Academic literature on the topic 'Mass media and foreign workers'
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Journal articles on the topic "Mass media and foreign workers"
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Tsurina, Eleonora. "The interpretation of nonverbal cues in the journalistic practice." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 1 (January 25, 2024): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2024.1(330).26-34.
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The article deals with nonverbal communication in the context of journalistic practice. The interpretation of nonverbal cues as one of the professional competencies of mass media workers is defined. The coverage of this topic in Ukrainian and foreign scientific and educational literature is analyzed. As a result the insufficient consideration of the basic rules of nonverbal interpretation for mass media workers was revealed. Four basic principles of nonverbal communication in the context of a journalistic practice are considered. Understanding that nonverbal means are mostly perceived and transmitted unconsciously allows media workers to avoid misinterpreting their own behavior and the signals of an interviewee. Also it helps to prevent bias effect for media audience caused by nonverbal behavior of an interviewer. The concept of "starting point" in nonverbal communication could contribute to better preparation for the conversation with the interlocutor. Options for determining the "average" nonverbal behavior of the interviewee are offered. The awareness of the influence of the attitude to another person on the perception of his nonverbal characteristics is also important for avoiding bias and changing tactic whіle communicating with difficult respondents. The switch from the interpretation of a single signal to the considering them cumulatively reduces the probability of error. The article considers the concepts of nonverbal synchrony and mirroring from the point of view of their use by journalists. Three control methods that can be used by a mass media worker to check his interpretation's conclusions based on the interlocutor's non-verbal signals are presented. They are indirect open question, direct closed question and silence (pause). It is concluded that journalist's misinterpretation of his own and others' nonverbal signals could lead to the violation of professional ethics and international standards of a presenting information. The main functional possibilities provided by the interpretation of nonverbal means are listed. Prospects for further research are outlined, including formulating standards of nonverbal behavior in the media in terms of thematic and genre requirements.
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Torpichsheva, Rufina Shamilyevna, and Valery Eduardovich Chernik. "International practices and Kazakhstan media education context." Bulletin of Toraighyrov University. Pedagogics series, no. 3.2020 (October 19, 2020): 506–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.48081/jaiu2811.
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The given paper considers international experience and the national model of media education, as well as the concepts of media literacy. In the course of the research work, it was determined that the permanent changes taking place in the media sphere combine the methodology and trends of several scientific areas: media pedagogy, media psychology, psychology of mass communications, sociology of journalism, etc. Some media-oriented educational technologies are based on UNESCO’s international media literacy standards, which expand the range of methods and forms of pedagogy in training journalists and media education, which serve as the basis for the integrated formation of basic media competencies. The article is given a theoretical analyzing of the media space development in Kazakhstan. It is concluded that systematic misinformation of the audience leads to discrediting of media workers, allows manipulating public consciousness, opinion, and also influencing geopolitical processes. The article is substantiated the importance of media education as a key area in the context of the increasing role of mass communication, the improvement of information technologies. The importance of media literacy, emphasized by UNESCO, is seen as an important aspect in the formation of worldview, critical analysis and thinking. Based on the above, the urgent need for the intensive development of media education and the study of foreign media pedagogical experience seems obvious.
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Shayakhmetov, Salim F., Olga M. Zhurba, Anton N. Alekseenko, and Alexey V. Merinov. "Application of chromato-mass-spectrometric methods of determination of exposure markers in biomonitoring researches in workers of productions of polyvinyl chloride and aluminum." Hygiene and sanitation 99, no. 10 (November 30, 2020): 1159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47470/0016-9900-2020-99-10-1159-1164.
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Introduction. The presence of highly toxic polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) in the production of aluminum and organochlorine compounds (OCC) in the production of polyvinyl chloride (PVC) poses a serious threat to the health of workers, necessitates biological monitoring of toxicants and their metabolites in biological media to assess health risks on basis of modern methods chemical analysis. Material and methods. Biomonitoring studies of the content of marker metabolite OCC - thiodiacetic acid (TDAA) in urine were performed in 65 workers of PVC production and PAHs metabolite - 1-hydroxypyrene (1-OHPyr) in 144 workers of the aluminum smelter using developed own methods of gas-chromato-mass-spectrometric (GC-MS) analysis. Sample analysis was performed on an Agilent 7890A gas chromatograph with an Agilent 5979 mass selective detector. Results. Methodological methods and parameters of GC-MS measurement of TDAA and 1-OHPyr in urine, which provided high selectivity and sensitivity of the analysis of samples, were examined and considered. Reliable differences in the levels of marker metabolites among the groups of main and auxiliary occupations and persons in the control groups, their dependence on the degree of exposure to PAHs, and OCC were established. The highest concentrations of TDAA in urine were observed in unit operators of PVC workshop and 1-OHPyr - in anode workers of aluminum production. Discussion. The revealed reliable intergroup and interindividual differences in the contents of TDAA and 1-OHPyr in the urine of workers indicate the reliability and informativeness of the results of the analysis of biological media. The results are consistent with data from foreign studies, confirm the occupational - production nature of the exposure of toxicants among workers in the main professions of enterprises. Conclusion. The results of approbation of highly sensitive and selective methods for the determination of TDAA and 1-OHPyr in urine samples developed on the base of GC-MS method demonstrate the possibility of their use in biomonitoring studies of workers of productions and the population to adequately assess the exposure of highly toxic PAHs and OCC.
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Lees-Maffei, Grace. "Italianità and internationalism: Production, design and mediation at Alessi, 1976–96." Modern Italy 7, no. 1 (May 2002): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940220121834.
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SummaryThis article considers the Italian household product design company Alessi as quintessentially Italian and international. The interplay of mass-production and craft techniques at Alessi, an extended design process and the presentation of the family in company publicity exemplify the ambiguities identified within Italian design. The extent to which Alessi typifies Italian post-war design is questioned with reference to the company's international design team and the marketing of its products to foreign consumers as manifestations of italianità. The findings are based on primary research in Milan and the Alessi factory, including a series of interviews with designers, retailers, curators and media workers, combined with secondary material centred upon design history.
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Wardojo, Waskito Widi, Singgih Tri Sulistiyono, Endang Susilowati, and Yety Rochwulaningsih. "Socio-Cultural Responses to The Post-Nationalization of Dutch Companies in 1958-1966." E3S Web of Conferences 317 (2021): 01010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202131701010.
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The Dutch company nationalization policy in 1958 had a broad impact in various fields related to the economic, political, and socio-cultural aspects. Due to the presence of anti-foreign phenomena as the efforts to escape from the grip of the West, it increasingly supported the public responses in no time. Various social and cultural actions happened in many places, just like a nationalization process continuation. Thousands of Dutch people were expelled from the Republic of Indonesia, accompanied by various demonstrations performed by workers and artists, making the atmosphere tense. The Dutch government got angry and felt offended by the actions committed by the citizens. What forms of socio-cultural actions took place after the nationalization of Dutch companies in 1958? This study aimed to obtain in-depth pictures of various forms of socio-cultural actions performed by wider communities (especially workers and cultural actors) in the context of nationalization in Indonesia. This study used a library method by tracing primary and secondary data sources and analyzing them after testing the validity. The research results show that the format of socio-cultural actions tended to be in mass mobilization and debates in parliaments and mass media.
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Zahra, Nafisah, Rachmat Kriyantono, and Bambang Dwi Prasetyo. "Hidayatullah.com and Liputanislam.com Editorial Policies in Middle East Conflict Reporting." ENDLESS: INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF FUTURE STUDIES 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endlessjournal.v6i3.196.
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Online media has been widely used as a media for jihad by Islamic activists around the world, including in Indonesia. These media include HIdayatullah.com and Liputanislam.com. The two media reported on the conflict that occurred in the Middle East. In this study, researchers used the theory of message content hierarchy in the Shoemaker & Reese mass media. Based on the explanation above, this study aims to find out how the theory of influence hierarchy is applied in determining the production of news about the Middle East conflict in the online media Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com. Researchers use the post-positivism paradigm as a research approach. The research method used in this study is descriptive analysis. The data collection method in this study was interviews with the editors of Liputanislam.com, news writers of Liputanislam.com, and editors of Hidayatullah.com. The results of the study show that there are similarities and differences in the editorial policies of Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com in reporting on Middle East conflicts. The similarities lie at the individual and ideological levels. At the individual level, both news writers for Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com have foreign language skills, namely English and Arabic. At the ideological level, the editors of Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com believe that the mainstream media in Indonesia needs to be more balanced and make many mistakes in publishing news about the Middle East conflict. Meanwhile, the difference is at the organizational and extramedia levels. At the organizational level, Liputanislam.com media workers are given more freedom in choosing news sources than Hidayatullah.com media workers. For the extramedia level, Hidayatullah.com editors tend to choose news sources from authoritative media or official news sites and news agencies owned by Middle Eastern countries. On the other hand, the editorial staff of Liputanislam.com refers to media they think share the same ideology and ideals.
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Anisah, Giati, Su'udin Aziz, and Nur Rohmawati. "Studi Moralitas Remaja Keluarga Buruh Pembersih Sarang Walet." Scaffolding: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam dan Multikulturalisme 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37680/scaffolding.v4i2.1422.
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This study aims to describe the morality of adolescent families of swallow nest cleaning workers with a sub-focus covering adolescent morality problems, factors that cause morality problems, and efforts made by parents to fix adolescent morality problems. This research is phenomenological qualitative research. This research uses data collection techniques of observation, interviews, and documentation. Interviews were conducted on five teenagers who come from families of swallow nest cleaning workers and also five mothers who work as swallow nest cleaning workers. Observations were made on religious activities and children's associations. Based on the results of the study, it was shown that the family youth of swallow nest cleaning workers experienced moral problems, namely being arrogant and arrogant, desperate, unable to control their passions, and angry. While the factors causing the occurrence of morality problems in adolescents include the family environment, friendship, society, mass media, westernization, and the low level of religious education, the efforts made by parents vary in improving adolescent morality, including the methods of advice, punishment, example, habituation. themselves with a disciplined attitude, filtering foreign cultures that enter, instilling religious values , and encouraging children to be involved in community activities such as youth organizations. This is done by mothers to help improve the morality of teenagers.
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Macrì, Maria Carmela, and Stefano Orsini. "Policy Instruments to Improve Foreign Workforce’s Position and Social Sustainability of the Agriculture in Italy." Sustainability 16, no. 12 (June 12, 2024): 4998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su16124998.
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Agricultural employment in advanced economies has been suggestively described as a “short and step” pyramid with only limited opportunities for workers to climb to higher positions, especially when they belong to the most vulnerable categories, such as migrants. The presence of poor jobs and living conditions for temporary agricultural workers reported by mass media, trade unions, NGOs, and international observers contrasts dramatically with the idea of a modern and thriving sector, as the Italian agricultural sector should be, and it represents a challenge for the social concerns that have been alongside environmental ones in the definition of sustainability since the Brundtland Report released in 1987 by the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED). Even mechanisation does not necessarily facilitate better working conditions. In fact, where the workforce is largely replaced by machineries, the remaining opportunities for paid workers are mainly for unskilled, physically demanding, and seasonal jobs. This has brought about the so-called “paradox of prosperity”, where the gap between farm and nonfarm workers in economically advanced countries has widened in terms of wages, benefits, and prospects for upward mobility. This in turn triggers a vicious circle with a structural lack of available workforce for the sector, which has been increasingly provided by migrants with very little bargaining power. On the other hand, the adoption of new technologies and digitalisation in agriculture is leading to an increasing demand for skilled workers, which often remains uncovered because of the low conditions offered. Against this background, the aim of our work is twofold. First, we characterise the role of the foreign workforce in relation to the structural changes in Italian agriculture and considering territorial differences. Second, we examine the main policy instruments to facilitate recruitment and tackle undeclared work and more specifically the Quality Agricultural Work Network (Rete del lavoro agricolo di qualità) launched in Italy in 2016 to tackle undeclared work and exploitative labour. We do so by conducting a literature review and semi-structured qualitative interviews with 16 farmers in Italy carried out in 2022 within the project Rural Social ACT funded by the Asylum, Migration, and Integration Fund (2021–2027). The results show that even though foreign workers are a key resource for agriculture in Italy, there remain severe recruitment issues and segregation in low-skilled and precarious jobs. Overall, it is necessary to improve the awareness of the key role of work in agriculture and to strengthen the effectiveness of tools to enhance the visibility of compliant farms. So far (January 2024), only 6600 farms have joined the Quality Agricultural Work Network, with an overall modest enthusiasm from the farmers interviewed about its current effectiveness. Other instruments are explored such as employee sharing contracts, and there clearly emerges a need for public support of professional training through the Common Agricultural Policy to improve both the bargaining power of foreign workers and the productivity of the sector.
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Nevezhin, V. A. "Soviet diplomat and foreign correspondents in the USSR during war: through the pages of an Palgunov’s office diary (1941-1942)." History: facts and symbols, no. 4 (December 20, 2023): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2023-37-4-130-143.
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Introduction. This study is concerned with a problem of current interest, namely, the everyday political life of workers at the USSR Peoples’ Commissariat of Foreign Affairs during the Great Patriotic War. The novelty of the present study lies in the fact that the problem has been little investigated, while several documents are thereby introduced into general use for the first time. Materials and methods. The sources were the document complex in the Archive of Foreign Politics of the Russian Federation. The methodology is based on general scholar, special historical and source studies methods. Results. One of the components in the everyday political life of the Soviet diplomat Palgunov, who headed the Press Department in the Peoples’ Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, consisted of contacts with foreign correspondents who represented the mass media of the Allies, namely, Great Britain and the US. The correspondents were eager for getting the information concerning the war effort of the Soviet Union and the contributions into the defense of the country on the part of its citizens in the rear. However, this was hindered by the presence of strict political censorship in the USSR. The situation was aggravated by acute competition between British and American correspondents. Given these conditions, Palgunov acted as a kind of referee who was called upon to aid, both in obtaining information on the situation on the front and for help in the needs of their everyday life. Conclusions. The present author used the unpublished job diary of Palgunov for 1941–1942 to get a more accurate list of the British and American correspondents who were accredited in the USSR during that period of time. When combined with Palgunov’s memoirs, this source was used to present a true picture of how the Press Department was interacting with foreign correspondents. This author emphasized subjects such as the peculiarities in the activity of foreign correspondents in Moscow and Kuibyshev and in questions relating to the organization of their trips to the front zone. It has been found why they blamed Palgunov for bureaucracy and incompetence.
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Ardiyanto, Erik. "Political Communications in the Public Sphere Student Protest in Indonesia 2019-2020." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 6, no. 2 (December 3, 2021): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v6i2.589.
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The government and the parliament have decided to pass problematic bills, such as the Corruption Eradication Commission Bill (RUU KPK), the Criminal Code Bill (RUU KUHP), and the Omnibus Law (RUU Cipta Kerja) into laws. The reasons behind the passage of the bills irto laws are to make bureaucracy easier and facilitate foreign investment inflows to Indonesia. However, the decision-making process failed to involve elements of the community, such as academics, workers, working class, press, and related stakeholders. Consequently, students staged rallies to protest against the passage of the bills into laws in 2019 – 2020. This researchuses an approach qualitative methodology with a critical paradigm. The goal of critical theory is to change a reality that is always unbalanced and dominated.This research tries to encourage change towards a better society and emancipations. The data analysis technique comprises analysis of information sources from the mass media and analysis of research documents. The results of this study find that students had two strategic political communications during the protest. First, the social media movement sent hash tagged messages such as #Reformasidikorupsi #Gejayanmemangil and #Mositidakpercaya. Second, student staged demonstrations in front of the Presidential Place and the House of Representatives Building. When the government and parliament conspire with oligarchs to make policies to maintain power, then conflicts of interest with society, and student protests will be inevitable. As a result, the students have declared a motion of no confidence for parliament in a non-parliamentary participatory democratic system.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mass media and foreign workers"
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Paragas, Fernando. "Eccentric Networks: Patterns of Interpersonal Communication, Organizational Participation, and Mass Media Use Among Overseas Filipino Workers." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1147119861.
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Kurash, Jaclyn Rose. "Mechanical Women and Sexy Machines: Typewriting in Mass-Media Culture of the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1440348446.
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Crymble, Leigh. "Textual representations of migrants and the process of migration in selected South African media a combined critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002624.
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South Africa has long been associated with racial and ethnic issues surrounding prejudice and discrimination and despite a move post-1994 to a democratic ‘rainbow nation’ society, the country has remained plagued by unequal power relations. One such instance of inequality relates to the marginalisation of migrants which has been realised through xenophobic attitudes and actions, most notably the violence that swept across the country in 2008. Several reasons have been suggested in an attempt to explain the cause of the violence, including claims that migrants are taking ‘our jobs and our women’, migrants are ‘illegal and criminal’ and bringing ‘disease and contamination’ with them from their countries of origin. Although widely accepted that many, if not all, of these beliefs are based on ignorance and hearsay, these extensive generalisations shape and reinforce prejudiced ideologies about migrant communities. It is thus only when confronted with evidence that challenges this dominant discourse, that South Africans are able to reconsider their views. Williams (2008) suggests that for many South Africans, Africa continues to be the ‘dark continent’ that is seen as an ominous, threatening force of which they have very little knowledge. For this reason, anti-immigrant sentiment in a South African context has traditionally been directed at African foreigners. In this study I examine the ways in which African migrants and migrant communities, as well as the overall processes of migration, are depicted by selected South African print media: City Press, Mail & Guardian and Sunday Times. Using a combined Corpus Linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis approach, I investigate the following questions: How are migrants and the process of migration into South Africa represented by these established newspapers between 2006 and 2010? Are there any differences or similarities between these representations? In particular, what ideologies regarding migrants and migrant communities underlie these representations? My analysis focuses on the landscape of public discourse about migration with an exploration of the rise and fall of the terminologies used to categorise migrants and the social implications of these classifications. Additionally, I analyse the expansive occurrences of negative representations of migrants, particularly through the use of ‘othering’ pronouns ‘us’ versus ‘them’ and through the use of metaphorical language which largely depicts these individuals as en masse natural disasters. I conclude that these discursive elements play a crucial role in contributing to an overall xenophobic rhetoric. Despite subtle differences between the three newspapers which can be accounted for based on their political persuasions and agendas, it is surprising to note how aligned these publications are with regard to their portrayal of migrants. With a few exceptions, this representation positions these individuals as powerless and disenfranchised and maintains the status quo view of migrants as burdens on the South African economy and resources. Overall, the newspaper articles contribute to mainstream dominant discourse on migrants and migration with the underlying ideology that migrants are responsible for the hardships suffered by South African citizens. Thus, this study contributes significantly to existing bodies of research detailing discourse on migrants and emphasises the intrinsic links between language, ideology and society.
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Ivančević, Bosiljka. "Mass Media Influence on Foreign Policy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165346.
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A main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate and explain to what extend do media influence foreign policy of a state. Foreign policy is always under internal and external influences and media are considered to be one of those external influences that shape it. Agenda setting theory forms the theoretical frame for this thesis because it takes into consideration not just direct media-government relations but the public as well that inside of this relation serves as some sort of mediator. Besides this theory and the CNN effect as its main 'extension' identifiable victim effect and third person effect as important elements in the process of influence will be introduced as well as influence of visualization. When word 'media' is mentioned in this case it implies to television and newspapers' (both printed and online versions) messages and their influences (not just verbal but the visual ones as well). Examples and case studies in this case focus mostly on the US foreign policy due to its influential role, fact that the US is still the country with the most superlatives inside of international arena and the size, influence and role-model identity of its big media companies (for ex. CNN).
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Harris, Suzanne Temwa. "Synthesising media, politics and foreign intervention: an examination into Malawi's media system transformation." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/435.
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The conventional method for studying media systems has been to analyse the relationship between media and politics, based on Hallin and Mancini's (2004) seminal research Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics. Their approach automatically places the nation-state as the key unit of analysis to understand why media systems are the way they are and why they change. Research that has advanced this endogenous method of analysis in countries outside of the Western, democratically advanced context, has brought to light the importance of including external factors in studying media systems. Building off this analytical direction, this thesis introduces three new external factors; foreign aid, the conditionalities attached to foreign aid, and the role of externally created Pan-African media policy agreements Using a case study of Malawi, a small aid-dependent country in Southeast Africa, this research interrogates these three factors to reveal that foreign aid is a coercive foreign policy tool that has been used for manipulating change and shaping the type of media Malawi has. Based on the country's recent transformation from its authoritarian populist past towards the dominant liberal media model in 2012, this research also reassesses Hallin and Mancini's convergence thesis, which claimed that most countries are 'naturally' heading towards the dominant liberal media model. Therefore, the general conclusions drawn from this thesis indicate that media systems analysis is best accomplished through detailed empirical case studies, which not only rely on historical insights, but synthesise the role that media, politics and foreign intervention play collectively, especially in the era of neoliberal capitalism. By moving beyond the parameters of the nation-state in this way, and examining what external forces that are extraterritorial to the nation-state, it is hoped that media systems researchers will engage more critically with factors that are opaque, and view variables such as foreign intervention as instrumental in future media system research.
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Sahni, Sukhjeet. "Coverage of foreign news by the U.S. media a study of perception of bias amongst the international students at West Virginia University /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2003. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=2884.
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Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 2003.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 83 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56).
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Lingli, Ying. "Relationship between Foreign Film Exposure and Ethnocentrism." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1242850053.
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Pahlavi, Pierre Cyril Cyrus Teymour. "Mass diplomacy : foreign policy in the global information age." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85196.
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A sophisticated and high tech form of state-to-foreign population diplomacy based on the use of the latest communication technologies has developed rapidly in recent years and has acquired an increasingly important position within a significant number of foreign affairs systems. Pioneered by the heavyweights of the international stage, the phenomenon has spread rapidly to secondary powers and is progressively extending itself to varying degrees to all states around the globe. This thesis grapples with the enigma raised by the brisk re-emergence of this foreign policy concentration by attempting to understand the reasons behind both the quantitative increase in public diplomacy activities and the qualitative evolution of these activities in terms of planning, organisation and implementation. The first argument that this thesis broaches is that the sudden growth of public diplomacy is the result of the shift to a new phase of the information revolution (necessary enabling force) which has been amplified by contingent factors: the explosion of global terrorism (accelerator) and the perception of leaders and foreign policy makers of this new environment (prism). The second argument is that, beyond quantitative growth, the new operational context born of the advent of the global information society provoked a qualitative evolution of the public diplomacy inherited from the Cold War towards what is today mass diplomacy. The result is the appearance of a market driven diplomacy employing persuasive techniques borrowed from the world of public relations and marketing. The new diplomacy is an entrepreneurial diplomacy that limits governmental leadership to a necessary minimum and encourages the participation of private and foreign sub-contractors. It is also a cyber-space diplomacy equipped with new diplomatic instruments such as high-resolution satellite imagery, high-speed networks, digital broadcasting and other marvels of the late twentieth cen
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Akor, Ambrose. "The media, public opinion and British foreign policy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.
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Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.
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Kotele, Mothepane. "An investigation into the journalistic identities of news workers at the state owned Lentsoe La Basotho/Lesotho Today Newspaper." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002903.
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Informed by the political economy framework and the public service role of media in democracy, the main objective of the study was to use in-depth semi-structured interviews to understand news-workers’ professional journalistic identities in relation to their status as government employees and the understanding of their public service role as outlined in the paper’s mission statement. The main interest was to understand the complexity of negotiating these role identities. Through reference to the theories of journalism professionalism, the study highlighted the extent to which news-workers in the small newsroom of Lentsoe la Basotho/Lesotho Today see themselves as public service journalists in a democratic country. The interest was borne partly out of the views of the paper’s critics who see it as not serving the public but rather promoting the activities and policies of the government of the day, thus falling short of its democratic role. The contention of the study was that as a public service newspaper, the paper should have news-workers who do impartial journalism and reflect the public’s right to know in their reporting. The findings of the study suggests that news-workers at Lentsoe la Basotho/Lesotho Today continuously have to strive to negotiate the potential conflict between being a professional and working for a government-controlled newspaper. While they sometimes lay claim to being journalists, the reality is that in their political coverage they end up adopting the role of government mouthpieces.
Books on the topic "Mass media and foreign workers"
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Mansoubi, Mahmoud. Noi, stranieri d'Italia: Immigrazione e mass-media. Lucca: Maria Pacini Fazzi, 1990.
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Taisto, Hujanen, Tampereen yliopisto Tiedotusopin laitos, and Unesco, eds. Joint study on the role of information in the realization of the human rights of migrant workers: Conclusions and recommendations. [Tampere]: University of Tampere, Dept. of Journalism and Mass Communication, 1988.
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Gernot, Dallinger, Schmidt-Sinns Dieter, and Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung (Germany), eds. Ausländer und Massenmedien: Bestandsaufnahme und Perspektiven : Vorträge und Materialien einer internationalen Fachtagung vom 2. bis 4. Dezember 1986. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 1987.
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Taisto, Hujanen, and Unesco, eds. The Role of information in the realization of the human rights of migrant workers: Progress report of the joint study. Tampere: University of Tampere, Dept. of Journalism and Mass Communication, 1986.
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Galanis, Georgios N. Migrantenkriminalität in der Presse: Eine inhaltsanalytische Untersuchung dargestellt am Beispiel der Zeitschriften Stern und Quick von 1960-1982. Berlin: Express Edition, 1987.
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1963-, Böke Karin, Jung Matthias, and Niehr Thomas, eds. Ausländer und Migranten im Spiegel der Presse: Ein diskurshistorisches Wörterbuch zur Einwanderung seit 1945. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2000.
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ʻAbd al-Fattāḥ Ibrāhīm ʻAbd al-Nabī. al- Iʻlām wa-hijrat al-Miṣrīyīn: Dirāsah fī al-dawr al-Tanmawī lil-iʻlām. al-Qāhirah: Maktabat al-Nahḍah al-Miṣrīyah, 1989.
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Topchiĭ, Anton. Нелегальна трудова міграція та торгівля людьми: Vysvitlenni͡a problemy u ZMI : posibnyk dli͡a z͡hurnalistiv. Kyïv: K.I.S., 2008.
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Georg, Ruhrmann, and Zentrum für Türkeistudien (Germany), eds. Das Bild der Ausländer in der Öffentlichkeit: Eine theoretische und empirische Analyse zur Fremdenfeindlichkeit. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1995.
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Han'guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn'guwŏn. Sahoe Yŏn'gusil. Kach'i kaltŭng haeso wa midiŏ kinŭng. Kyŏnggi-do Sŏngnam-si: Han'guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn'guwŏn, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Mass media and foreign workers"
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Mareš, Tomáš. "Mass Media Instrumentalization in Foreign Policy of States: Russian Strategic Toolset." In The Russian Federation in Global Knowledge Warfare, 79–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73955-3_5.
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Sundary, R. I., C. A. Firman, and I. Irawati. "Enforcement of immigration law sanctions against illegal foreign workers who take advantage of Indonesia's visa-free visit policy." In Islam, Media and Education in the Digital Era, 644–48. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781003219149-94.
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Preti, Sara, and Enrico di Bella. "Gender Equality as EU Strategy." In Social Indicators Research Series, 89–117. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41486-2_4.
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AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).
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"Writing For Local And Mass Media." In Writing Skills for Social Workers, 117–42. 1 Oliver’s Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529682830.n6.
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Robinson, Piers. "11. Media and US foreign policy." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198707578.003.0011.
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This chapter examines the academic debates over the relationship between US public opinion, media, and foreign policy. It first considers the nature of US media and public opinion, including democratic expectations of mass media and public opinion, before discussing pluralist and elite approaches to understanding the links between media, public opinion, and foreign policy. It then explores the role of propaganda and persuasion with respect to US power projection, with particular emphasis on the ways in which public opinion and media can be understood as a source of power for — and as a constraint upon — US foreign policy. It also reviews contemporary debates regarding the impact of technological developments, such as the emergence of global media like the internet and social media, upon US power and influence.
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Шутяк, Лілія. "Художній репортаж в українських друкованих та онлайн-ЗМІ (особливості розвитку жанру)." In W kręgu prasy dawnej i współczesnej. Wybrane problemy (1), 226–40. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/978-83-7996-915-9_13.
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The article examines the concept of literary reportage and the specificity of its functioning in Ukrainian printed and electronic media, with particular emphasis on the differences between traditional and literary reportage. The basis of literary reportage is informativeness (fact). As in the process of preparing traditional reportage, the journalist collects facts, interrogates witnesses, works with documents and archives, examines the situation and the characters of the future text. Analyticality manifests itself here in the understanding of the received information, methods of describing the problem and searching for its solutions, conducting observations both „from the inside” and „from the outside”. In order to be as faithful as possible on the one hand, and to introduce an emotional color – on the other, reporters use literary means; it is the lexical and stylistic features that give the reportage originality. The aforementioned elements appear both in literary and traditional reportage, but in the first case they are more emphasized, and in the second – they are kept within the limits appropriate for news journalism. Thus, literary reportage is the genre that exists on the border of journalism and literature, accumulating the features of both. At the same time, it remains necessary to separate the concept of belles-lettres from literary reportage. In the contemporary Ukrainian media, the genre of literary reportage is just beginning to develop; the Internet and the blogosphere play an important role in this process, where its model realizations can be observed most often. A lot of literary reportages can be found, among others, on the websites of Gazeta.ua, INSIDER and Reporters. In the printed media, literary reportage appears relatively rarely, exceptions include trip stories written in the form of reportage (magazines „MANDRY”, „Ukrainian Week”, „Kraina”) or literary reports found in „Gazeta po Ukraińsku”. The small share of this genre in the Ukrainian media space is related to several reasons. In the case of literary reportage, the length of the texts varies, but most of them are long, which means that they do not always fit in with the traditional formats of the mass media. In addition, the preparation and writing of this type of material requires more time and – when the message quickly becomes outdated – it often turns out that it is no longer worth publishing. The Internet has significantly accelerated the pace of journalistic work, at the same time moving it to a different level of quality. Literary reportage is not an ordinary mass medium, it is journalism with literary elements, and as such it forces a specific type of reading. It requires time that the average Internet user, exposed to distracting temptations (advertising, spam, social messaging), often does not have. All this causes an intense transfer of reportage from the media space to the book space, where the audience is more formed and better prepared to accept this kind of journalistic and literary experiments. And so in Ukraine, since 2017, there has been a publishing house of reportage and documentary literature „Czowen” (Lviv). So far, it has published over 10 books on literary reportage, both by Ukrainian and foreign authors. Particularly noteworthy are the books from the Tempora publishing house, which has been organizing a literary reportage competition since 2012 and presenting the best examples of this genre in anthologies and in the form of individual publications.
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Bauder, Harald. "Discourse of Foreign Farmworkers." In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0018.
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In 1995, the Ontario provincial government, under conservative premier Mike Harris, repealed legislation put in place the year before by the former central-left government of Bob Rae that protected Ontario’s agricultural workers under the province’s labor code. Migrant workers were also affected by this legislation. In late April 2001, Mexican workers staged a two-day strike in a Leamington greenhouse, and in May 2001, approximately 100 Mexican offshore farmworkers protested in Leamington against substandard working and living conditions, including the lack of safety protection against pesticides, overcrowded living spaces, long working hours, no overtime pay, insufficient medical care, unfair government paycheck deductions, and threats of deportation to their home countries. After these events, some of the protesters were dismissed from the offshore program and sent back to Mexico. The media reports on these protests varied widely. Reports were either sympathetic to the workers’ concerns, or they condemned the protests as unjustified nagging by a small minority of angry workers. Several of the newspaper reports that were sympathetic to the protesting workers (e.g., Kitchener-Waterloo [Ontario] Record 2001; St. Catharines [Ontario] Standard 2001) presented the same quote from an anonymous migrant worker who criticizes the unfair treatment of foreign migrant workers by Canadian employers: “What I’ve realized here in Canada is that employers don’t hire us as human beings. They think we’re animals. . . . The first threat that they always make is that if you don’t like it, you can go back to Mexico.” In a report about the same protests, the Windsor (Ontario) Star quoted farmworkers who articulated similar concerns: “‘Growers don’t care whether you’re injured or not, they only care when you’re healthy,’” and “[the grower] said, ‘If you don’t work faster, you’ll be sent back to Mexico’” (Welch 2001). Other articles gave the events a different spin. A fact-finding mission after the protests uncovered that only a few migrant workers filed formal complaints against their employers. The lack of complaints was interpreted as assurance that workers were satisfied with their employment circumstances.
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"Women Migrant Workers and Visibility in Malaysia: The Role of Media in Society." In Proletarian and Gendered Mass Migrations, 427–48. BRILL, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004251380_018.
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De Moya, Maria, and Rajul Jain. "Communicating Nation Brands Through Mass and Social Media." In Social Media Marketing, 1497–514. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-5637-4.ch069.
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Nation branding efforts are the means through which many countries attempt to influence how foreign publics perceive them. However, in a media landscape that now includes not only traditional one-way media but also two-way social platforms, countries undertaking these efforts are presented with a series of new challenges. This environment makes it more difficult to manage the issues associated with a nation brand, challenges countries to better communicate their advantages, and allows the public to create its own, potentially competing, messages about a country. Building on previous work on nation and destination branding, this chapter discusses the changing media environment in which nation-branding efforts are taking place, and—through a combination of DICTION®-assisted, manual, and qualitative content analyses—provides evidence of the new media landscape in which nation branding is taking place. The challenges and opportunities created by this new context are detailed, and potential avenues for further research are discussed.
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Nanyonga, Sophia. "Comparing Foreign Workers' Rights in Uganda and Turkey." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 324–33. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0148-0.ch023.
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The issue of foreign workers has received increased media and national attention. However, to date there has been limited research on the nature and consequences of employment of foreign workers in various countries. Introduction of significant changes in recruitment phenomenon has ended in painful and traumatic atmosphere which is barely acceptable by local workforce in many countries. This conceptual paper examines the foreign workers' rights specifically in Uganda and Turkey. Foreign workers are likely to face challenges and difficulties as compared to the nationals for obvious reasons, thus the need for the enactment of laws and, or instruments to protect them and fill in the loopholes.
Conference papers on the topic "Mass media and foreign workers"
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Alisherovna, Khamrabaeva Shirin. "MASS MEDIA TECHNOLOGIES IN TEACHING FOREIGN LANGUAGES." In TEACHING FOREIGN LANGUAGES IN THE CONTEXT OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: BEST PRACTICES, PROBLEMS AND OPPORTUNITIES. ISCRC, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/geo-72.
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This article discusses the use of multimedia technologies in foreign language teaching. Using specially prepared multimedia programs, electronic textbooks, multimedia reference books, encyclopedias and dictionaries for the educational process, creating a communicative environment for learning, developing interest in language learning, conditions that are as close as possible to real spoken communication in a foreign language in the absence of a natural language environment are discussed.
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Naumova, Irina. "Foreign Literature Precedent Phenomena In Russian Mass Media Discourse." In III PMMIS 2019 (Post mass media in the modern informational society) "Journalistic text in a new technological environment: achievements and problems". Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.08.02.43.
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Do, Huyen Trang. "POWER OF MEDIA, PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21st CENTURY." In World Conference on Media and Mass Communication. The International Institute of Knowledge Management (TIIKM), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/medcom.2018.4105.
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Korotkevich, Daria O. "A Foreign Country As A Subject Of American Mass Media Discourse." In Dialogue of Cultures - Culture of Dialogue: from Conflicting to Understanding. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.11.03.46.
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Mitani, Fumie. "Media Frame Analysis on Japanese History Textbook Controversy in 1982 From a Perspective of Foreign Policy and Media." In Annual International Conference on Journalism & Mass Communications. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2301-3729_jmcomm12.52.
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Titova, Olga, Valentina Kudinova, Irina Rodionova, Irina Golovina, and Irina Kudinova. "AUTHENTIC MASS MEDIA TEXTS AS THE BASIS OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE AND CULTURE TEACHING." In 12th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2019.1337.
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Perbawaningsih, Yudi. "Social Penetration by Social Media Usage A Case on Indonesian Women and Their Interaction with Online Foreign Partners." In Annual International Conference on Journalism & Mass Communications. Global science and Technology Forum (GSTF), 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2301-3710_jmcomm15.38.
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Mubarokah, M. Nuzul, M. Safrizal Anwar, and Varingan Prianando Tambunan. "Analysis of mass media utilization with the agricultural extension workers performance in way Khilau districts, Pesawaran." In THE 3RD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION (ICOPE) 2021: Harmonizing Competencies in Education Transformation towards Society 5.0. AIP Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0142611.
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Podalko, P. E. "Features of Japan’s Migration Policy and the Problem of Socio-Cultural Adaptation of Foreign Workers to Modern Japanese Society." In IV Международный научный форум "Наследие". SB RAS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-6049863-1-8-83-90.
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The article explores the problem of an acute shortage of labor resources in modern Japan as well as ways to solve it by changing the migration policy. Nowadays, many industries already cannot survive without the migrant workers from abroad. The situation is becoming a stalemate, as the country is already dependent on foreign workers, but still avoids the general idea how to create the mechanism for their legal mass arrival. Also, the government claimed a new plan to develop inbound tourism, which also increases the burden on the domestic labor market. The socio-cultural adaptation of migrants to life in Japanese society is one more problem to be solved.
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Diop, Abdoulaye, Semsia Al-Ali Mustafa, Michael Ewers, and Trung Kien Le. "Welfare Index of Migrant Workers: The Case of Qatar." In Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0256.
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In December 2010, Qatar won the rights to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup. The announcement came with increasing pressure from international human rights organizations, media and other groups for Qatar to reform its labor laws, which governs the lives and working conditions of foreign workers in the country. Although Qatar continues to develop and implement major reforms to its labor laws, until now there was no one unique tool based on survey data to evaluate the impact of the government’s policies on guest workers. The objective of this paper is to present the Qatar Guest Workers’ Welfare Index (GWWI), a multi-dimensional comprehensive tool based on survey data of migrant workers developed by the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESRI). In addition to assessing and tracking the welfare of this population, the objective of the index is to identify areas of improvement to guide policy formulation.
Reports on the topic "Mass media and foreign workers"
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Rudyk, Myroslava. Нові ролі і функції соціальних медіа у волонтерській діяльності в період російсько-української війни з 24 лютого 2022 року. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11739.
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The article studies social media as a communication platform during the war. The set of mass communication tools to meet the audience’s information needs, coordination of volunteer activities, popularization of the volunteer movement, and involvement of the Internet community in helping the Armed Forces were analyzed. During the Russian-Ukrainian war, social media became the platform where the exchange of information takes place much faster; good analytics could be found quickly, which were pushed out of the information space. Also, social media have taken on the role of a platform where you can coordinate work, unite society around important issues, organize assistance to the army, and report on the needs of the Armed Forces. That is why the presentation of volunteering in social media is considered a relevant research topic because the presentation of volunteering in social networks has generally changed the content of blogging. Stars of show business, politicians, people of art, and educational and scientific fields have done incredible things with social media’s help in organizing military aid. We believe that the volunteer movement through social media has expanded the functions and role of these communication platforms, demonstrating the importance of Internet communication and the effectiveness of using the latest media tools in wartime. The historiography of the study covers the works of Ukrainian and foreign scientists. Among them are L. Horodenko, V. Hvozdiev, B. Potiatynyk, G. Synorub, A. Rohulskyi, D. Rashkoff, and others. The war situation in Ukraine has opened up new requests for blogging activities, exceptional support, and initiation of volunteering. The content of bloggers is now 80 percent filled with the topic of war. The presentation of volunteer work is considered individually and collectively on behalf of foundations and public organizations. We believe that a significant advantage of an active volunteer movement in social networks is fast communication, which contributes to the rapid resolution of crucial tasks. Keywords: social media, volunteering, information, war.
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Krushelnytska, Sofiia. UKRAINE’S IMAGE IN THE FRENCH MEDIA DURING THE EVENTS OF 2004. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11065.
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The article examines the formation of the image of Ukraine by the French media during the Orange Revolution. The main factors influencing the tone of publications and difficulties in creating a positive external image of Ukraine in the French media are identified. The article is aimed at the analysis of scientific research on the influence of the French media on the formation of the image of Ukraine and its role in international socio-political processes. The study analyzes the materials of French journalists in the media, written during the events in 2004. The main factors influencing the formation of positive features of the Ukrainian state are identified. The main changes in perceptions of Ukraine in the French media are systematized. The influence of the media on the formation of the image and security of the state is determined. The main peaks of interest in Ukraine from foreign mass media are analyzed. Stereotypes and myths in the image of Ukraine that should be destroyed have been identified. The article also analyzes the role of the Orange Revolution in forming a positive image of Ukraine for foreign recipients. It is also investigated what factors influence the information space of the state and its role in image formation. Examples of Russian influence on the French media in order to undermine Ukraine’s image at the international level are given. Articles, radio and TV materials are offered as an example of interest and attention to the events of 2004. At the same time, the need to control the information that enters the information space outside Ukraine has been demonstrated. However, the positive effects of the image on the support of Ukraine by foreign partners have been identified.
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Pavlyuk, Ihor. MEDIACULTURE AS A NECESSARY FACTOR OF THE CONSERVATION, DEVELOPMENT AND TRANSFORMATION OF ETHNIC AND NATIONAL IDENTITY. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11071.
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The article deals with the mental-existential relationship between ethnoculture, national identity and media culture as a necessary factor for their preservation, transformation, on the example of national original algorithms, matrix models, taking into account global tendencies and Ukrainian archetypal-specific features in Ukraine. the media actively serve the domestic oligarchs in their information-virtual and real wars among themselves and the same expansive alien humanitarian acts by curtailing ethno-cultural programs-projects on national radio, on television, in the press, or offering the recipient instead of a pop pointer, without even communicating to the audience the information stipulated in the media laws − information support-protection-development of ethno-culture national product in the domestic and foreign/diaspora mass media, the support of ethnoculture by NGOs and the state institutions themselves. In the context of the study of the cultural national socio-humanitarian space, the article diagnoses and predicts the model of creating and preserving in it the dynamic equilibrium of the ethno-cultural space, in which the nation must remember the struggle for access to information and its primary sources both as an individual and the state as a whole, culture the transfer of information, which in the process of globalization is becoming a paramount commodity, an egregore, and in the post-traumatic, interrupted-compensatory cultural-information space close rehabilitation mechanisms for national identity to become a real factor in strengthening the state − and vice versa in the context of adequate laws («Law about press and other mass media», Law «About printed media (press) in Ukraine», Law «About Information», «Law about Languages», etc.) and their actual effect in creating motivational mechanisms for preserving/protecting the Ukrainian language, as one of the main identifiers of national identity, information support for its expansion as labels cultural and geostrategic areas.
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Semenets, Olena. Метафора «війна проти коронавірусу» в українському та зарубіжному медійному просторі (2020–2021 рр.). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11725.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of the study is to reveal the specifics of the functioning of the metaphor “war against coronavirus” in Ukrainian mediatized discursive practices of 2020-2021 compared to the trends of using this metaphor in the media environment of Western countries. A research methodology is based on the approach of critical discourse analysis. The work also takes into account the results of the study of the «war against coronavirus» metaphor, conducted using the materials of public discourses in Italy, Bulgaria, and Greece. A comparative analysis of the specifics of the functioning of this metaphor in mediatized discursive practices was carried out by the author of the article as part of a joint study of an international team of scientists – a contextualized online dictionary «In Other Words» (https://www.iowdictionary.org). Mediatized discursive practices mean communications with a mass audience through various media platforms, i.e., not only through mass media, but also with the use of blogs, social networks, messengers, video hosting, etc. The findings of the study of “war” metaphors in the domestic official discourse on the problems of combating the Covid-19 pandemic during 2020-2021 are based on the analysis of public speeches and greetings presented on the official website “President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Official Internet representation”, as well as interviews of the President with leading domestic and foreign publications. The result of the research is the conclusion that, in general, the metaphor “war against the coronavirus” has not gained such widespread use in Ukrainian official, political, and media discursive practices as in Western countries. This is due to the fact that starting in 2014, Ukraine repels the military aggression of the Russian Federation in the east of the country. Therefore, in 2020–2021, the word war was actively used in the public and personal discourses of Ukrainians primarily not in a metaphorical, but in a direct, denotative sense: war as an armed struggle in the east of Ukraine. Key words: Covid-19, metaphor “war against coronavirus”, political discourse, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy, mediatized discursive practices, critical discourse analysis.