Journal articles: 'Marsile Ficin'

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Galand-Hallyn, Perrine. "L'« Elocutio » chez Marsile Ficin." Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé 1, no. 2 (1989): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bude.1989.1389.

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Morin, Yvan. "Christianisme, métaphysique et épistémologie chez Marsile Ficin." Renaissance and Reformation 31, no. 3 (2009): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v31i3.11692.

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Ficin centre la hiérarchie universelle sur l’homme, au sens d’une âme raisonnable. Métaphysiquement, la description substantialiste qu’en donne Kristeller ne semble pas pouvoir se comprendre sans l’apport hénologique des hypostases et la transformation chrétienne de cet apport. Cassirer, Allen, Lohr et Bréhier permettent de mieux y cerner le rôle de l’amour et de la vie. Certains changements épistémologiques découlent de cette transformation métaphysique. Le rapport de Ficin à Descartes est éclairé.

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Vernier, Jean-Marie. "De l'influence d'Albert le Grand sur Marsile Ficin." Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques TOME 96, no. 2 (2012): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rspt.962.0269.

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Crawford, Katherine. "Marsilio Ficino, Neoplatonism, and the Problem of Sex." Renaissance and Reformation 40, no. 2 (2004): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v40i2.9012.

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Dans cet essai, nous examinons comment le désir, tel qu'il est présenté dans l’oeuvre de Marsile Ficin, pose des difficultés à ses contemporains surtout en ce qui concerne le désir et la beauté comme moyens d’atteindre le salut. Selon Ficin, le désir homoérotique est central à une compréhension profonde de la nature divine et de la transcendance spirituelle en générale. L'amant et le bien-aimé entrent dans un rapport réciproque (mais inégal) qui est fondé sur une attraction mutuelle et spirituelle. Mais, Ficin constate que l'amant peut se tromper en prenant pour l'amour pur et spirituel un désir physique, sensuel et transgressif. Cet essai présente ces ambiguïtés chez Ficin en les appliquant à une lecture de John Ford, Pietro Bembo et Symphorien Champier. Dans ces trois textes, on voit clairement les complexités de la pensée de Ficin en ce qui concerne le désir homoérotique et les égarements de l'amour.

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Joost-Gaugier, Christiane L., Maria Grazia Pernis, and Francois Roudaut. "Le Platonisme de Marsile Ficin et la Cour d'Urbin." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 4 (1998): 1123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543378.

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Klutstein, Ilana. "Marsile Ficin et Hermès Trismégiste. Quelques notes sur la traduction du Pimandre dans la Vulgata de Ficin." Renaissance and Reformation 26, no. 3 (2009): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v26i3.11767.

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Vaz Pinto, Maria José. "A Recepção ou a Invenção Ficiniana do “Amor Platónico”." Philosophica: International Journal for the History of Philosophy 7, no. 14 (1999): 51–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philosophica199971417.

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L’article vise montrer l’importance da la doctrine de l’amour dans la philosophie de Marsile Ficin, en partant du De Amore - Commentaire sur le Banquet de Platon. Quand on parle de “l’invention” ficinienne de l’amour platonique, on prétend souligner l’innovation introduite par Ficin dans sa réception du platonisme à la lumière d’autres traditions (hermétisme, néoplatonisme, christianisme). L’amour, en tant que “fureur divine” et force intermédiaire, permet l’accès à une sagesse qu’on ne peut obtenir par la voie de la connaissance. Pour revivre le platonisme, il faut lire Platon, mais il faut aussi revivre un style de vie philosophique: l’amour / amitié entre les membres de l’Académie florentine s’éloigne pourtant du modèle socratico-platonicien, en tant que l’object ultime de l’amour est l’amour réciproque et l’union avec Dieu constitue le telos naturel de l’âme humaine.

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Gontier, Thierry. "Noétique et poièsis :L'idea dans la Theologia platonica de Marsile Ficin." Archives de Philosophie 67, no. 1 (2004): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/aphi.671.0005.

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LELONG, Frédéric. "La métaphysique de la facilité chez Marsile Ficin et Baldassar Castiglione." Revue Philosophique de Louvain 108, no. 1 (2010): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rpl.108.1.2046963.

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Dupèbe, Jean. "Nostradamus à l’école de l'expérience." Nottingham French Studies 56, no. 3 (2017): 296–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2017.0192.

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Cette étude tente de montrer, documents à l'appui, que Nostradamus ne fut pas docteur de Montpellier et que, formé dès sa jeunesse au métier d'apothicaire, il trouva en Jules-César Scaliger, dans la ville d'Agen, un maître qui l'initia aux secrets de la nature et aux mystères de la philosophie platonicienne de Marsile Ficin. Il reçut le bonnet doctoral on ne sait à quelle date, ni dans quelle École de médecine. Mais il resta avec succès fidèle à la tradition expérimentale de la Provence et de l'Italie.

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Poncet, Christophe. "L'image du char dans le commentaire de Marsile Ficin au Phèdre de Platon :." Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques TOME 94, no. 2 (2010): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rspt.942.0249.

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Roche-Grandpierre, Élisabeth. "La signification théologique de la notion de peuple au XVe siècle chez Marsile Ficin." Cahiers d'études romanes, no. 35 (December 20, 2017): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesromanes.5799.

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Giles, Roseen H. "The Inaudible Music of the Renaissance: From Marsilio Ficino to Robert Fludd." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 2 (2016): 129–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i2.26857.

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This article revaluates the significance of musical treatises written by the Ficinian physician Robert Fludd (1574–1637). By reconsidering the implications of Fludd’s interpretation of Marsilio Ficino’s musical philosophy, I propose that his “reconstruction” of the Renaissance outlook in the seventeenth century is not merely a backward-looking oddity, but is rather indicative of a long-standing and pervasive history of inaudible music (i.e., the “silent” harmony of the universe and of the human body). Music played a central role in Fludd’s polemics with the scientists Johannes Kepler (1571–1630) and Marin Mersenne (1588–1648), regarding not the composition of art music but rather the understanding of the composition of the universe itself. The societal tensions evident in Fludd’s musical books reveal that it is not only musical practice but also broad scientific, medical, and philosophical conceptions of sound that comprise musical understanding in the early seventeenth century. Cet article propose de réévaluer la signification des traités de musique du médecin ficinien Robert Fludd (1574–1637). En reconsidérant ce qu’implique l’interprétation par Fludd de la philosophie musicale de Marsile Ficin, il avance que cette « reconstruction » d’une perspective issue de la Renaissance au XVIIe siècle ne correspond pas seulement à un excentrique retour en arrière; elle réfère plutôt à la longue et omniprésente histoire de cette musique inaudible qu’est l’harmonie des sphères (comprise comme harmonie silencieuse de l’univers et du corps humain). La musique a en effet joué un rôle important dans les échanges polémiques entre Fludd, Johannes Kepler (1571–1630) et Marin Mersenne (1588–1648), qui ne portent pas tant sur la composition musicale que sur la compréhension de la composition de l’univers lui-même. Les tensions sociétales, bien perceptibles dans les traités de musique de Fludd, montrent qu’au delà de la pratique musicale, c’est une conception scientifique générale, médicale et philosophique qu’engage la pensée musicale du début du XVIIe siècle.

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Büchel, Jochen. "Rezension: Le Concept de Semence dans les Théories de la Matière à la Renaissance – De Marsile Ficin à Pierre Gassendi von Hiro Hirai." Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte 29, no. 3 (2006): 260–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bewi.200601217.

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Toussaint, Stéphane. "La "Science Des Spectres" De Pierre Le Loyer (1605), Lecteur De Marsile Ficin Et De Jean Pic: Notes De "Philosophia Occulta" Aux XVIe-XVIIe Siècles." Aries 1, no. 2 (2001): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005901x00093.

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Borghesi, Francesco. "Anna De Pace. Noetica e scetticismo: Mazzoni versus Castellani. Cahier 6 de la revue Accademia. Lucca: Société Marsile Ficin, 2006. 176pp. index. €26. INPI: 98/757787." Renaissance Quarterly 62, no. 3 (2009): 985–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/647455.

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Jagiełło, Mieszek. "Hermes Trismegistos według Marsilia Ficina. Argumentum – przekład i komentarz." Roczniki Humanistyczne 69, no. 3 (2021): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh21693-2.

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Tak zwany Korpus Hermetyczny doczekał się już wielu przekładów, między innymi na język polski, choć polskie przekłady powstawały głównie na podstawie wcześniejszych tłumaczeń na inne języki nowożytne, którym pośredniczyła wersja łacińska. Długą tradycję przekładów tego filozoficzno-mistyczno-ezoterycznego dzieła zapoczątkował Marsilio Ficino w 1463 r., dokonując tłumaczenia z greki na łacinę. Łacińska wersja Korpusu do 1585 r. doczekała się aż szesnastu edycji. Nie wszystkie wydania uwzględniały również wstęp, którym Ficino opatrzył swój przekład. W owym wstępie Ficino odwołuje się do znanej mu tradycji o boskim mędrcu-proroku – zarówno antycznej, jak i wczesnochrześcijańskiej. W niniejszej pracy Ficinowski wstęp do Korpusu Hermetycznego został opatrzony własnym komentarzem wstępnym, który daje polskiemu czytelnikowi możliwość zapoznania się z ówczesnym stanem wiedzy na temat Hermesa Trismegistosa oraz interpretacją tejże wiedzy. Następnie zaprezentowane zostaje polskie tłumaczenie oryginalnego wstępu Ficina, w którym tenże streścił dla swego zleceniodawcy, Kosmy Medyceusza, dostępne mu informacje o Hermesie Trismegistosie, a jednocześnie ukierunkował chrześcijańską recepcję antycznego hermetyzmu od renesansu aż do oświecenia.

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Morin, Yvan. "Marsile Ficin, Les trois livres de la vie. Traduit en français par Guy Le Fèvre de la Boderie et révisé par Thierry Gontier. Paris, Librairie Arthème Fayard (coll. « Corpus des oeuvres de philosophie en langue française »), 2000, 276 p." Laval théologique et philosophique 58, no. 2 (2002): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000401ar.

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Allen, Michael J. B. "Marsilio Ficino on Significatio." Midwest Studies in Philosophy 26, no. 1 (2002): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-4975.261052.

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Santana Vieira, Otávio. "Marsilio Ficino and his World." Diversidade Religiosa 8, no. 1 (2018): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.2317-0476.2018v8n1.37817.

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21

Kaske, Carol V. "The Letters of Marsilio Ficino." International Philosophical Quarterly 27, no. 1 (1987): 107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq198727146.

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Tyzhov, Andrei Yakovlevich. "“PLATONIC THEOLOGY” BY MARSILIO FICINO." Manuscript, no. 12 (December 2019): 225–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2019.12.44.

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Falco, Raphael. "Marsilio Ficino and Vatic Myth." MLN 122, no. 1 (2007): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2007.0027.

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Waddington, Raymond B. "The Letters of Marsilio Ficino." Sixteenth Century Journal 17, no. 2 (1986): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2540270.

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Davies, Jonathan. "Marsilio Ficino: Lecturer at the Studio fiorentino." Renaissance Quarterly 45, no. 4 (1992): 785–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862636.

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Following the death of Marsilio Ficino on i October 1499 the Ufficiali dello Studio discussed whether they should attend his funeral in view of Ficino's ties with the Studio fiorentino, the University of Florence. These ties dated back to at least 1451 when Ficino was a student of logic at the Studio. He continued to study philosophy and medicine there throughout the 1450s, acquiring a good knowledge of Aristotle and Averroes. Ficino was still described as a student of philosophy in 1462. In 1466 he was amongst the witnesses to a doctorate granted by the Studio. Even though no more has been known of the ties between the young Ficino and the Studio, there has long been a debate over whether he taught there. This debate can now be settled. New documentary evidence proves that he was hired by the Ufficiali to lecture on philosophy in 1466.

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Anstey, Peter. "Hiro Hirai. Le concept de semence dans les théories de la matière à la Renaissance: De Marsile Ficin à Pierre Gassendi. (Collection of Studies from the International Academy of the History of Science, 72.) 576 pp., apps., bibl., index. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2005. $69 (cloth)." Isis 97, no. 1 (2006): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/504533.

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Celenza, Christopher S. "Pythagoras in the Renaissance: The Case of Marsilio Ficino*." Renaissance Quarterly 52, no. 3 (1999): 667–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901915.

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AbstractThis article discusses the manner in which Ficino employs the figure of Pythagoras and various aspects of the Pythagorean tradition in the philosophical areas of psychology, moral philosophy, and ontology. It also argues that the figure of Pythagoras as prophet was particularly appealing to a Ficino situated in the cultural environment of late fifteenth-century Florence. Text, culture, and ideology interacted in a complex way: spurred on by his early appreciation of Iamblichus's soteriological presentation of Pythagoras, Ficino helped create an ideology in Florence which was receptive to a prophetic figure. The piece thus suggests that Ficino viewed a certain segment of the history of thought through late ancient, Iamblichean eyes.

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Panizza, Letizia. "M. J. B. Allen, Marsilio Ficino and the Phaedran Charioteer; The Platonism of Marsilio Ficino." Italian Studies 41, no. 1 (1986): 116–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/its.1986.41.1.116.

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Hamvas, Endre Ádám. "Francesco Zorzi és Hannibal Rosseli a prisca theologiáról." Antikvitás & Reneszánsz, no. 7 (March 15, 2021): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/antikren.2021.7.91-114.

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1584-ben Krakkóban megjelent egy Pymander Mercurii Trismegisti, De Coelo című mű, amely formáját tekintve kommentár a Marsilio Ficino által latinra fordított hermetikus corpushoz. A több kötetes mű szerzője a ferences Hannibal Rosseli volt, aki művében nemcsak a skolasztikus módszert követte, hanem a reneszánsz hermetizmus hagyományához is kapcsolódott. A tanulmányban azt a kérdést vizsgálom, hogy Rosseli miként használta fel a Marsilio Ficino által vázolt prisca theologia fogalmát, és a pogány bölcsességnek a katolikus teológiával való ötvözése milyen lehetséges következményekkel járt.Következtetésem az, hogy Rosseli művére Ficino mellett komoly hatást gyakorolt a ferences spiritualitás is, mégpedig a velencei ferences Francesco Zorzi munkásságának köszönhetően. Azonban a szerző műve hangvételét a trienti zsinat utáni helyzethez igazította, ügyelve arra, hogy elkerülje annak látszatát, hogy a hermetikus filozófiával eretnek tanításokat keverne a katolikus teológiába.Függelékben közlöm Ficinónak a Corpus Hermeticum latin fordításához írott előszavát.

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Frazer-Imregh, Monika. "Adalékok Marsilio Ficino De vita című művének utóéletéhez." Antikvitás & Reneszánsz, no. 5 (May 1, 2020): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/antikren.2020.5.107-126.

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Tanulmányomban Marsilio Ficino De vita libri tres című művének továbbéléséhez igyekszem új adalékokkal hozzájárulni. Szövegkiadásainak és fordításainak rövid áttekintése után utalok a szakirodalom korábbi eredményeire a németországi, franciaországi és svájci továbbélést illetően, majd kitérek néhány francia szerző azon műveire, amelyeket eddig nem vontak be a vizsgálódásba. Fő kérdésem azonban az, hogyan és mikor került Angliába a De vita? A válaszhoz az editio princepset (1489) követő három évet vizsgálom, amikor is három oxfordi tudós volt Firenzében Lorenzo de’ Medici vendégeként Angelo Poliziano és Démétrios Chalkokondylés tanítványa. E tudósok: William Grocyn, Thomas Linacre és William Latimer, akik görögtudásuk és klasszikus műveltségük elmélyítése után hazatérve hazájuk meghatározó személyiségeivé váltak. Mivel Ficino is a Medici-körhöz tartozott, és az említett firenzei tudósokkal szoros kapcsolatban állt, amint azt Ghirlandaio 1488–1489-ben festett freskórészlete tanúsítja, nem kizárt, hogy Latimer Ficino hatására kezdett el érdeklődni a humanista orvostudomány iránt. További orvosi tanulmányait ugyanis Itáliában azon a nyomvonalon folytatja, amelyen Ficino a De vitát kezdi: Galénos munkáinak olvasásával, majd fordításával. Így majdnem biztos, hogy a De vita Latimerrel és társaival került először Angliába, nem sokkal annak első megjelenése után.

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Voss, Angela. "The Astrology of Marsilio Ficino: Divination or Science?" Culture and Cosmos 04, no. 02 (2000): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0204.0205.

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This paper addresses the question of the kind of knowledge which informed the astrological practice of Marsilio Ficino, and in so doing distinguishes between two modes of understanding the human relationship to the cosmos, the natural scientific and the magical. I will seek to show that Ficino's critique of his contemporary astrologers derived from their lack of symbolic understanding, and I shall attempt to explore the nature of this understanding which for Ficino was fully revealed in the Platonic and Hermetic traditions. Finally I shall suggest that in his system of natural magic Ficino re-defined astrology as a unitive tool for healing, founded on both 'scientific' investigation into cosmic law and divinatory experience.

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van den Doel, Marieke. "Marsilio Ficino: Humanist, Magus, or Philosopher?" History of Humanities 6, no. 1 (2021): 315–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/713270.

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Charbel Teixeira, Felipe. "Representações do belo no Quattrocento florentino: Leon Battista Alberti e Marsilio Ficino." Viso: Cadernos de estética aplicada 3, no. 6 (2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/1981-4062/v6i/68.

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STEIRIS, Georgios. "Searching for the Routes of Philosophy: Marsilio Ficino on Heraclitus." Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge 4 (March 31, 2019): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v4i0.11331.

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Marsilio Ficino is well known for his efforts to expand the philosophical canon of his time. He exhibited great interest in Platonism and Neoplatonism, but also endeavoured to recover understudied philosophical traditions of the ancient world. In his Theologia platonica de immortalitate animorum, he commented on the Presocratics. Ficino thought of the Presocratics as authorities and possessors of undisputed wisdom. This article seeks to explore the way in which Ficino treated the philosophy of Heraclitus in the Theologia platonica in order to formulate his own philosophical ideas.

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Rees, Valery. "Denis J. J. Robichaud, Plato’s Persona: Marsilio Ficino, Renaissance Humanism, and Platonic Traditions, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2018." Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge 5 (March 21, 2020): 435–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v5i.12046.

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Bombassaro, Luis Carlos. "O AMOR INTELECTUAL EM MARSÍLIO DE FICINO E GIORDANO BRUNO." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 49, no. 4 (2004): 689. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2004.4.34690.

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Klemm, Tanja. "Life from Within." Representations 133, no. 1 (2016): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2016.133.1.110.

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In his medical treatise De vita (1498), Marsilio Ficino describes the force of medical talismans and their efficacy on humans against the background of a cosmological physiology. This article focuses on the question of how—according to Ficino—the powers of medical talismans were experienced by humans, by the living, sensible body (corpus animatum). Discussion of this question also leads to theoretical considerations about the efficacy of artifacts in the Renaissance.

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Martin, Craig. "Hiro Hirai. Le concept de semence dans les théories de la matière à la Renaissance: De Marsile Ficin à Pierre Gassendi. De Diversis Artibus. Collection de Travaux de l’Acad émie Internationale dHistoire’ des Sciences 72. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2005. 576 pp. index. append. bibl. €69. ISBN: 2-503-51561-4." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 1 (2006): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0191.

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Žemla, Martin. "Marsilio Ficino's Allegorical Reading of Optical Phenomena." Teorie vědy / Theory of Science 42, no. 1 (2020): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46938/tv.2020.479.

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As a Platonist, Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499) was deeply interested in light and its qualities. As a matter of fact, the metaphysics of light is so fundamental for him that it appears, treated more or less systematically, almost in all of his works. As a physician, he was naturally concerned with the human corporeality and with the relation of human body to the physical world, both terrestrial and astral. However, when discussing astronomical and optical phenomena (e.g. refraction of light in water, camera obscura, and concave mirrors), he sees them primarily not as physical realities but as starting points for his allegorical hermeneutics and analogical interpretations. Similarly, when Ficino situates the Sun in the centre of the universe, as its warming heart, ruling king and animating soul, he does so in the context of a metaphysical, rather than cosmological, heliocentrism. Indeed, physical astronomical “facts” seem generally irrelevant to him, being obscured by their spiritual meaning. This becomes especially conspicuous in the perspective that Copernicus arrived at his heliocentric theory most probably with the knowledge of Ficino’s treatise On Sun (De Sole) and even quoting the same sources as Ficino.

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Maher, Michael J. "Flora, Fauna, and Marsilio Ficino in Luigi Pulci’s Morgante." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 51, no. 1 (2017): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585817691957.

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This study identifies an allegorical representation of the polemic between vernacular poet Luigi Pulci and Neoplatonic philosopher Marsilio Ficino within Pulci’s epic poem Il Morgante. Pulci’s critique of Ficino’s cultural-philosophical program may be deduced from the treatment of flora and fauna in two equine scenes from Pulci’s masterpiece. Twice in the Morgante, Rinaldo’s charger Baiardo is commandeered: first by the benevolent wizard Malagigi in canto 5, and then by the devil-theologian Astarotte in canto 25. In canto 5, Malagigi respects nature’s limits as determined by God and delineated by Pulci in canto 24. In canto 25, Astarotte’s powers and his treatment of plant and beast trump nature’s limits. Astarotte’s oration of Ficino’s philosophy from the De Christiana religione facilitates an allegorical identification of Marsilio Ficino and Pulci’s critical voice. Through this allegorical reading, tangible examples are applied to abstract conflicting cultural-philosophical programs. The Pulci-Ficino polemic is a valuable lens through which one may further comprehend the cultural complexities of Laurentian Florence, a time and place at the forefront of the Italian Renaissance.

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Rocha Parker, Iskander I., and György E. Szönyi. "Classical and Christian Auctoritas in Marsilio Ficino’s preface to the Corpus Hermeticum." Clotho 2, no. 2 (2020): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.2.2.75-87.

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Marsilio Ficino’s fame as a translator, not least due to his contributions to theology and the development of hermeticism, has already been established by Frances Yates and debated by Wouter Hanegraaff. For each of his translations of Greek texts, Ficino wrote a preface to guide and to manipulate the reader. This paper presents an analysis of the auctoritas in the paratext of the Corpus Hermeticum, analyzing it as a rhetorical device used by Ficino to express his ideas, particularly the role of Hermes Trismegistus. Ficino used his rhetorical skill not only to translate from Greek to Latin but also to support his theories in commentaries, letters, or, in this case, prefaces.

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Lucchesi, Marco. "O LIVRO DO AMOR DE MARSILIO FICINO." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 42, no. 3 (1997): 703. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.1997.3.35730.

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Um dos autores mais importantes do Renascimento é o italiano Marsílio Ficino. Deixando de lado os estudos filosóficos baseados em Aristóteles e Lucrécio, voltou-se com afã a Platão. Em seu Comentário ao Banquete de Platão, ele retoma o filósofo grego e, deixando-se influenciar também pela Ética aristotélica, por Cícero, Agostinho e os poetas italianos, entre outros, produz uma obra ainda capaz de despertar admiração e surpresa no leitor contemporâneo.

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Nicoli, Elena. "Ficino, Lucretius and Atomism." Early Science and Medicine 23, no. 4 (2018): 330–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00234p02.

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Abstract In this article, I retrace the genesis of Marsilio Ficino’s engagement with the Roman poet and philosopher Titus Lucretius Caro. I show that one of the reasons for Ficino’s early interest in and positive assessment of Lucretius’ philosophy was his favourable attitude toward atomistic notions in the early stages of his intellectual life. Having become acquainted with atomistic ideas through Platonic sources, the young Ficino initially considered atomism – and especially Lucretius’ version of it – perfectly compatible with his own finalistic view of nature and a vitalistic conception of matter. Over time, however, Ficino reconsidered his position and recognized that finalism and vitalism were not compatible with Lucretius’ materialist view. Only then did he begin his fierce attacks on the Latin philosopher, most notably in his Theologia Platonica.

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Taïlamé, Steeve. "Le syncrétisme de Du Bartas." Quêtes littéraires, no. 3 (December 30, 2013): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/ql.4588.

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The works of the humanist Du Bartas has been considered religious, with the aim to present a Calvinist conception of the world conforming to the dogmas. However, the presence of paganism and the effects of dissonances shows that Du Bartas belongs to a spiritual tradition beyond the dogmas. The poet in fact writes in the tradition of Marsil Ficin and his vision of the profane and the sacred is totally in accordance with that of the hermeticist philosophers. Beneath the superficial mean-ing and the topical speech about religious subjects, there lies a much higher truth to be expressed clearly to profanes, those unable to understand the unity of traditions.

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Snyder, James. "The Theory of materia prima in Marsilio Ficino's Platonic Theology." Vivarium 46, no. 2 (2008): 192–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853408x255909.

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AbstractThis paper is an examination of the theory of materia prima of the fifteenth century Platonist Marsilio Ficino. It limits its discussion of Ficino's theory to the ontological and epistemic status of prime matter in his Platonic Theology. Ficino holds a "robust" theory of prime matter that makes two fundamental assertions: First, prime matter exists independent of form, and second, it is, at least in principle, intelligible. Ficino's theory of prime matter is framed in this paper with a discussion of the divergence among Scholastic philosophers over the nature of prime matter.

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Ludueña Romandini, Fabián. "Voluptas Urania. Marsilio Ficino como exégeta neoplatónico y cristiano de la filosofía natural del amor en Guido Cavalcanti." Praxis Filosófica, no. 49 (May 29, 2019): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/pfilosofica.v0i49.7947.

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El presente artículo tiene como objeto de estudio la interpretación que Marsilio Ficino ha propuesto del poema Donna me prega de Guido Cavalcanti. A través del examen de la exégesis ficiniana, el texto muestra que, a pesar de la presencia de equivalencias formales entre ambos filósofos, el análisis de Ficino supone una ruptura teórica con el averroísmo de Cavalcanti. Al mismo tiempo, Ficino produce una profunda transformación de la filosofía del amor de Cavalcanti al cambiar su trasfondo desde la perspectiva del amor heterosexual del dolce stil nuovo hacia el simposio platónico de cuño homoerótico. Este desplazamiento se acompaña de una exégesis alegórica del poema de parte de Ficino quien moviliza entonces referencias propias del neoplatonismo, la teología cristiana y la magia natural. En este último aspecto, la figura de Zoroastro cobra una relevancia fundamental como priscus theologus y garante de la magia astral del amor.

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Cleeve, Julia. "Ficino's Approach to Astrology as Reflected in Book VII of his Letters." Culture and Cosmos 07, no. 02 (2003): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0207.0209.

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The twelve volumes of Marsilio Ficino's correspondence are rich in astrological references. Most celebrated among these is Letter 17 in Book VII which is addressed to Federico, Duke of Urbino, and whose express intention is to reconcile genuine astronomers and Christians. Ficino himself was a practising astrologer, and yet the arguments he advances in this letter are taken from his unpublished treatise Against the Judgement of Astrologers. This apparent contradiction - is Ficino a champion or a scourge of astronomia? - may be resolved if considered in the light of his over-arching Platonic cosmology.

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Paul, Andrea. "EL VALOR DE LA EXPERIENCIA MÍSTICA EN EL PENSAMIENTO DE MARSILIO FICINO." Trilhas Filosóficas 13, no. 1 (2020): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.25244/tf.v13i1.2403.

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En el presente artículo desarrollaremos el problema del amor y la mística en el pensamiento de Marsilio Ficino haciendo un recorrido por sus principales teorías: su cosmología y su concepción sobre la naturaleza humana, su teoría sobre la prisca theologia, vinculada a su defensa de una pia philosophia y, por último, el furor divino y la melancolía en sintonía con la experiencia mística. Asimismo, en este trabajo, desarrollamos el significado del amor en relación con la belleza, comprendiendo que el amor no es otra cosa que deseo de belleza y la belleza, por su parte, no es otra cosa que el esplendor de la bondad divina. Evaluaremos hasta qué punto en cada una de las teorías mencionadas, encontramos relación con la contemplación y la vía mística dirigida hacia el conocimiento de la divinidad. En suma, el objetivo principal del artículo es examinar el papel que juega el misticismo en el pensamiento de Marsilio Ficino.

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Di Dio, Rocco. "‘Selecta colligere’: Marsilio Ficino and Renaissance Reading Practices." History of European Ideas 42, no. 5 (2016): 595–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2016.1153902.

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Murrin, Michael. "The Letters of Marsilio Ficino. Vol. 3. Members of the Language Department of the School of Economic Science, Marsilio Ficino." Journal of Religion 65, no. 1 (1985): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/487213.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Marsile Ficin'

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