Road. Oman is positioned to play a critical role in China’s expanding footprint in the Middle East. Its advantageous maritime location, influence in energy markets, and independent foreign policy make Oman an attractive partner for China and of vital strategic significance in the construction and realization of the twenty-first-century Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI). Oman has enthusiastically embraced China’s MSRI and expressed an eagerness to leverage China’s growing influence in the Middle East to transform itself into a center of global trade and manufacturing.

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Tandy, Hilfra. "Petro Chemicals in the Middle East." Arab Law Quarterly 1, no. 5 (November 1986): 587. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381408.

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Charney, Jonathan I. "Central East Asian Maritime Boundaries and the Law of the Sea." American Journal of International Law 89, no. 4 (October 1995): 724–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203934.

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One of the most difficult areas for maritime boundary delimitation is the seas adjacent to Central East Asia. This area, which encompasses the South China Sea, the East China Sea, the Sea of Japan, and the Yellow Sea, is surrounded by the People’s Republic of China, Taiwan (the Republic of China), Japan, North and South Korea, the Philippines, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Russia. Only a few of the maritime boundaries in the area have been settled, leaving most open to dispute. (See map 1, p. 726.) Efforts to settle the unresolved boundaries have not moved forward. Much has been written about the boundary disputes in this area, and efforts to resolve them have explored means other than delimitation.

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Abou El Fadl, Khaled. "Law and Islam in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 2 (July 1, 1992): 268–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i2.2561.

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This is a collection of anthropological studies on the dynamics of the implementationoflaw in the Middle East. The basic arguments of the book raisethe issue of the context of law and the role of Islamic law in the Middle East.The editor, Daisy Dwyer, contends that context rather than the letter of the lawis the core phenomenon determining the handling and outcome of legal cases.The form and impact of Islamic law varies according to the specific regionaland cultural context . Dwyer also argues that Islamic law is often invoked notso much for its specific content but as a political symbol relating the past tothe present and, ultimately, the future.These points are significant for understanding the impact of Islamic lawin the Middle East. The cultural context will consistently influence which proBookvisions of the law are emphasized and which provisions are deemphasized orconveniently forgotten. Furthermore, social outlooks and cultural habits willin turn impact upon huw the specific provisions are interpreted and implemented.As Safia Mohsen demonstmtes in an insightful article on mmen and the criminaljustice system in Egypt, the implementation of law responds to the specific situationof women in Egypt. The way criminal law is implemented sometimesdiscriminates, depending on the context, in favor of or against women ...

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Thielmann, Jorn, and Daisy Hilse Dwyer. "Law and Islam in the Middle East." Journal of Law and Religion 15, no. 1/2 (2000): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051543.

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Nunè, Fabrizio. "Middle East Law in the New Millennium." Oriente Moderno 82, no. 2 (August 12, 2002): 468–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-08202012.

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Modaffari, Fortunata Giada. "The Procurement Law in the Middle East." Scholars International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 6, no. 09 (September 4, 2023): 467–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijlcj.2023.v06i09.001.

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This article aims to compare the different facets that emerged from an analysis of the Codes of Public Contracts present and effective in the Middle East. Specifically, the article below analyzes the proper meaning of the Public Procurement Code and its use, as well as the innovations introduced in recent years, especially in light of the public tenders called in some countries of the Middle East. In addition to a temporal excursus on the legal changes introduced in this public sphere, the document analyzes some of the fundamental Procurement Law of the Middle East starting from the one structured in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to then arrive at the latest and more modern New Government Tender and Procurement Law (GTPL) in Saudi Arabia, which has currently attracted the attention of many legal analysts.

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Modaffari, Fortunata Giada. "The Construction Law in the Middle East." Scholars International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 6, no. 04 (April 23, 2023): 234–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijlcj.2023.v06i04.006.

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This article analyzes the structuring of Construction Law in Middle Eastern countries. It is an excursus that deals specifically with what the Muqawala contract is, its usefulness and also its history, up to an indication of the most important issues and elements of construction contracts in Middle Eastern countries. Specifically, the most important and legally interesting case relating to the resolution of disputes related to incorrect contractual execution was also analysed. In addition, a further analysis was carried out on Arbitration as one of the most common instrument and also the most common form of dispute resolution in contracts involving international Parties and related to the same on a number of increasingly widespread and increasingly used local arbitration bodies including the Dubai International Arbitration Center and DIFC/LCIA Arbitration Centre.

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38

Savage, Christopher. "Middle East water." Asian Affairs 22, no. 1 (February 1991): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068379108730400.

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Toan Thang, Dr Nguyen. "Navigating Undelimited Waters: States’ Rights and Obligations in Addressing Maritime Disputes, with a Focus on the East Sea." International Journal of Advanced Multidisciplinary Research and Studies 4, no. 1 (January 29, 2024): 1059–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.62225/2583049x.2024.4.1.2340.

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The phenomenon of coastal States pushing their boundaries further into the sea has resulted in the enlargement of maritime territories. Consequently, that has given rise to conflicts regarding the assertion of sovereignty and sovereign rights over overlapping maritime areas among these coastal States. As States intensify the extraction of resources from the waters, these already intricate disputes become further complicated. In the East Sea, most ASEAN countries, including Vietnam, still have unresolved maritime disputes with their neighboring nations. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) outlines obligations for concerned states, particularly in Articles 74(3) and 83(3). These include the duty to exert every effort to establish interim arrangements of a practical nature and to refrain from actions that could impede or obstruct the eventual attainment of a final agreement. However, the UNCLOS does not have a specific explanation for the above obligations, leading to the incomplete resolution of conflicts between States in the overlapping maritime areas, mainly when a State unilaterally undertakes law enforcement activities in the above maritime areas. The article aims to elucidate the overlapping maritime areas in the context of the East Sea, thereby analyzing and exploring the rights and responsibilities of coastal States in resolving disputes in undelimited maritime areas. Examining the legal frameworks, maritime territorial claims, and mechanisms for dispute resolution becomes imperative in understanding the complexities of this region.

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Hong, Nong. "Ocean Governance in the Asia-Pacific and the Arctic." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 8, no. 1 (June 5, 2020): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340131.

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Abstract This article summarizes and analyzes the main issues addressed at the 7th Asia-Pacific/Arctic Maritime Security Forum held in Halifax, Canada in Fall 2019. Experts attending this forum discussed issues such as a regional maritime security overview of the South China Sea, East China Sea, Indian Ocean and the Arctic, best practices of regional ocean governance models, maritime dispute settlement practices, maritime law enforcement, and marine environmental issues. A proposal was put forward on international cooperation with regard to maritime security, ocean governance and ocean capacity building.

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Afaqi, Tahir, and Dr Muhammad Usman Askari. "CHINA PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR (CPEC) REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND CHALLENGES." Khaldunia - Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36755/khaldunia.v2i1.35.

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Chinese one belt one road is a huge project which will integrate Asia, Europe, and Africa through roads and maritime routes. Sixty-seven countries are the subject of this project. Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project were announced by the Chinese president Xi Jinping in Kazakhstan in September 2013. After one month Xi Jinping purposed the Maritime Silk route project which would connect China with South Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Europe via sea route. Initially, this project was proposed as the ‘New Silk Road’ but was changed with ‘One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) and after 2017, it was named as “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) (Chan, 2019). It comprises two components, first land route is the old Silk Road from China to Europe via Central Asia and the Middle East. The second route contains the maritime Silk Route, which begins from East Asia to South Asia via Gwadar connects Africa and the Middle and reaches from Suez Canal to Europe. One belt One Road will connect 67 countries to enhance economic integration between Asia, Europe, and Africa (Miller, 2017). China has purposed six corridors under one belt and one road. Following are the six corridors: Central-China and West-Asia Economic Corridor (CCWAC), China Peninsula Economic Corridor (CICPEC), China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor (CMREC), New Eurasian Land Bridge (NELB), Bangladesh China India Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIMEC), and China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) (Amir, 2016). Jonathan E. Hillman (2018) director of Reconnecting Asia Project estimated that the investment of this project is from 1 trillion to 8 trillion US dollars (Hillman, 2018). It is said after the US Marshal Plan, it is the biggest plan in the world and it would increase Chinese influence in the world.

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42

Biswas, Asit K., and Aaron T. Wolf. "Middle East Water Commission." Water International 19, no. 1 (March 1994): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02508069408686188.

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43

Qazi, Shareh, and Irfan Farooq Farooq. "Restructuring Strategic Maritime Interests and Blockade Politics in the Indian Ocean." Journal of Security & Strategic Analyses 8, no. 2 (January 2, 2023): 104–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.57169/jssa.008.02.0198.

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China Pakistan Economic Corridor commences its original intent and purpose once it ventures beyond the shores of Gwadar. Alongside this crucial yet strategically well-placed harbor lies a significant array of other ports and maritime interests connected to the Strait of Hormuz. Within this framework, Gulf and the Middle East have observed both CPEC and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with quiet concern, hypothesizing what can be termed 'Blockade Politics.' The main idea behind this manoeuvre would be to assess contending nations' maritime potential and naval prowess in their ability to enforce or counteract a naval blockade. It implies that, like the Strait of Malacca, the Strait of Hormuz might also posture aggressive economic and military traffic, causing it to incite friction in national interest preservation. For Pakistan, having to develop Gwadar and, subsequently, more port regions adjoining this maritime domain, instituting mutualization of economic interests is an uphill task. Beyond economic integration, however, having to revisit its naval doctrines and upgrade its naval potential will also be a prerequisite for synchronizing with contending parties. This paper analyses a comprehensive assessment of Pakistan's contemporary maritime challenges against the backdrop of CPEC. It also takes impetus in evaluating core requirements to address blockade politics and counter-blockade dispositions that might arise in Gulf, the Middle East, and other sections connected within the Indian Ocean. The study results highlight the significance of modernization and the induction of new naval platforms and doctrines. It also postulates the importance of strategic cooperation between Pakistan and China in creating favorable grounds to address challenges and vulnerabilities.

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Gal, Michal S. "Competition Law and Policy in the Middle East." World Competition 30, Issue 3 (September 1, 2007): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco2007050.

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Mayer, Ann Elizabeth. "Law and Religion in the Muslim Middle East." American Journal of Comparative Law 35, no. 1 (1987): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840165.

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Middle East Law and Governance, Editor. "Middle East Law and Governance: An Interdisciplinary Journal." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2011): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-90000001.

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Kemp, Geoffrey. "Europe's Middle East challenges." Washington Quarterly 27, no. 1 (December 2003): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016366003322596981.

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Shah Afridi, Hikmat, Sumayya Bibi, and Bilal Muhammad. "THE ECONOMIC VIABILITY OF GWADAR PORT: AN ECONOMIC HUB FOR MARITIME TRADE." Global Political Review 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(i-i).03.

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Gwadar Port is the mega project of ongoing developmental projects in Balochistan which is shaping the economy of the World. The port is creating opportunities and possibilities for promoting regional and international shipping and it will resuscitate trade links between China and CARs being the closest route to warm waters. Gwadar Port has vast region to influence; stretching up to several breakaway states of the former Soviet Union in the north, to Iran, the Gulf, the Middle East and East Africa in the west, to India and Sri Lanka in the south. Moreover, this deep port is serving the Gulf and East African ports with fast feeder services. It has deep-water sea complementary to Karachi and Bin Qasim ports for enhancing cargo shipments and therefore it will be a mother port for Asia in the coming years.

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Hafez, Abdelhafez Abdel. "Understanding Contemporary Middle East." Global Academic Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (June 4, 2022): 118–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/gajhss.2022.v04i03.004.

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What do we mean by the Middle East? How should we study the political ambitions of nearly half a billion people? To what extent are their destinies linked to the politics of great powers, and why? Why is the Middle East in a state of permanent conflict, foggy, and a region filled with local and international attention? This paper aims to analyse the contemporary Middle East and look at the connection between the situation in the region and its colonial legacy. Building a substantial legacy of progressive political and economic institutions in the evolution of the region were gradually rooting both the rule of law and commercial, agricultural, and industrial developments in native soil, in the shadow of colonialism. The paper discusses the weight of the Middle East in global politics (world powers) and how each of these powers defined the Middle East according to their interests. It reveals various historical stages of the creation of the artificial states in the Middle East and the role of the colonial powers in the state-building processes. The paper examines the theoretical approaches and their underlying assumptions concerning the changes in the region (borders, nation-building, patriotism, anti-western culture movement) and the role of colonialism in the emergence of different movements. The paper is based on strategic documents, clarifying the world power policy towards the area. It provides a close look at liberal tradition and its reflections on international relations.

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F. GRESH, Geoffrey. "A Vital Maritime Pinch Point: China, the Bab al-Mandeb, and the Middle East." Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies 11, no. 1 (March 2017): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25765949.2017.12023324.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Maritime law, middle east'

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