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Journal articles on the topic 'Mass atrocity'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Aviram, Hadar. "Mass atrocity and criminology." Theoretical Criminology 13, no. 4 (2009): 487–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480609344029.

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2

Boas, Gideon. "Trying Tyrants for Mass Atrocity." Alternative Law Journal 34, no. 2 (2009): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x0903400207.

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3

Straus, Scott. "Triggers of Mass Atrocities." Politics and Governance 3, no. 3 (2015): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i3.375.

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The concept of “triggers” enjoys wide usage in the atrocity prevention policymaking community. However, the concept has received limited academic analysis. This paper reviews the concept critically, develops a definition, and subjects the concept to empirical analysis. The paper offers a mild endorsement of the concept of triggers of atrocity. The paper identifies four main categories of triggering event but cautions that triggers cannot be separated from context or decision-makers.

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4

Kent, George. "GQ9 Is Ignoring Hunger Comparable with Ignoring Genocide? Review of Eyal Mayroz’s Reluctant Interveners." World Nutrition 10, no. 4 (2019): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26596/wn.20191043-10.

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Eyal Mayroz’s book, Reluctant Interveners, focuses on how public opinion shapes and is shaped by the US government’s response to genocide, a type of mass atrocity. Mass atrocity is defined here as widespread avoidable harm. Hunger can be viewed as another type of mass atrocity, even if the harm is not imposed intentionally. The book and this review show that responses to hunger and genocide have been similar.

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5

de Waal, Alex. "Ending mass atrocity and ending famine." Lancet 386, no. 10003 (2015): 1528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(15)00480-8.

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6

Aloyo, Eamon. "Conceptualising Mass Atrocity Prevention, Nonviolent Resistance, and Politically Feasible Alternatives." Global Responsibility to Protect 10, no. 4 (2018): 448–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-01004005.

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I present an account of mass atrocity prevention based on just war theory precepts. This account entails comparisons among policy options and requires selecting the politically feasible option that has the greatest chance of avoiding atrocities. Adopting such an account of atrocity prevention highlights problems in influential mass atrocity prevention policy reports in that they fail to seriously consider nonviolent civil resistance as a mass atrocity prevention tool. Given that sometimes actors may be unwilling to live under the status quo, and agitate for reform by violent or nonviolent mean

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7

Jacob, Cecilia. "R2P and the Prevention of Mass Atrocities: A Child-Centric Approach." Global Responsibility to Protect 10, no. 1-2 (2018): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-01001005.

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Prevention has taken centre-stage in present discussions around both United Nations reform and the r2p implementation agenda. Contemporary humanitarian crises from Myanmar to Yemen reinforce the horrendous atrocities that children face during periods of armed conflict and mass political upheaval to which the prevention agenda is geared. This article considers the atrocity prevention dimension of r2p; it describes changes in both understanding around the dynamics of political violence and strategies for targeting civilians in contemporary conflicts over the past two decades, situates children i

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8

Verdeja, Ernesto. "Critical Genocide Studies and Mass Atrocity Prevention." Genocide Studies and Prevention 13, no. 3 (2019): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.13.3.1676.

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9

Morrow, Paul. "Mass Atrocity and Manipulation of Social Norms." Social Theory and Practice 40, no. 2 (2014): 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract201440216.

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10

Lawrinson, Blake. "Fundamentals of Genocide and Mass Atrocity Prevention." Civil Wars 19, no. 1 (2017): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2017.1344181.

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11

Jacob, Cecilia. "Evaluating the United Nation’s Agenda for Atrocity Prevention: Prospects for the International Regulation of Internal Security." Politics and Governance 3, no. 3 (2015): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i3.293.

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In recent years the UN Secretary-General has promoted mass atrocity prevention as the priority agenda for the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) at the UN, redirecting debates on R2P away from military interventionism towards improved state capacity to prevent atrocity crimes and protect populations. This focus has been illustrated in the UNSG’s annual reports on R2P since 2009, and the 2014 “Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes”, that emphasise state institutional capacity and the identification of atrocity-risk indicators. Through a case-study of Pakistan, this article problematizes the re

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12

Smith, Karen E. "Mass Atrocity Prevention: Forever Elusive or Potentially Achievable?" Politics and Governance 3, no. 3 (2015): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i3.488.

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13

Navaro, Yael. "The Aftermath of Mass Violence: A Negative Methodology." Annual Review of Anthropology 49, no. 1 (2020): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-010220-075549.

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Recent anthropological works on the aftermath of mass violence can be studied as having generated a negative methodology. New work has addressed the gaps, voids, and hollows of knowledge production in and about sites of mass atrocity and is developing novel research practices within these schisms. While considering the (im)possibility of research as the condition of possibility (as well as the question) for anthropological (and historical) work on the long durée of mass violence, this review highlights some adverse ethnographic methods that have emerged (and have been conceptualized) in the in

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14

Alvarez, Alex. "Reflections on the Mass Atrocity Response Operations Project." Genocide Studies and Prevention 6, no. 1 (2011): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsp.6.1.70.

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15

Harding, Tucker B., and Mark A. Whitlock. "Leveraging Web-Based Environments for Mass Atrocity Prevention." Simulation & Gaming 44, no. 1 (2012): 94–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1046878112455489.

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16

Pryce, Michael C. "Mass Atrocity Response Operations: an annotated planning framework." African Security Review 18, no. 4 (2009): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2009.9627560.

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17

Osiel, Mark. "Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity." Human Rights Quarterly 22, no. 1 (2000): 118–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2000.0013.

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18

Reifer, Thomas. "Emotions and Mass Atrocity: Philosophical and Theoretical Explanations." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (2019): 513–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.938.

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19

Orchard, Phil. "Regionalizing Protection: au and asean Responses to Mass Atrocity Crimes against Internally Displaced Persons." Global Responsibility to Protect 8, no. 2-3 (2016): 295–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00803011.

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Forcible displacement can constitute a mass atrocity crime. This is something that is considered within the non-binding Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. Efforts to implement the Guiding Principles at the regional level suggest one path to implement stronger legal protections for internally displaced persons (idps), in particular, against mass atrocity crimes. These regional processes, however, can vary in remarkable ways. In the African Union, the Kampala Convention has brought the Guiding Principles and protections against mass atrocity crimes directed at idps into regional hard l

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20

Keydar, Renana. "Mass Atrocity, Mass Testimony, and the Quantitative Turn in International Law." Law & Society Review 53, no. 2 (2019): 554–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lasr.12399.

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21

Fisher, Kirsten J. "Purpose-based or knowledge-based intention for collective wrongdoing in international criminal law?" International Journal of Law in Context 10, no. 2 (2014): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552314000020.

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AbstractDue to the distinct nature of international crimes such as genocide and crimes against humanity originating out of and contributing to the pervasive collective character of mass atrocity, the appropriate mens rea for individual commission of these crimes is difficult to pin down. The mens rea for these international crimes has been deliberated, disputed and inconsistently applied, leaving what it means for individuals to intend to commit crimes of mass atrocity mired in confusion. This paper explores the meaning of intentional commission of collective crime, and demonstrates that from

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22

Bellamy, Alex J. "Atrocity Prevention: From Promise to Practice in the Asia Pacific." Global Responsibility to Protect 8, no. 2-3 (2016): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00803006.

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Drawing upon talks delivered at the Second Global Action Against Mass Atrocity Crimes conference, held in Manila 2016, this paper examines the extent to which the Asia Pacific region has begun to translate its commitment to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) into practice. It finds that the so-called “East Asian Peace” has transformed the region from one of the world’s deadliest to one of the world’s most peaceful. But many key challenges remain and there is much to be done to make R2P and atrocity prevention a daily lived reality. This article proceeds in three parts. The first briefly descr

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23

Murphy, Kaitlin. "Art as Atrocity Prevention: The Auschwitz Institute, Artivism, and the 2019 Venice Biennale." Genocide Studies and Prevention 15, no. 1 (2021): 68–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.15.1.1796.

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Although largely overlooked in genocide and atrocity prevention scholarship, the arts have a critical role to play in mitigating risk factors associated with genocide and atrocity. Grounded in analysis of "Artivism: The Atrocity Prevention Pavilion,” the Auschwitz Institute for the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities’ 2019 Venice Biennale exhibition and drawing from fieldwork, interviews, and secondary research, this article explores why one of the leading NGOs working to prevent future violent conflict would choose to curate an art exhibit at the Venice Biennale and what might be accom

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24

Kuperman, Alan J. "Mass Atrocity Response Operations: Doctrine in Search of Strategy." Genocide Studies and Prevention 6, no. 1 (2011): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsp.6.1.59.

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25

McLoughlin , Stephen. "Understanding Mass Atrocity Prevention during Periods of Democratic Transition." Politics and Governance 3, no. 3 (2015): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i3.318.

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The purpose of this article is to provide a better understanding of why some countries experience mass atrocities during periods of democratic transition, while others do not. Scholars have long regarded democracy as an important source of stability and protection from mass atrocities such as genocide, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. But democratic transition itself is fraught with the heightened risk of violent conflict and even mass atrocities. Indeed, a number of studies have identified regimes in transition as containing the highest risk of political instability and mass atro

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26

Karstedt, Susanne. "Contextualizing Mass Atrocity Crimes: Moving Toward a Relational Approach." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 9, no. 1 (2013): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-102612-134016.

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27

Agger, Inger. "Calming the mind: Healing after mass atrocity in Cambodia." Transcultural Psychiatry 52, no. 4 (2015): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461514568336.

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28

Mills, Kurt. "R2P3: Protecting, Prosecuting, or Palliating in Mass Atrocity Situations?" Journal of Human Rights 12, no. 3 (2013): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2013.812421.

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29

Lea-Henry, Jed. "Institutional Responsibility for Mass Atrocity Crimes with Thomas Pogge." Polish Political Science Yearbook 49, no. 4 (2020): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020408.

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30

De Franco, Chiara, and Annemarie Peen Rodt. "Is a European Practice of Mass Atrocity Prevention Emerging? The European Union, Responsibility to Protect and the 2011 Libya Crisis." Politics and Governance 3, no. 4 (2015): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i4.315.

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Observers have classified the European Union (EU) as reluctant in its implementation of the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) (Task Force on the EU Prevention of Mass Atrocities, 2013). This contribution revisits that argument by employing a more nuanced interpretation of norm implementation than the binary conceptualisation typically applied. By appraising EU reactions to the 2011 Libyan crisis, we investigate whether a “European practice of mass atrocity prevention” is emerging and if so how this relates—or not—to R2P. We do this by investigating EU practices seeking to protect people from g

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31

AlMizory, Arsalan H. "Towards International Legitimization of the Responsibility to Protect’s Third Pillar." Academic Journal of Nawroz University 8, no. 3 (2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25007/ajnu.v8n3a396.

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Over the past few years, the question whether international law permits the use of force not in response to existing violence but to avert and prevent mass atrocity crimes occurring within the boundaries of a sovereign State has taken on added significant in the aftermath of the humanitarian tragedies of the 1990s. Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is a complicated and emerging norm of international law, which represents the start of a new era for the United Nations (UN), seeks to provide a means for the Security Council to take enforcement measures under Chapter VII to prevent mass atrocity cri

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32

Adediran, Bolarinwa. "Implementing r2p: Towards a Regional Solution?" Global Responsibility to Protect 9, no. 4 (2017): 459–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00904006.

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Since the adoption of the principles of the Responsibility to Protect (r2p) in 2005, proponents and critics alike have accepted that it has not brought about a consistent and effective response to mass atrocity crimes. The incapacity that the Security Council exhibits in addressing the Syrian conflict provides a compelling justification for the need to examine alternative mechanisms through which the principles of the doctrine can be implemented. This paper argues that regional organisations should be considered legitimate authorising mechanisms in place of the Security Council in implementing

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33

Karstedt, Susanne. "Contextualizing mass atrocity crimes: The dynamics of ‘extremely violent societies’." European Journal of Criminology 9, no. 5 (2012): 499–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370812454646.

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Mass violence and genocidal events are presently characterized by new patterns that clearly set them apart from previous genocides and mass atrocities. These changes in the nature of mass atrocity events have necessarily shifted perspectives and conceptualizations of genocide and mass atrocities. Gerlach’s (2006, 2010) concept of ‘extremely violent societies’ seeks to deconstruct conventional understandings of genocidal mass violence and to re-contextualize it within a larger framework of conflict and in the ‘grassroots nature’ of other types of violence from which these events emerge. Based o

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34

Berger, Ronald J. "Holocaust and Genocide Studies: Lessons and Legacies of Mass Atrocity." Humanity & Society 31, no. 1 (2007): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059760703100101.

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35

Linenthal, Edward T. "Mass Atrocity, Collective Memory, and the Law (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 17, no. 2 (1999): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1999.0023.

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36

Weiss, Thomas G. "Ethical Quandaries in War Zones, When Mass Atrocity Prevention Fails." Global Policy 7, no. 2 (2016): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12315.

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37

McLoughlin, Stephen. "Reconceptualizing Mass Atrocity Prevention: Understanding Risk and Resilience in Zambia." International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 27, no. 4 (2014): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10767-014-9175-x.

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38

Conley, Bridget. "What Counts at the End? Questioning Consensus in the Construction of Mass Atrocity Narratives." Global Responsibility to Protect 9, no. 1 (2017): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00901003.

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Civilian fatality figures are a limited, if important, data point that influences the ability of researchers to study patterns of violence and evaluate policy responses intended to end violence. However, across datasets that track such violence there are significant differences in how and what is counted, this has direct bearing on how atrocity endings are understood and what policies might best be applied. There are often good reasons for data variation that cannot always be resolved. Nonetheless, it is important to understand and itemize the factors that influence these differences. Highligh

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39

Simon, David J. "Rwanda and the Rohingya." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (2020): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104013.

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The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda led the United Nations and global civil society to attempt to reinvent the international atrocity prevention regime. The advent of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect was to supposed to represent a new-found dedication to the goal of preventing mass atrocities and to intervene to stop them when they do break out. However, the situation of the Rohingya in Myanmar, who have been subject to years of persecution, ethnic cleansing, and – since 2017 – many elements of genocide, suggests that there has been more continuity than change. Rather, m

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40

Lyngdorf, Sandra, and Harmen van der Wilt. "Procedural Obligations Under the European Convention on Human Rights: Useful Guidelines for the Assessment of 'Unwillingness' and 'Inability' in the Context of the Complementarity Principle." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 1 (2009): 39–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x398817.

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AbstractThe authors are involved in a research project “Impact of International Courts on Domestic Criminal Procedures in mass atrocity cases” (DOMAC), uniting Hebrew University, University College London, Reykjavik University and the University of Amsterdam.

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41

Aldoghmi, Hamzah S. "R2P and Refugee Protection: Framing the Responsibility to Protect Prima Facie Refugees Fleeing Mass Atrocity Crimes." Global Responsibility to Protect 11, no. 1 (2019): 104–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-01101006.

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Recently, there has been increasing recognition that the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P) and refugee protection are inextricably linked and conceptually connected. The question remains, however, whether the link between the two protection frameworks can provide a basis for the protection of prima facie refugees fleeing mass atrocity crimes. This article identifies that prima facie refugees have the right to protection irrespective of where they arrive. It finds that the prima facie provision is one that exists under international refugee law and is highly relevant to the R2P principl

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42

Wahutu, J. Siguru. "‘In the case of Africa in general, there is a tendency to exaggerate’: representing mass atrocity in Africa." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 6 (2017): 919–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717692737.

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Based on an analysis of print media and journalists’ interviews, this article examines the representation of atrocity and mass violence in Africa. It specifically focuses on the atrocities in Darfur and Rwanda and compares African and Western coverage of them. It argues that since representations (just as the knowledge that anchors them) are highly dependent on one’s social location, it is necessary to understand multiple representations of the same atrocity. Although the literature on representation of Africa has been critical of Western representations of Africa, this article argues that inc

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43

Barnett, Michael. "On Gareth Evans, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 3 (2010): 307–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x500417.

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AbstractThis article is part of a forum on Gareth Evans' book, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2008). The forum features contributions from Michael Barnett, Chris Brown and Robert Jackson, and it concludes with a response from Gareth Evans.

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44

Brown, Chris. "On Gareth Evans, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 3 (2010): 310–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x500426.

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AbstractThis article is part of a forum on Gareth Evans' book, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2008). The forum features contributions from Michael Barnett, Chris Brown and Robert Jackson, and it concludes with a response from Gareth Evans.

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45

Morrow, Paul. "The Thesis of Norm Transformation in the Theory of Mass Atrocity." Genocide Studies and Prevention 9, no. 1 (2015): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.9.1.1303.

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46

Magnoux, Claire. "Cassandra Steer, Translating Guilt: Identifying Leadership Liability for Mass Atrocity Crimes." Journal of International Criminal Justice 16, no. 5 (2018): 1121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqy066.

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47

Orentlicher, Diane. "Building Victim-Led Coalitions to Press for Justice Following Mass Atrocity." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2018.7.

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Assurances of victim participation in proceedings before the International Criminal Court and Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia have been seen as a welcome corrective to the flawed model of earlier tribunals. The first such tribunal created since the postwar period, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), was established by the UN Security Council in May 1993 without even consulting those who survived the atrocities that gave rise to its creation, the majority of which took place in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nor were victims formally incorporated into the

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48

Stolk, Sofia. "Imagining scenes of mass atrocity from afar: maps and landscapes at the International Criminal Court." London Review of International Law 5, no. 3 (2017): 425–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lry003.

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49

Jackson, Robert. "War Perils in the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 3 (2010): 315–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x500435.

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AbstractThis article is part of a forum on Gareth Evans' book, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2008). The forum features contributions from Michael Barnett, Chris Brown and Robert Jackson, and it concludes with a response from Gareth Evans.

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50

Evans, Gareth. "Response to Reviews by Michael Barnett, Chris Brown and Robert Jackson." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 3 (2010): 320–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x500444.

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AbstractThis article is part of a forum on Gareth Evans' book, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2008). The forum features contributions from Michael Barnett, Chris Brown and Robert Jackson, and it concludes with a response from Gareth Evans.

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