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Journal articles on the topic 'Masques with music'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

MacIntyre, Jean. "Buckingham the Masquer." Renaissance and Reformation 34, no. 3 (July 1, 1998): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v34i3.10817.

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George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham (1592-1628), favorite of James I and of Charles I as both prince and king, used skill in dancing, especially in masques, to compete for and retain royal favor. Masques in which he danced and masques he commissioned displayed his power with the rulers he ostensibly served. His example and teaching taught Prince Charles that through masque dancing he might win his father's favor, and probably made Charles believe that his appearance in court masques of the 1630s would similarly win his subjects' favor.

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2

Mosusova, Nadezda. "Symbolism and theatre of masques: The deathly carnival of la belle époque." Muzikologija, no. 5 (2005): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz0505085m.

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The junction of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in Europe sharpened the clash of artistic novelties in the Western and Slavonic worlds, caused by developed Symbolism and Expressionism. As an output of the former reappeared in the "Jahrhundertwende" the transformed characters of the Commedia dell'arte, flourished in art, literature and music in Italy France, Austria and Russia. Exponents of Italian Renaissance theatre Stravinsky's Petrushka (1911) and Sch?nberg's Pierrot lunaire (1912) turned soon to be main works of the Russian and Austrian expressionistic music style, inaugurated by Strauss's Salome, which won opera stages from the 1905 on. Influences of the latter were widespread and unexpected, reaching later the "remote" areas of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, as well as the Balkans (in 1907 the Canadian dancer Maud Allan performed The Vision of Salome in Belgrade - music Marcel Remy - making her debut in Vienna 1903). Compositions of Strauss and Sch?nberg (Erwartung included) reflected also the strong cult of death present in Vienna's Finde-si?cle Symbolism concerning among other works plays by Wedekind and Schnitzler (Veil of Pierrette was staged successfully in Russia, too), with prototypes in Schumann's Carnival and Masquerade by Lermontov (both works written in 1834!). It was not by chance that Schumann's piano suite became one of the first ballets of Diaghilev's Saisons Russes (1910) and Masquerade, performed with the incidental music by Alexander Glazunov, the last pre-revolutionary piece of Vsevolod Meyerhold (1917).

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3

Palmer, Peter. "Swiss Music." Tempo 57, no. 226 (October 2003): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298203290355.

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NORBERT MORET: TriptyquepourlesFêtes1; Gastlosen2; Mendiant du Ciel bleu3. 1The Tallis Scholars; 2Fritz Muggler organ); 3Béatrice Haldas (sop), Philippe Huttenlocher (bar), Nederlandse Omroep Stichting of Hilversum, Maitrise de St-Pierre aux Liens of Bulle, Düdingen Women's Choir; Heiner Kühner, Catherine Moret, Claudia Schneuwly (organs), Basle Radio Symphony Orchestra c. Armin Jordan. Musiques Suisses MGB CD 6199.ROLF LIEBERMANN: Furioso for orchestra1; Geigy Festival Concerto2; Medea-Monolog3; Les Echanges4; Concerto for Jazz Band and Symphony Orchestra5. 3Rachael Tovey (sop), 3Darmstadt Concert Choir; 2Alfons Grieder (perc); 1,2,5Simon Nabatov (pno); 5NDR Big Band, 1–5Bremen Philharmonic Orchestra c. Günter Neuhold. Naxos 8.555884.BETTINA SKRZYPCZAK: Scène1; Miroirs2; Fantasie for oboe3; SN 1993 J4; Toccata sospesa5; Concerto for Piano and Orchestra6. 1Noemi Schindler (vln), Christophe Roy (vlc); 2Mireille Capelle mezzo-sop), Ensemble Contrechamps of Geneva; 3Matthias Arter (oboe); 4Bohuslav Martinu Philharmonia of Zlin c. Monica Buckland Hofstetter; 5Verena Bosshart (fl), Riccardo Bologna, Eduardo Leandro (perc); 6Massimiliano Damerini (pno), Philharmonische Werkstatt Schweiz c. Mario Venzago. Musikszene Schweiz Grammont Portrait MGB CTS-M 78.RICHARD DUBUGNON: Piano Quartet1; Incantatio for cello and piano2; Trois Evocations finlandaises3; Cinq Masques for oboe4; Canonic Verses for Oboe, Cor Anglais and Oboe d'Amore5; Frenglish Suite for Wind Quintet6. 4,5Nicholas Daniel (ob), 5Emma Fielding (cor ang), 5Sai Kai (ob d'amore), 1Viv McLean (pno), 2Dominic Harlan (pno), 1Illka Lehtonen (vln), 1Julia Knight (vla), 1,2Matthew Sharp (vlc), 3Richard Dubugnon (db), 6Royal Academy Wind Soloists. Naxos 8.555778.

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4

Camati, Anna Stegh. "Intermedial Performance Aesthetics in Patricia Fagundes' A Midsummer Night's Dream." Aletria: Revista de Estudos de Literatura 23, no. 3 (December 31, 2013): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2317-2096.23.3.141-156.

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In A Midsummer Night’s Dream (1594-1595), Shakespeare introduces elements borrowed from court masques, mainly music and dance. After a brief exploration of critical arguments claiming that Shakespeare’s play is the model for musical versions produced during and after the Restoration, this essay investigates the negotiations and shifts of meaning in the homonymous Brazilian adaptation (2006), staged by Cia. Rústica and directed by Patrícia Fagundes. The intermedial processes, articulated in the transposition from page to stage, will be analyzed in the light of contemporary theoretical perspectives.

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5

SMITH, RUTH. "COMPREHENDING THEODORA." Eighteenth Century Music 2, no. 1 (March 2005): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570605000254.

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Handel’s Theodora (1750, libretto Thomas Morell), an oratorio about a Christian martyr, does not have the religious-political import of his other English oratorios or the literary-critical stature of his English secular dramas and odes. A ‘sport’ among Handel’s oratorios, until recently Theodora resisted whole-hearted appreciation and elicited widely differing summaries of its meaning. This is the first extended study to be published since the chapter in Winton Dean’s Handel’s Dramatic Oratorios and Masques of 1959. Drawing on guidelines proposed in the appendix ‘Approaches to Oratorio’, the article examines the libretto’s sources, dramatization and relation to the librettist’s interests; positions the work with regard to the religious ideas of its time, identifying its religious-historical standpoint; and describes its kinship with contemporary drama, fiction and aesthetics. Connoisseurs among Handel’s audience appreciated Theodora but ‘the Town’ did not. It is suggested that both Morell and Handel were aiming for inclusiveness, comprehensiveness and breadth of appeal, and in so doing produced a work – more ambiguous and conspicuously open to interpretation than the biblical oratorios – that demands the listener’s active and discriminating engagement.

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6

Natour, Elisabeth. "Music as Political Practice: Evoking the Sounds of Power at the Early Modern Court." European History Quarterly 53, no. 3 (July 2023): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231181275.

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Seventeenth-century monarchy was performed, by ritual, by enactments, by sounds, and by visualizations. The crises of European monarchies of the 1620s and 1630s were met with splendid spectacles in which rulers and courtiers acted out idealized royal virtues and power. This article argues the case for the vital importance of music within these spectacles. Musical harmony was thought to mirror the harmony of the spheres, indicating God's plan for the universe. The ruler's ability to master or evoke musical harmony in aulic theatre could thus function as double representation of divine approval of his or her government. By comparing ballets and masques at the French Court of Louis XIII and the British Court of Charles I, music's centrality to political power in the performance of sacral kingship will be demonstrated. A focus on Britannia Triumphans (1638) and Merlaison (1635), works known for the extraordinary attention Charles I and respectively Louis XIII devoted to their performances, exemplifies how the handling of music offers valuable insights into the inner power structures of those courts. In both cases the musical performance was used to communicate and establish related political agendas.

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7

Onderdonk, Julian. "Masques, Mayings and Music-Dramas: Vaughan Williams and the Early Twentieth-Century Stage by Roger Savage." Notes 73, no. 2 (2016): 295–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2016.0130.

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8

Hume, Robert D. "The politics of opera in late seventeenth-century London." Cambridge Opera Journal 10, no. 1 (March 1998): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700005310.

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To what degree does late seventeenth-century English opera contain politics? Some recent critics have assumed that political commentary conveyed by allegory is a pervasive feature of ‘Restoration’ masques and operas. Is this true? Quite a few political interpretations of particular works have been published but no one has systematically enquired to what extent allegory and/or ideology was presumed to be built into operas mounted in late seventeenth-century London. Theoretical statements of the time about opera are scant and contradictory, their authors disinclined to take up political issues. Some of the political content is glaringly obvious (the allegory in Dryde'ns and Grabu's Albion and Albanius); some of it is sharply disputed. How should we read a work like Dryden's and Purcell's King Arthur? Is it essentially a muddled adventure story? An expression of British nationalism rising above current politics? A piece of covert Jacobite propaganda?

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9

Thorp, Jennifer. "Dance in Opera in London, 1673–1685." Dance Research 33, no. 2 (November 2015): 93–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2015.0134.

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This article looks at the extent to which French styles of theatrical dancing influenced opera in London during the years 1673–1685. In the 1670s the emergence of opera in London owed much to Stuart Court culture and its interest in French ballets de cour and English masques. Meanwhile on the London stage in the 1670s, English theatrical dance was now enhanced by the ability of the Duke of York's new theatre at Dorset Garden to offer the sort of spectacular staging already known in Paris and which suited opera so well. These influences – the love of French music and dancing as balanced by the continued interest in vernacular theatre and its new capacity for spectacle – resulted in an English approach to opera in which the dancing and scenography rarely remained completely French or completely English. This article considers opera dancing in London, from the addition of dance to a reworked Shakespeare play in 1673, followed the next year by the first opera sung in French to be staged in London, and the sometimes hybrid applications of English and French dance in opera thereafter. That the fascination with French opera had diminished after 1685 is reinforced by the unsuccessful attempt to stage one of Lully's tragédies-en-musique in a London theatre the following year.

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10

de Savage, Heather. "Gabriel Fauré, Shylock, op. 57; Pelléas et Mélisande, op. 80, Pénélope: Prelude, Masques et Bergamasques, op. 112. Edited by Robin Tait. Gabriel Fauré Œuvres completes, Série IV, Volume 2 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2015). lvi+208 pp. € 310." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 15, no. 2 (April 10, 2018): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409818000022.

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11

Mellers, Wilfrid, and Kristin Rygg. "Behind the Masque." Musical Times 141, no. 1873 (2000): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1004736.

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12

JONCUS, BERTA. "‘HIS SPIRIT IS IN ACTION SEEN’: MILTON, MRS CLIVE AND THE SIMULACRA OF THE PASTORAL IN COMUS." Eighteenth Century Music 2, no. 1 (March 2005): 7–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570605000230.

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This article explores the relationship between Drury Lane’s most popular eighteenth-century masque, Comus (1738), and the contemporary fashions in politics, literature and recreation that informed it. On one level, the masque was a revival honouring Milton, the author of its libretto, in a manner consistent with his eighteenth-century reception: as a genius whose merit was just being recognized, and as a patriot hero whose incorruptibility mirrored the aspirations of those pledging allegiance to ‘British’ values.On another level, however, the pastoral entertainment seems to have been mainly concerned with popular notions of female propriety and the challenges posed to those notions by the production’s star soprano, Kitty Clive. Titillation was assured by interpolated musical scenes which had little to do with the libretto but much to do with composer Thomas Arne’s mastery of the discursive techniques of ballad farce. The personality cult around Clive, the ‘Goddess of Mirth’, imposed upon the masque her most celebrated musical characterizations (both in the type of song and in the specific lyrics sung) to grant full voice to her flaunting of social codes.The overwhelming success of Comus caused the masque to be reinvented as a public diversion at Vauxhall Pleasure Gardens by its owner, John Tyers. A Milton statue was erected in the gardens to preside over ‘musical downs’, where instrumentalists played hidden behind bushes to the north of ‘The Temple of Comus’. Recontextualizing Comus at Vauxhall, Tyers created a site (nicknamed the ‘Rendezvous of Cupid’) in which lovers could further explore the transgressions of Mrs Clive’s musical scenes within a simulated pastoral myth.

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13

Holman, Peter, and Andrew Sabol. "Thomas Campion: The Lords' Masque." Musical Times 135, no. 1822 (December 1994): 765. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1003356.

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14

Daye, A. "Torchbearers in the English masque." Early Music 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1998): 246–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/26.2.246.

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15

Walkling, Andrew R. "The Masque of Actaeon and the Antimasque of Mercury: Dance, Dramatic Structure, and Tragic Exposition in Dido and Aeneas." Journal of the American Musicological Society 63, no. 2 (2010): 191–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2010.63.2.191.

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Abstract Problems associated with the main surviving sources of Purcell's Dido and Aeneas (the 1688 “Priest” libretto and GB-Ob MS Tenbury 1266) have resulted in the persistence of fundamental misconceptions regarding the scope and nature of the work. Through a detailed examination of the “deleted dances” and their relationship to other components, such as choruses, it is possible to reconstruct what the original piece may have looked like. This process prompts a reconsideration of the “Grove Scene” in act 2, which is shown to contain a masque–antimasque pair featuring Aeneas in the role of Actaeon and the Sorceress's Spirit playing the part of Mercury. In contrast to the conventional structure in which the masque triumphs over the antimasque, in Dido the opposite is true, a circumstance that underscores and effectuates the tragic nature of the work.

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16

Daye, Anne. "The Role of Le Balet Comique in Forging the Stuart Masque: Part 2 Continuation." Dance Research 33, no. 1 (May 2015): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2015.0123.

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Following the discussion in Part 1 (Dance Research 32.2 2014, 185–207) of the use made by the Jacobean court of Le Balet Comique ( McGowan 1982 ) to frame innovation in the masque, this article will explore two further examples of the continuing use of the text. The overt adoption of features of Le Balet Comique for Tempe Restored (1632, Aurelian Townshend and Inigo Jones) brought French practice into play once more for the Caroline masque. Following in his father's footsteps, Charles 1 was able to bring to the masque his personal skill as a dancer and the participation of his young and beautiful French queen Henrietta Maria. From the re-launch of the court masque in 1631, until the break-up of the Whitehall court in 1640, both retrospective and innovative practices were pursued. Although this was a new reign, a strong element of continuity prevailed in the court personnel serving the masque. Acting as artistic director, Inigo Jones was now firmly in control of masque concepts, pursuing a design process of imaginative imitation based on Renaissance practice. In collaboration with individuals among the music and dance artists, Jones had been intimately involved in adapting features of the ballet in devising The Masque of Queens of 1609. 1 That Le Balet Comique formed the basis for Tempe Restored is made very plain in the published text. The influence of the 1581 ballet on A Masque presented at Ludlow Castle 1634 (known as Comus) by John Milton can only be discerned by analysing the performance conditions of a work that is now published as a poem. Once again the Circe persona takes the stage, this time in masculine form as Comus. I argue here that the link between the two is the personnel of Tempe Restored. An analysis of the original performance of Comus draws on understanding of elite dance practice of the day leading to new insights into this innovative masque.

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17

Spink, Ian, and Peter Walls. "Music in the English Courtly Masque, 1604-1640." Notes 54, no. 2 (December 1997): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/899533.

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18

Good, Jonathan, and Barbara Ravelhofer. "The Early Stuart Masque: Dance, Costume, and Music." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 1194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20479195.

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19

Grigore, Claudia. "Healing Music in Pericles, the Winter’s Tale and The Tempest." Romanian Journal of English Studies 16, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rjes-2019-0006.

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AbstractThis essay examines the scenes in Shakespeare’s romances in which music has a healing and revitalizing power, but it also contains its own subversion. In Pericles, in the palace at Pentapolis, Pericles asks for a musical instrument, which he plays while he sings to himself. The wise doctor Cerimon revives Thaisa’s apparently dead body with the help of music in Pericles. In the final reunion scene with his daughter, Marina, the music of her voice has healing power for her father. In The Winter’s Tale, Hermione’s apparently lifeless statue is brought to life while music is playing. Finally, The Tempest is one of Shakespeare’s most musical plays, with songs and music and a masque reviving the action. Shakespeare used songs to establish the character or the mental state of the singer. Music and allusions to music in these plays’ scripts can be interpreted as forms of indirect and covert propaganda, attuned to the politics of the time, but also as individual musical parts, in which music has healing power over the mind. They are like the music of the soul, suggesting interiority. Music is used, therefore, to achieve theatrical effect.

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20

Henze, Catherine A. "Unraveling Beaumont from Fletcher with Music, Misogyny, and Masque." SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 44, no. 2 (2004): 379–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.2004.0016.

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21

Shohet, Lauren. "The Early Stuart Masque: Dance, Costume, and Music (review)." Shakespeare Quarterly 58, no. 4 (2007): 553–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/shq.2007.0070.

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22

Felz, Nelly. "The Rake's Progress: masque élisabéthain sous un loup vénitien." Revue de musicologie 77, no. 1 (1991): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/947180.

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23

Walkling, A. "Masque and politics at the Restoration court: John Crowne's calisto." Early Music 24, no. 1 (February 1, 1996): 27–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/24.1.27.

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24

Devlin, Diana. "The Early Stuart Masque: Dance, Costume, and Music by Barbara Ravelhofer." Yearbook of English Studies 38, no. 1-2 (2008): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/yes.2008.0023.

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25

Britland, K. "The Early Stuart Masque: Dance, Costume, and Music. By BARBARA RAVELHOFER." Review of English Studies 57, no. 232 (July 11, 2005): 800–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgl094.

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26

Lowerre, Kathryn. "Music in the English Courtly Masque, 1604-1640 (review)." Comparative Drama 34, no. 1 (2000): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cdr.2000.0034.

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27

Holman, Peter. "The Sale Catalogue of Gottfried Finger's Music Library: New Light on London Concert Life in the 1690s." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 43 (2010): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.2010.10541030.

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In the winter of 1704–5 Henry Playford advertised ‘a Choice Collection of Vocal and Instrumental Musick in Italian, French, and English’ owned by Gottfried Finger and partly collected by him ‘in his Travels to Italy’. Finger had evidently sold the collection to Johann Gottfried Keller and John Banister junior prior to his abrupt departure from England in 1701 after coming last in the competition to set Congreve's masque The Judgement of Paris. The discovery of a copy of the printed catalogue throws light on Finger's collecting activities in Italy and on the reception of Italian music in England. It also includes a list of ‘Mr. Finger's Great Pieces for his Consort in York-Buildings’, providing us with valuable new information about his concert activities in London in the 1690s, and about the size and composition of groups performing at York Buildings, London's first purpose-built concert hall. The list includes many pieces richly scored with brass, woodwind and strings, evidently performed with sizeable forces: most of the sets of parts are said to have been ‘Prick’d 3 times over’. It adds a number of new pieces to the catalogue of Finger's known compositions, and enables us to attribute to him an anonymous sonata for four recorders and continuo that was published in the twentieth century as by James Paisible.

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28

Sokolova, Alla. "The Court Culture in France, Italy and England in 16-17th Centuries: Interaction and Mutual Influence." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 9, no. 4 (December 24, 2020): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v9i4.2958.

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<p>The article examines the traditions of French court ballet, which are rooted in early medieval Italian musical and theatrical performances, as well as the traditions of the medieval carnival. The functional features of the French court ballet are revealed. French ballet is viewed through the prism of a synthesized art form: dance, music, poetry and complex scenography. It is specified that French ballet as an independent genre was formed in the era of Queen Catherine de Medici.</p><p>It was revealed that thanks to the skill and professionalism of choreographers of both French and Italian descent, the French court ballet reached its peak in the first half of the seventeenth century.</p><p>It was determined that the court ballet was becoming a cultural and political instrument that raised the status of France in Europe, served to strengthen the authority of the French monarch, and was a means of uniting the French monarchy and the people. Despite significant financial costs, the political and cultural feasibility of staging court ballets exceeded the economic feasibility.</p><p>An analogy is drawn with the English court Мasque. It is substantiated that the English court Masque was based on the traditions of Italian intermedio and French court ballet. Thus, English stage designers adopted the experience of Italian stage designers. Dances of Italian origin were an integral part of Masque in England. Choreography in Masque was created by French and Italian choreographers.</p><p>It has been proven that English culture was influenced by continental culture, which contributed to the formation of a common cultural space.</p><p>It is substantiated that the genre of French ballet, Italian intermedio and English Masque were not a high art, but over time, having undergone a transformation, they evolved into new forms and genres.</p>

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29

Lowerre, Kathryn. "Masqued Mysteries Unmasked: Early Modern Music Theater and its Pythagorean Subtext (review)." Notes 58, no. 3 (2002): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2002.0026.

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30

Ravelhofer, Barbara. "Burlesque Ballet, a Ballad and a Banquet in Ben Jonson's The Gypsies Metamorphos'd (1621)." Dance Research 25, no. 2 (October 2007): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2007.25.2.144.

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In summer 1621, George Villiers, then Marquess of Buckingham, invited the king and an exclusive circle of courtiers to inaugurate his newly restored countryside residence Burley-on-the-Hill in Rutland, Lincolnshire. On this occasion, he commissioned Ben Jonson with a masque, The Gypsies Metamorphos'd, in which he himself and various friends performed as dancing, pick-pocketing and palm-reading gipsies. The Gypsies Metamorphos'd was a risqué piece which experimented with innovative features, some of them outrageous. In particular, Jonson and his collaborators drew upon French-style ballet and banqueting fashions which they combined with traditional English music and song. This essay explains the reason for these artistic choices.

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31

Daniel, Clay. "Auden, Auden’s Milton, and Songs for Virgins." Literature and Theology 33, no. 4 (July 4, 2019): 414–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/frz005.

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Abstract Deep though unexplored currents of W.H. Auden’s incipient Christian theology in ‘Song for St Cecilia’s Day’ become clearer when we read the poem with an eye on John Milton’s madrigal ‘At a Solemn Music’ and his musical tribute to virginity, ‘A Masque’. Auden closely identified Milton with the religious dualism that impeded his acceptance of Christianity, as well with the divided consciousness of the Protestantism whose disintegration was a primary source for contemporary global chaos; and his examination of art, religion, and sexuality consistently uses Milton’s poems as counter-texts off which to ‘bounce’ his own vision of Christian flesh and Christian spirit.

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32

Gödicke, Stéphane. "Musil et Kraus." Austriaca 50, no. 1 (2000): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/austr.2000.4310.

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Robert Musil et Karl Kraus sont aujourd'hui considérés comme des figures de proue de la modernité viennoise, malgré leurs efforts pour s'en démarquer. Ce point commun ne doit cependant pas masquer que leurs rapports ont été particulièrement complexes, jusqu'à se demander si l'on peut même parler de rapports. En effet, Musil s'est toujours montré très dur envers son collègue, tant en privé qu'en public, tandis que ce dernier a refusé toute sa vie d'émettre un jugement sur Musil, alors que tout porte à croire qu'il l'avait lu. Il est pourtant possible de décrypter les raisons de cet antagonisme et d'en retracer les principales étapes : les fronts ont été tracés à l'occasion de l'affaire Kerr du printemps 1911, Musil s'attachant à défendre son mentor tandis que Kraus le démolissait en bonne et due forme. Au début des années 1920, une seconde polémique allait opposer les deux hommes autour de la figure de Nestroy, Kraus réussissant le tour de force de se battre contre son ennemi sans le nommer une seule fois, mais en multipliant les allusions perfides. Attaques et contre-attaques se soldent par une inimitié sincère et durable, en dépit de parentés thématiques évidentes entre leurs oeuvres.

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33

Jackson, Simon. "The Visual Music of the Masque and George Herbert's Temple [with illustrations]." English Literary Renaissance 45, no. 3 (September 2015): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6757.12052.

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34

Weltzien, O. Alan. "Notes and Lineaments: Vaughan Williams's Job: A Masque for Dancing and Blake's Illustrations." Musical Quarterly 76, no. 3 (1992): 301–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mq/76.3.301.

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35

Kuykendall, James Brooks. "Composing History: National Identities and the English Masque Revival, 1860–1920. By Deborah Heckert." Music and Letters 100, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcz018.

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36

Pellegrino, Joe. "Mughals, Music, and “The Crown of India” Masque: Reassessing Elgar and the Raj." South Asian Review 31, no. 1 (November 2010): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02759527.2010.11932727.

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Shay, Robert, John Eccles, Jeremiah Clarke, Richard Leveridge, Daniel Purcell, Peter Anthony Motteux, John Frederick Lampe, William Boyce, and Moses Mendez. "The Judgment of Paris: A Masque by William Congreve." Notes 51, no. 3 (March 1995): 1126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/899340.

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Ryding, Erik, Andrew J. Sabol, and Thomas Campion. "A Score for The Lords' Masque by Thomas Campion." Notes 51, no. 2 (December 1994): 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/898910.

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Simeone, Nigel. "Job: A Masque for Dancing by Ralph Vaughan Williams." Notes 76, no. 2 (2019): 322–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2019.0120.

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Marisi, Rossella. "Music Calling for Social Transformation: Some Reflections on Poulenc’s Surrealist Work Le Bal Masqué." Review of Artistic Education 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rae-2019-0003.

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Abstract Grounding on Marx’s and Freud’s theories, Surrealists sought the liberation of the individual and the transformation of society. With this aim they brought together usual objects in unusual combinations, surprising the audience and giving them the opportunity to perceive reality with different eyes. This study reflects on a character of Jacob’s and Poulenc’s Le bal masqué, Mademoiselle Malvina, presented as epitome of the bourgeoisie and described in both text and music as duplicitous and superficial.

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Holman, Peter. "Peter Walls, Music in the English Courtly Masque 1604–1640. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1996, 372 pp." Early Music History 16 (October 1997): 328–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001789.

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Landweber, Julia. "The Early Stuart Masque: Dance, Costume, and Music, by Barbara RavelhoferThe Early Stuart Masque: Dance, Costume, and Music, by Barbara Ravelhofer. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006. xvi, 317 pp. $99.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 42, no. 3 (December 2007): 510–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.42.3.510.

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Cassaro, James P., Ben Jonson, Alfonso Ferrabosco, Robert Johnson, David Douglass, Barrie Rutter, Ken Pierce, Ross W. Duffin, and Peter Holman. "Oberon, the Faery Prince; A Masque of Prince Henries, 1611." Notes 51, no. 1 (September 1994): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/899262.

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Clark, M. "The Role of Gustave, ou Le bal masque in Restraining the Bourgeois Body of the July Monarchy." Musical Quarterly 88, no. 2 (February 28, 2006): 204–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/musqtl/gdi009.

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Pinnock, Andrew. "The Rival Maids: Anne Killigrew, Anne Kingsmill and the making of the court masque Venus and Adonis (music by John Blow)." Early Music 46, no. 4 (November 2018): 631–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cay066.

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Little, Christopher. "Composing History: National Identities and the English Masque Revival, 1860–1920 by Deborah Heckert." Notes 77, no. 1 (2020): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2020.0068.

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Daye, Anne. "The Role of Le Balet Comique in Forging the Stuart Masque: Part 1 The Jacobean Initiative." Dance Research 32, no. 2 (November 2014): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2014.0106.

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The prominence of Le Balet Comique in the narrative of Western theatre dance cannot be denied, as every dance history book implies that this performance of 1581 initiated the ballet de cour, while the image of the fugitive gentlemen is reproduced over and over again to represent the work ( McGowan, 2008 , 169). The performance was certainly innovative, but also a development of previous theatre dance in France and Italy. Barbara Sparti questions the basis of the work's fame and places it in a context of earlier Italian dance theatre (2011, 304–322). The impact of the publication in England has not so far been examined. Amongst its many claims to fame, Le Balet Comique was unique in the latter half of the sixteenth century as a publication that brought together information on the performance, costumes, décor, music and dance of a ballet de cour, as well as the planning and intentions of the organisers. The records of other ballets of the period are scattered between published verses, eyewitness accounts, musical scores, costume designs and financial records, most of which remain hidden and uncollated in archives. 1 The following discussion argues for the use of a single text as a model for new invention in dance theatre. In pursuing this argument, it offers new insights, from a dance perspective, illuminating key works that have principally been discussed as texts rather than as performances. Part 1 deals with the exciting period of innovation under the aegis of the first Stuart king, James VI and I.

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COX, OLIVER J. W. "FREDERICK, PRINCE OF WALES, AND THE FIRST PERFORMANCE OF ‘RULE, BRITANNIA!’." Historical Journal 56, no. 4 (October 30, 2013): 931–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000198.

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ABSTRACTThe words and music of ‘Rule, Britannia!’ are synonymous with the expansionist, triumphalist, and imperialist Britain symbolized by fluttering Union Jacks on the Last Night of the Proms. This article explores the cultural and political contexts of the first performance of this important national cultural artefact as the finale ofAlfred: a masqueto suggest that this opening night served a very different purpose. The first audience was a court in exile from the metropolitan heart of London, popular amongst the general public, but without any prospects of government. Two of the most important members of this group of peers, politicians, poets and a prince had recently died, and with them any cohesive identity.Alfredis both a desperate plea for unity, a rallying cry which forcefully restated the key tenets of this group's identity, and a delayed expression of patriotic celebration occasioned by Admiral Vernon's capture of Portobello. Through addressing this performance, this article makes an important contribution to our understanding of Hanoverian political culture and highlights the continuing impact of Anglo-Saxon England on mid-eighteenth-century Britain.

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Jourde, Michel. "Livres polyglottes et conflits linguistiques au XVIe siècle : l’exemple de l’occitan." Renaissance and Reformation 42, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v42i1.32849.

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La situation linguistique du sud de la France se caractérise au XVIe siècle par l’existence de plusieurs langues auxquelles sont attachées des valeurs fortement différenciées. Quelle relation peut-on établir entre cette situation de conflits linguistiques et le caractère plurilingue de nombreuses publications occitanes de cette période ? En étudiant différents types de dispositifs littéraires et typographiques, on constate que la coprésence des langues peut servir, selon les cas, à masquer ces conflits ou à les exhiber, soit pour en faire la matière d’un jeu littéraire, soit afin de (tenter de) retourner la dynamique de ces conflits au profit de la langue minorée. Ces différentes réalisations ont cependant en commun le désir d’offrir aux lecteurs, dotés de compétences diverses, la représentation d’un monde dans lequel cohabitent des langues dont les valeurs demeurent mobiles.

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Moucaud, David. "Un silence assourdissant à la césure : les guerres larvées de l’e caduc entre oedipiens, misogynes et glottophobes." Renaissance and Reformation 42, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v42i1.32848.

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Largement étudié sous l’angle « naturel » d’une tabula rasa générationnelle, le changement technique, voire formaliste, connu comme « l’abolition de la coupe féminine » vers 1515 est un noeud conflictuel bien plus sinueux qu’il n’y paraît de prime abord. Ce silence formel, imposé à la césure par de jeunes poètes (Marot) et de moins jeunes (Lemaire), fit grand bruit une fois brandi comme fer de lance misogyne contre une mise aux normes linguistique plus insidieusement autoritaire. Outre le faux débat de la modernité qui en rejoue un plus ancien, outre celui de la misogynie qui littéralise incongrûment une affaire des plus techniques, les derniers feux des coupes « épique » et « lyrique » semblent aussi devoir masquer la dissidence d’une spécificité phonétique régionale contre la francisation centraliste de la chose poétique, sous l’effet d’un nouvel unanimisme de cour qui, discrètement, oppose comme rarement l’ordre à une rébellion réactionnaire.

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