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1
Tedtoeva, Zinaida, and Madina Tsalikova. "Reflection of the Gender Problems of Society in Russian Journalism at the Turn of the 20th and 21st Centuries." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 7, no. 4 (2018): 672–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2018.7(4).672-690.
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The aim of the research was to analyze the stylistic tonality of the texts of mass media devoted to gender issues at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The article reveals the results of the research, which testify to the peculiarities of images of men and women in Russian mass media, and the data obtained during the analysis of journalistic texts published between 1990 and 2010 became indicators of the sample of the material. Some existing and emerging gender stereotypes are being established, namely cultural and socially conditioned ideas, opinions on the qualities, attributes and norms of behavior of men and women issued in journalistic texts. The linguistic means of expressing gender stereotypes in the mass media are analyzed. The article analyzes the linguistic tools used in the mass media to evaluate men and women. An attempt is made to compare the linguistic means used in the formation of images of women in the men's magazines. The research methodology is based on understanding the mass media mission as an effective means of forming public opinion; depending on the tasks to be solved, a set of methods used: synchronous-descriptive, synchronous-comparative, content-analysis. The method of textual and discursive analysis with the use of cognitive-pragmatic methodology and functional-stylistic analysis of the text are also used. Today it is the media that become a special agent of gender socialization, actively promoting gender stereotypes formed in society, exploiting them endlessly, often with their modification, which also contributes to the creation of new stereotypes. For modern mass media research, it is becoming increasingly important to take into account concepts, stereotypes as the basis for creating ideology in the modern media space. The latter ones presuppose a targeted influence on the recipient's consciousness from the addressee's side with the help of a pre-defined idea that has a generalized character that orient mass consciousness in the given direction through stereotyped nominations. The conclusions, which were made with the help of this research, are reduced to the statement of the tendentiousness of presenting gender issues in modern Russian mass media. The publications are mainly conducted in a key, far from respectful for both men and women. Moreover, in the mass media, stereotypes of men and women that do not correspond to the true state of affairs in Russia and are not capable of creating tolerant relations between the sexes that are not capable of asserting the idea of equal rights and equal responsibility to the society of all Russian citizens outside the public are exploited, generated and replicated in the mass media depending on their gender. A well-thought-out media policy in covering gender issues is needed, aimed at the formation of healthy humane relations in the society.
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Bondarenko, Valeria, Olena Kaptiurova, and Vira Orlova. "#BLACKLIVESMATTER and struggle over national discourse on Twitter: digital activism as new public sphere." Current issues of Ukrainian linguistics theory and practice, no. 42 (2021): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apultp.2021.42.90-103.
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The tragic death of George Floyd, an African-American male killed by a white policeman, has been widely discussed on social media and instigated many to use social media as an argumentum over the law enforcement role and the racist status quo in the USA. As social media have unignorably become a tool for activists who seek to introduce new voices into the present-day monoglossic public opinion, Twitter has offered the space for the Black Lives Matter digital activism to create their own identity that enables them to participate in (re)shaping the public opinion and aspire for social change. Social media, leaning on the technological thrust into modern society, have created a viable substitute for public sphere to challenge the power and hegemony which control the production of discourse and agenda that dominate the public opinion. The study draws on Habermas' theory of the 'public sphere' so as to conceptualize the #BalckLivesMatter (BLM) activism aimed at controlling the public national discourse. Critical Discourse Analysis, in its turn, provides the framework for critical examination of language choices and the ways in which texts are structured, selected, and invested with meanings that facilitate the promotion of certain ideologies and particular social representations. Using this theoretical background, the article explores language means used in Twitter messages (http://twitter.com) by BLM activists between May 25 and 31, 2020, in the aftermath of Floyd's death. The article reveals that #BlackLivesMatter tweets expose the discourse of inequality, injustice and racism across the American nation and that Twitter is used by the black minority marginalized in the American society as an alternative space to (re)construct the public sphere and to challenge the mainstream mass media dominated by the white ideology. The linguistic analysis uncovers the divisive nature of #BlackLivesMatter messages on Twitter expressed by the emphatic blacks vs whites opposition as well as their particularism that becomes pronounced in the debates of BLM activists with the universalist #AllLivesMatter supporters.
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SJ, Johannes Ehrat. "Entangled in the Net? Would Scandals function under the Conditions of the Internet alone?" Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 4 (January 1, 2011): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2011.4.1792.
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Using semiotic method of consideration the article investigates judgement power of public sphere in traditional media and internet. The analysis reminds that news stories obey the narrative rules. They become an object for judgement only in a mediation that allows present public opinion. At the same time because of mediation and in accordance with functioning of meta-texts these stories become subject of moralising sanction to their heroes. For mass media, the mediation function creates the parallel universe of the public sphere. The aim of the article is to find an answer whether there exists something in the internet which produces a similar public universe.Theoretical argument lets to conclude that the tribunal of public opinion is not just a meaning apparatus; it also has to be narrated. That means, that the question of justice, of right or wrong, has to be turned into a pragmatic question of performance (how well?) and competence (by whom?). As publicity is only an idea, a meaning apparatus, for normative purposes need to hide behind narrative plausibility. As soon as actors are seen as pragmatic subjects, they are subject to sanctioning. Actually, a source is the direct will of the judging instance, which in the public sphere is the hypostasis of ‘all’.When internet lacks direct mediation instance, it is unable to turn information into narratives. Without public sphere produced by traditional media the internet lacks the meaning. Such stating together with the example of Wikileaks let to conclude that when there is no legitimisation of power, then, no realisation of the pragmatic subject, and in consequence – there is no scandal. Keywords: common sense, industrial meaning, internet communication, judgement, meta-text, meaning, meaning constraint, moralising, narrative, power (meta-text 1), pragmatic subject (meta-text 2), publicity, public opinion, public sanctioning, scandal, theatre meaning.
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Lavrov, I. A., and A. V. Sokol. "Russian authority and the Internet: safety vs freedom of speech." Digital Sociology 2, no. 2 (2019): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2658-347x-2019-2-12-24.
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The Internet, in the era of its availability and popularity in modern Russia, plays the most important role both in the dissemination of information and in the daily communications of people. Mass media also use Internet platforms as the main ones in their activities, because traditional forms of media already have a smaller audience coverage, than online-editions. Due to the fact, that in the modern Russia traditional mass media are controlled by the authorities, the Internet remains the last platform, on which independent sources can lead their activities. For today, Internet is the main force, shaping public opinion and trends. In this regard, the current Russian government has a need to develop new measures and introduce new laws to regulate this area. But is it really the primary authority`s task to ensure security within the Russian Internet, or is it driven by the desire to take control of the Internet and restrict its freedom?The main actions of the Russian authorities, taken to ensure the security of the Russian Internet, in chronological order, have been considered and analyzed. Both texts of laws and their real results after adoption have been reviewed and analyzed. For each such action an assessment of public opinion in relation to these innovations has been adduced. The compliance of the stated goals and objectives of the draft laws with their actual results has been considered. The analysis of international assessments of freedom of the mass media, freedom of the Internet and individual freedom in the Russian Federation during various periods of the implementation of these laws in everyday life has been given.
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Еgorova, Lyudmila. "The Genre and Thematic Features of the Crimean Medias Discourse." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 2 (2020): 335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(2).335-346.
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The topicality of the research is explained by the fact that media activity of any region has an immediate impact on forming public opinion and moral values, which, in their turn, are also reflected on the mass media agenda. Mass media as creators of information content provide for forming their consumers positive or negativeу attitude to events. The object of the study is the discourse of the regional media in the Crimea since it is correlated with that of the dominant Russian mass media and combines both local and national characteristics. The author focuses on the genre and thematic features of the media texts that enrich the regional worldview with content meaningful for the residents of the area. This content reflects culture-bound concepts and values of the society, and contains a special code, which is determined by local lifestyle and culture. The texts are composed in a way that they make the audience share these values and concepts and become committed to them. Having analyzed genre preferences of the Crimean and municipal press, the author notes that the prevailing ones are texts concerning politics, tourism, culture, economy and ecology. Besides, the Crimean mass media provide a platform for inter-cultural communication, which is particularly important for the multinational region. The author considers a complex inter-disciplinary research of the Crimean media landscape a good perspective of the study, which might help to develop a strategy of positioning the region among the other sub-federal entities, and determine trends and stereotypes in the sphere of social relation of the republic.
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Гнездилова, Е., and E. Gnezdilova. "Mediadiscourse and Communication in Society." Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 8, no. 5 (2019): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5d77659dae99e0.80442105.
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The article discusses the media discourse, analyzes its role in shaping the picture of the world of modern person: the typological features of the media text, the means and techniques of speech impact on the audience are highlighted. In the study of media texts, the author used the method of discursive analysis. As a result of an experimental study, linguistic techniques and means were revealed by which mass media influence the formation of public opinion, control communication in society. After analyzing publications in Russian media, the author comes to the conclusion that many of the linguistic techniques used in socio-political discourse today are mostly manipulative in nature, and are a powerful tool in the information confrontation. The identification of these tools and techniques, their systematization allows us to understand the specifics of the formation of the picture of the world of modern person, especially communication in society.
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Ghassemi, Rouhollah, and Zahra Hemmatgosha. "Language in Media: A Tool for Expressing Political Views." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 5 (2019): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.5p.28.
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In any society there is a link between social-intellectual (ideological) views and discursive structures in media. Therefore, it is possible to discover this relationship by clarifying appropriate discursive remedies in text analysis and eventually determining how it is and its application. Some journalists are very skillful in literature, their discussion talent and their ability to manipulate the language result in complexity in language form and also in semantic features. Many fundamental factors are involved in production and comprehension of the press texts. The main objective of the current study is to investigate some of these factors such as powers relations in the society and also political and ideological institutions in press texts. Applying a discourse analysis approach and considering news theories, this study tries to analyze French press texts and explore the ways information is transferred to the addressees through word selection. The findings of this study indicate that mass media (and newspapers) are tools for expanding the ideology in the society because, facing the same issue, they take different positions according to their interests. The investigation of how this information is transferred is possible through discourse analysis. We try to show how French express media manipulate public opinion by using different vocabularies.
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Rusakova, Olga, and Ekaterina Gribovod. "Mediatization of Anti-Corruption Policy: a Theoretical Analysis." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 1 (2020): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(1).123-135.
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The article deals with the phenomenon of mediatization of anti-corruption policies. The authors study theoretical treatment of the role of the mass media in anti-corruption practices and analyze methodological approaches to interpretation of the mediatization. These include discourse-linguistic, cratologic, and resource-communication approaches. The discourse-linguistic approach involves mainly an analysis of the contents of media texts and images that generate a required public opinion and form stable cognitive matrices of peoples anti-corruption thinking. The cratologic approach regards mediacracy as both government institution and a subject of an anti-corruption policy. It also helps to find a number of information techniques (like agenda-setting, priming, framing, etc.) aimed at forming a legal anti-corruption culture. The resource-communication approach describes mediatization of anti-corruption policies by means of citizen journalism, new media and a vast range of mass communication media. The authors make an attempt to identify key features of the process of mediatization of anti-corruption policy at different stages of its development. The term «mediatization of anti-corruption policy» is defined as a system of measures to provide information support for anti-corruption activities. It is inferred that, overall, the contemporary mass media are successfully accumulating a required technological, organizational and communicative potential for information warfare against corruption. However, extra efforts and the national will would sufficiently add to the efficiency of this potential.
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Yegorova, Lyudmila. "Modern Regional Media Discourse Features (on the Example of the Republic of Crimea Printed Press)." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 7, no. 4 (2018): 615–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2018.7(4).615-628.
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The mass media regional discourse is a part of mass media national space, simultaneously it has certain features that reflect regional specifics. These features are systematically displayed by mass media agenda, by the ways of information presentation, interpretation of socially significant events, the priority themes and genres, organization of the dialog with audience, media texts compositional and stylistic design. Newspapers as one of the important for the region printed mass media types concentrate regional mass media discourse attributes. The given research attempts to reconcile the theory of regionality with the real factors and facts of the Crimea media history in its dynamic characteristics displayed in the regional newspapers. It should be noted that integrated analysis of the Crimea regional media discourse in the newspaper segment presents the regions informational worldview in 2013-2015, the period of Crimea sovereignty changing and the peninsula comprisal to the Russian Federation. Regional newspapers are diverse information media, they are obtainable and convenient first of all for the accustomed reader. These characteristics afford ground for regarding the newspaper as a regions informational space core. The newspaper sheet corporality is perceived positively by many people (mainly by the older generation). A regional newspaper has an undeniable advantage - it realizes in its content principle of closeness to the reader living in the particular region. The Republic of Crimea press thematic preferences analysis (eight Crimea-wide and municipal periodicals publications have been analyzed) enables one to designate the following regional 2013-2015 agenda priorities: Crimean deputies and officials work; the Russian Federation, Ukraine and Crimea relations; Crimea legal status; language issue; Crimean economics problems and achievements; ecology; culture; tourism, - which form the public opinion, influence standards of events perception by society.
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Evlasev, Aleksandr Petrovich, and Larisa Alekseevna Sychugova. "The peculiarities of functionality of evaluative lexis in the English-language political discourse (on the text of US mass media)." Litera, no. 12 (December 2020): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2020.12.34377.
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This article is dedicated to examination of the questions of functionality of evaluative lexis in political discourse of the United States. The relevance of the topic is substantiated by the heightened interests of research towards the peculiarities of expressing evaluative meanings in various types of discourse. In modern linguistics, the analysis of functionality of evaluative lexis in the political discourse is of unequivocal interest, since axiological interpretation significantly affects the life of modern society. Research methodology is comprised of the work of such Russian linguists as I. S. Alekseeva, A. A. Ufimtseva, T. A. Znamenskaya, N. D. Arutyunova, and others. Special attention is given to the method of realization of negative evaluations. The goal of this  article consists in the methods of expression of evaluative meanings s using stylistic means, as the language is an effective weapon in the world of politics. The political texts of US mass media served as the material for this research due to the fact that mass media influence the formation of public opinion, the course of political discussions and referendums, rating of political and public figures, political parties, and public organizations. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the US political discourse includes different lexical and stylistic means applied for exertion of ideological influence, as well as formation of certain attitudes on certain realities of political life among the recipients.
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Kozyryatska, Svetlana. "Hate speech in Ukrainian internet space: religious context." Obraz 3, no. 32 (2019): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/obraz.2019.3(32)-87-97.
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Introduction. Recently in the Ukrainian media space, there are a lot of info texts on religious topics; however, special attention should be given to the problem of hate speech used in such texts, as a repetition of certain messages that employ negatively colored or offensive lexis in relation to denominations is an indicator of influence on public opinion which can provoke the aggressive public mood. The relevance of the study. The aim of this paper is to study the peculiarities of using hate speech in info texts on religious topics represented in the Ukrainian online space. It includes, in particular, monitoring of the Internet in order to detect those secular and denominational resources that employ expressive means of hate speech in headlines or info texts on religious topics, as well as the study of lexical, stylistic, structural, and other peculiarities of hate speech and discovery of reasons for using it. Research methods. The research is grounded on the information approach; the method of academic literature analysis was used for general exploration of the subject, for defining the level of the theoretical study of such aspect of religious journalism as the use of hate speech by secular and denominational mass-media in reports on religious topics; methods of analysis and generalization – to distinguish the expressive means of hate speech that are used in the religious segment of the Internet space, and to determine the causes of their application. Results. The following reasons for hate speech use have been defined: 1) with the aim of influencing public opinion, i.e. forming a negative image of a confession, and humiliating its status; 2) with the aim of making web headlines more ardent by means of expressive lexis use, which, in its turn, is capable of provoking readers’ interest and attracting new visitors to the website. There are such particularly the appeal to political stereotypes, as well as the use of politically-marked words and political slang, jargonisms, vulgarisms, dysphemisms, stylistic lowering that secure the desired expressive effect. The importance of a communicator’s status, which gives more value to a message, has been highlighted. Usually, the use of hate speech is grounded on binary opposition ‘friend-or-foe’. Conclusions. The academic novelty of this research is determined by singling out the peculiarities (lexical, stylistic, structural, etc.) of hate speech in the religious segment of the Ukrainian online space and by discovering the reasons for using it. A prospect for further research is the study of communication between church and state in the Ukrainian media. Keywords: mass media, religious topics, Internet resources, hate speech, information confrontation, stereotypes.
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Dreshpak, V. "ПОВІДОМЛЕННЯ ПРЕССЛУЖБ ОРГАНІВ ПУБЛІЧНОЇ ВЛАДИ РЕГІОНАЛЬНОГО РІВНЯ: СТРУКТУРА ТА СТИЛІСТИКА". State and Regions. Series: Social Communications, № 1(41) (10 березня 2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.32840/cpu2219-8741/2020.1(41).17.
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<p>The article discusses the structural and stylistic aspects of the posts from press services of the<br />Dnipropetrovsk and Odessa regional state administrations, which are available on their websites. The<br />relevance of this study is caused by the transformation of the system of mass communication of public<br />authorities with citizens, in particular, the expansion of the sphere of direct contacts of public authorities<br />with their target audiences without the mediation of the media and the need to form a complete<br />cycle of media production on the basis of press services. This requires an appropriate level of organization<br />of communication of public authorities with the public and the qualification of staff.<br />The purpose of the article is to identify the structural and stylistic features of the posts from press<br />services of regional public authorities on their websites.<br />Studies performed using methods: comparative analysis, content analysis, analysis and synthesis.<br />It has been demonstrated that news posts from press services on official web-sites of regional-level<br />public authorities have styling features of both PR-products and journalistic works. It is suggested that<br />this is due to the desire to implement in one information flow its own information function and the function<br />of public opinion management.<br />Comparison of posts from the press services regional state administrations revealed different approaches<br />to the structure and stylistics of these texts. The materials of the press service of the Dnepropetrovsk<br />Regional State Administration are structured according to a single model and stylistically<br />close to publications in Internet editions, and Odessa – have structural differences, but stylistically<br />more to press releases. In studied reports revealed a number of common stylistic defects, indicating a<br />need for further work to improve the quality of media products.<br />Key words: press service, web site, structure of media reports, style of media reports, public authorities.</p>
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Dayrell, Carmen. "Discourses around climate change in Brazilian newspapers: 2003–2013." Discourse & Communication 13, no. 2 (2019): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481318817620.
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Given the crucial role of the mass media in influencing public discourse, this study examines the discourses around climate change within the Brazilian press, covering the time period of 2003–2013. Survey evidence has shown that Brazilians’ degree of concern about climate change is higher than almost anywhere else, with nine out of 10 Brazilians considering climate change a serious problem. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate how the press engendered Brazilians’ striking level of climate change concern, with special attention to how the discourse developed over time. To this end, I undertake a corpus-assisted discourse analysis to examine the most dominant linguistic patterns in the discourse, presenting evidence on an unprecedented scale and with considerable depth. The corpus consists of 19,686 newspaper texts (11.4 million words) published by 12 Brazilian broadsheet papers. The results are interpreted in the light of available opinion polls on the public’s perception of climate change as well as Brazil’s national context and environmental governance.
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Radyuk, A. V. "THE TACTIC OF ASSESSMENT IN ECONOMIC DISCOURSE (THE CONCEPT OF SINGLE MARKET)." Professional Discourse & Communication 1, no. 1 (2019): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2687-0126-2019-1-1-36-45.
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The aim of the article is to describe the trends ongoing in modern economic discourse. Economic discourse is considered to be a part of business discourse texts united by the topic of commerce and economic relations. The author looks into speech influence means used by the participants of online communication in social media posts. The work is carried out in the framework of functional pragmatic paradigm. Studying the correlation between the speech forms and their functions, this approach allows to identify the main speech strategies and tactics used by specialists in economics and ordinary people discussing economic issues. The tactic of assessment is the object of the current study. The excerpts from social media involving debate on single market issue were chosen by method of continuous sampling. They included the posts from accounts of European Union Commission, EU Finance, Confederation of British Industry, BBC Politics et al. The author singles out speech means characterizing the phenomenon from a positive and negative perspective. They are treated as a reflection of collective consciousness of Europeans and demonstrate an attitude of doubt and skepticism towards the single market. To conclude, online communication in the field of economics and business proves to be a valuable object for linguistic research. New mass media play an important role in formation of discourse field and a powerful tool for expressing public opinion.
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Ozymenko, Vladimir I., and Tatiana V. Larina. "Threat and fear: Pragmatic purposes of emotionalisation in media discourse." Russian Journal of Linguistics 25, no. 3 (2021): 746–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-2021-25-3-746-766.
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The impact of mass media on individuals and society is to a great extent based on emotions. We concentrate on fear as it is one of the basic emotions triggered by risk and threat, which is claimed to play a key role in the twenty-first century consciousness (Furedi 20018). The study focuses on the emotionalisation of fear in contemporary media discourse about Russia, more specifically, on constructions of Russian threat and fear of Russia in Anglo-American media texts to highlight pragmatic effects and to speculate on possible purposes of such discourses. The study aims to explore the functioning of the lexemes threat and fear , in textual contexts with the focus on their pragma-discursive characteristics. It identifies the mechanisms as well as linguistic tools involved in media strategies of scare-mongering. The dataset was derived from quality British and American newspapers in the period 2018-2020, and was analysed drawing on an interdisciplinary approach combining critical discourse analysis, pragmatics, medialinguistics, psycholinguistics and the theory of proximisation. The paper argues that appealing to emotions as well as constructing emotions is aimed at enhancing the persuasive function of media and fulfilling their own agenda. The persistent use of the words threat and fear in relation to Russia as well as the obsessive discussion of this topic in media aim to shape a certain negative public opinion of Russia among readerships. The findings show that to achieve this goal different strategies and linguistic tools are used including: exaggeration, repetition, proximisation, interrogative headlines, presupposition, among others. The results go beyond linguistics, and may find implementation in political studies, since they provide researchers with tools for understanding contemporary social and political processes.
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Korol, Antonina, and Viktoria Voloshchuk. "TRANSLATION SPECIFICS OF MANIPULATIVE INFLUENCE IN GERMAN-LANGUAGE MEDIA DISCOURSE." Germanic Philology Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 831-832 (2021): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/gph2021.831-832.123-135.
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The paper presents the analysis of linguistic means of manipulative influence in the modern German-speaking discourse. Nowadays, the media remains an important and no less influential part of a society. Mass media is the main source of human consciousness formation and public opinion correction. The topic of the thesis is the peculiarities of the translation of means of manipulative influence in modern German-language media discourse. The object of scientific research is the media discourse of modern German-speaking media. The relevance of the study is determined by the need to identify and study the mechanisms of verbal influence in media discourse, as manipulation in discourse is one of the current problems of the modern linguistics. To reach the goal, the paper considers the functional direction of media discourse, highlights the linguistic specifics of manipulation tactics, and determines the basic methods of translation of means of manipulative influence. The subject of the research is a comparative analysis of the application of translation strategies and methods of translation of means of manipulative influence. Various methods were used in the research: analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, pragmatic, discursive analysis, critical discourse analysis, comparison, descriptive method, classification analysis, comparative analysis of source text and translation, as well as contrastive translation analysis. The materials of the research are news reports from the website of the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in Ukraine, the Embassy of Ukraine in the Federal Republic of Germany, the news site Deutsche Welle in German and Ukrainian. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is to highlight the features of modern German-speaking media discourse, the typology of translation transformations for the transmission of verbal means of manipulative influence in German-language texts and their practical application in translation studies. The study is based on the tactics of manipulation. The verbal plane is represented by a number of linguistic means implementing the tactics. Tactics of manipulation presuppose the use of the technique of appealing to expert opinion, dramatization of the situation with the help of numbers and emotionally-colored vocabulary, imposition of positive and negative facts in the message, as well as use of euphemisms. In our work, we presented definitions, identified the main features and the functions of media discourse and did the comprehensive analysis of the content, structure and lexical-syntactic content, as well as the transfer of these characteristics in translation.
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Wink, Georg. "“Looking for more Brazilian solutions”: Rhetorical Strategies against Ethnic Quotas in Brazilian Higher Education." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 6, no. 2 (2018): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v6i2.97048.
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Since the 1990s, Brazil has experienced a growing public debate about policies of ethnic affirmative action. The arguments invoked by the opponents of affirmative action quotas, expressed in scientific publications, the mass media and even manifestos, have been the subject of study in several research projects. In their analyses, these scholars have concluded that the the anti-quota arguments suffered from logical inconsistency, theoretical and methodological flaws or simple lack of empirical evidence. However, anti-quota rhetoric appears to persist seemingly unaffected by academic counter-arguments, if not in the academic debate, at least in public opinion. This paper argues that the persuasive power of anti-quota arguments derives from the strategic use of specific rhetorical strategies, based on time-proven classical speech imagery that foreground evidence and logic even where speculation and heuristics are the actual foundation. Using methods of Critical Discourse Analysis I will analyze a representative corpus of prominent public discourses against ethnic affirmative action quotas in order to demonstrate how rhetorical strategies are deployed in these texts, showing how they broadly mirror the proposition of a “Rhetoric of Reaction” (Hirschman 1991). These rhetorics, I argue, draw heavily on the myth of “racial democracy” combined with a long-standing national master-narrative of Brazilian exceptionalism, the combination of which masks racial animosity and defers policy action to support ethnic minorities.
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Guzikova, V. V., and V. Е. Nesterova. "Newspaper headlines as a tool for linguistic modeling of police image." Philology at MGIMO 7, no. 2 (2021): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2021-2-26-25-37.
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The article considers the issue of linguistic modeling of the image of the police in the newspa[1]per discourse, in newspaper headlines in particular. This article is relevant and determined by the need to study the representation of reality in the media discourse and its linguistic manifestation. In addition, the media have recently paid close attention to the coverage of the activities of social institutions, especially with regard to law enforcement agencies. The authors describe the characteristics of the mass media discourse as one of the tools for implementing public power, organizing the activities of political and social institutions, and forming an image. The paper considers the specific features and functions of the newspaper discourse, and also considers the newspaper headline, which acts as a pragmatic component of a newspaper article contributing to the creation of information and social mediation between addressees and addressers in order to exert a regulatory influence on public opinion. The article focuses on the structural, semantic and stylistic analysis of the newspaper headlines that represent information about law enforcement agencies’ activities in Russia and the United States. The authors divide the publications into neutral (“Arguments and Facts”, “USA Today”, “Wall Street Journal”), pro-government (“Newspaper. Ru”, “Rossiyskaya Gazeta” and “Moskovsky Komsomolets”, “Associated Press”) and opposition newspapers (“Novaya Gazeta”, “Kommersant”, “The New York Times”, “Washington Post”). In total, 60 newspaper headlines were analyzed for the period from September to December 2020. The results show that the texts of newspaper reports perform informative and pragmatic functions, and the newspaper headline is the key to understanding the author’s position and intentions. Lexical, grammatical, and stylistic differences in the headlines of Russian and American newspapers devoted to the activities of law enforcement agencies were identified, as well as language techniques for exerting speech influence on the reader and linguistic modeling of the police image.
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Malyuga, E. N., E. V. Ponomarenko, and A. V. Minayeva. "Stylistic devices as means of forming discursive features of advertising minitexts (exemplified by English economic and political media sources)." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 26, no. 4 (2020): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2020-26-4-82-87.
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The article is devoted to functional and stylistic features of advertising minitexts in English economic and political mass media and Internet sources. The scientific relevance of the topic is proved by the significant role of advertising in building up not only market relations but also cultural stereotypes and public opinion. Besides, the necessity arises to reveal the human linguistic consciousness potential of integrating different meanings and small forms of their verbalization, as the trend towards contracting speech acts is gaining momentum in both oral and written communication. Hence, advertising texts make a proper object of analysis since the need for quick catching of the customers attention and saving money on publication space determines advertisements small volume. The authors set the purpose of analysing the stylistic features of advertising minitexts in economic and political sources in terms of the formation of their discursive features. Methods of discourse functional analysis, descriptive and contextual analyses are implemented thereto. The article addresses the issue of correlation between text and discourse with regard to the advertising linguistic status, types of advertising texts, extralinguistic factors (including psychographic and demographic profiles of consumers) determining the choice of means that actualise advertising discourse functions. The analysis focuses on the expressive means forming peculiar advertising stylistics and special pragmatic increments aimed at making efficient impacts on the recipient. The findings of the empiric analysis are presented in reference to such expressive means as metaphors, allusions, wordplay, antithesis, etc. The prevalence of metaphors, epithets and hyperbole as the most frequent stylistic devices in advertising discourse has been revealed. The authors conclude that discursive features of the texts under analysis are actualized in pragmasemantic increments which are not inferred from speech elements direct meanings alone but are synergistically formed in advertising functional space in the course of text generation and perception based on the communicating parties living backgrounds.
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Levko, Oleksandr. "Shaping of the axiological status of Tomos in Ukrainian religious media discourse in the light of cognitive linguistics and rhetoric." Actual issues of Ukrainian linguistics: theory and practice, no. 37 (2018): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apultp.2018.37.89-105.
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The paper is focused on the cognitive mechanisms underlying the construction of axiological status of Tomos and autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Ukrainian religious media discourse of the last few months from the standpoint of cognitive linguistics and rhetoric. The data used for the study are interviews, announcements and other media texts of the UOC (MP) and UOC (KP) leaders and spokesmen, published on respective official websites of each jurisdiction in 2018. As a result of our study, it was found out that discussions around Tomos and autocephaly gave birth to new allusion-based phraseological units in Ukrainian media space, while also actualizing the use of religious terms which had been previously unknown to average citizens, such as "Tomos", "autocephaly", "canonicity", "Eucharistic communication", "Ecumenical Patriarch" etc. In the media context, these specific terms of the Church law have acquired axiological connotations, turning into axiologems and anti-axiologems. It was also revealed that the argumentation of the positive/negative axiological status of Tomos and autocephaly in Ukrainian religious mass media largely relies on cognitive metaphors and metonymies. In the media context, these cognitive mechanisms of knowledge categorization are of great importance in swaying the public opinion and affecting the value system of the audience. In the texts under study, the most common cognitive metaphors are "Church is body", "Church leaders are doctors", "Intra-Orthodox relations are war", "Intra-Orthodox relations are play", while the most prominent cognitive metonymy is geographical metonymy, whereby the agency is transferred to location. The most productive source domains for the metaphors, which serve to express the evaluation of current processes in the Church, turn out to be human body, medicine, war, play and crime. Decisions of Church leaders regarding Tomos are conceptualized as right or wrong diagnosis and treatment for an illness, expansionist policies or war for peace, raider attack or fair/unfair play. In the media texts produced by both sides, negative connotations are also conveyed via geographical metonymy, when the Constantinople Patriarchate is substituted for by Fanar or Istanbul, whereas the Moscow Patriarchate is referred to as Moscow or Kremlin. We have come to the conclusion that cognitive metaphors and metonymies in Ukrainian religious media discourse are used with the purpose of increasing the persuasive effect of the text and swaying the audience towards adopting the viewpoint of the addresser.
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Seoane, Julio. "Opinion pública : Public opinion." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 17 (September 27, 2019): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2019.5028.
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Resumen: Se recorre la historia de la noción de opinión pública en cinco etapas que van desde su presentación en el XVIII con la Ilustración a los nuevos modos de los social media, pasando por la institución de la opinión pública en la prensa liberal del XIX, las cuestiones de la manipulación de finales del XIX y principios del XX y su condición de lugar de la democracia en la segunda mitad del XX. Palabras clave: público, prensa, mass media, sondeos. Abstract: This work try to show the history of public opinion in five stages ranging from its presentation in the XVIII with the Enlightenment to its new configuration with our social media, through the institution of public opinion in the liberal press of the nineteenth century, the issues of manipulation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and its status as a place of democracy in the second half of the twentieth. Keywords: public, press, mass media, polls.
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Kolokoltseva, E. V. "Mass Media As Forming Public Opinion Tool." Contemporary problems of social work 3, no. 3 (2017): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17922/2412-5466-2017-3-3-74-81.
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Terekhova, Tatiana, Elena Trofimova, and Natalya Terekhova. "The Image of Modern Russian Intelligentsia: A Representation of Self-Identification." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 10, no. 1 (2021): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2021.10(1).141-156.
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The article gives an overview of researches, based on the methodological provisions of media psychology, psychosemiotics and narrative psychology, into the contemporary Russian intelligentsia, and determines the scientific and social significance of the intelligentsia as a «Russian specific phenomenon». Psychosemiotic and narrative analyses of the modern Russian intelligentsia were conducted on the basis of original texts of interviews with participants of the TV program «Posner». Psychosemiotic analysis has shown that modern mass media transform ideas about the contribution of the intelligentsia to the history of civilization, and its attitudes to the challenges of modernity. In the narrative, the dynamics of the States of the actors of the analyzed narrative text of the Respondent is established. It is determined that both methods largely complement each other, clarify and update the research of self-identification of the modern Russian intelligentsia. This article presents empirical results of psychosemantic representation of the image of the Russian intelligentsia. Ppsychosemantic analysis of public opinion regarding the image of the intellectual of the XIX–XX centuries and the image of the modern Russian intellectual was carried out using the author's specialized semantic differential. The sample consisted of the intelligentsia of the Angara region (scientists, musicians, artists, doctors, teachers) with a total number of 256 people. Based on the data obtained using a specialized semantic differential for assessing the images of the intelligentsia of the 19th and 20th centuries and the modern Russian intelligentsia, the leading factors that characterize the images of representatives of the intelligentsia of the 19th and 20th centuries are the following: social distance, voice of conscience, developed intellectual abilities, altruism, social elite, political leadership, patriotism; as for modern Russian intelligentsia they are: publicity, education, and social leadership. propensity to humanism, educated innovator, developed intellectual abilities, propensity to patriotism. There are differences in the images of the intelligentsia of the 19th and 20th centuries and modern Russian intelligentsia, which are manifested through the development of self-awareness, reflection on their place, role and purpose in life.
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Kõresaar, Ene, and Kirsti Jõesalu. "Okupatsioonide muuseumist Vabamuks: nimetamispoliitika analüüs." Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat, no. 60 (October 12, 2017): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33302/ermar-2017-006.
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From “Museum of Occupations” to “Vabamu”: Analysis of Naming Policy This article focuses on the debate around the name Vabamu and is aimed at discussing whether and how the culture of remembering the Soviet era can change in today’s Estonia. In February 2016, the Estonian Museum of Occupations announced its plans to refresh its identity and change the name of the museum to the Museum of Freedom Vabamu. The planned name change sparked controversy in society about the meaning of the (Soviet) military occupation, the sufferings of that period and ways of commemorating them. Over 60 stories were published in the Estonian media from February to August 2016, accompanied by lively discussion on social media. Estonia’s Russian-language media did not participate in the discussion. The article analyses the Vabamu name debate in the context of naming policy and Estonian 20th century historical memory. First of all, the term of “occupation” is explained from the aspect of Estonia’s political identity and Baltic, Russian and European relations. Secondly, the article analyses the main voices and topics in the debate and which of the current memory regime’s models and frameworks of memory policy emerged. It asks, from the perspective of memory studies, why the name change to “Vabamu” was not carried out according to original plans. The main sources of the analysis were texts in the media; including social media; interviews with the museum director, participatory observations at meetings of the museum’s advisory board, and at meetings and temporary exhibitions organized by the museum. In addition to documenting the development of the name debate, the participation, observation and interviews made it possible to explore the conceptual objectives behind the name “Vabamu”. The following opinions resonated in discussions: (1) opinions of the Memento organization (which advocates for the rights of those who suffered persecution by the Soviet regime) and Soviet-era dissidents in media opinion pieces and segments and public statements; (2) statements made by politicians (mainly rightconservatives); (3) opinions from members of the Estonian émigré community; (4) statements from museum managing director Merilin Piipuu and the chairwoman of the Kistler-Ritso foundation Sylvia Thompson, which reflected the museum’s intentions; and (5) the public discussion initiated by the museum. A key date in the development of the debate was 25 March 2016, the anniversary of mass deportations in 1949 when also the representatives of Memento organization voiced their opinion. Giving up “occupation” in the name of the museum occasioned property claims of the generation of victims of communism. The repressed people considered the Museum of Occupation their symbolic place. For this group, the disappearance of the word “occupations” from the museum name actualized the complexity of policy of recognizing their experience ever since the late 1980s. The debate regarding the establishing of a memorial to victims of communism in Tallinn also had an influence. The discussions over “Vabamu” were held in a transnational context, pertaining mainly to neighbouring Russia, and the global Holocaust memory culture. The name change was perceived above all as an adoption of Russian memory politics, not just in the context of the Baltic states but in the broader geopolitical context. Giving up the word “occupation” was seen by critics – and at the outset of the debate by the museum as well – as a national security issue. As the discussion evolved, the museum distanced itself from the security discourse and cited Russian tourists and Estonian Russians as target groups that needed to be reached and included. The comparison to the Holocaust memory culture was also used as an argument by both parties. The opponents of the new name used international comparisons to stress the remembering of the violent past in similar (national) threat contexts. On the other hand, the museum used the Holocaust argument from the standpoint of Jewish identity to justify its intention to move further past the national narrative of occupation. The debates over the name Vabamu were also related to a perception of intergenerational changes in memory work. The museum was reconceptualising the past and future to reach out to younger generations whose experience horizon is radically different from that of the generation of the victims of repressions and whose sense of freedom is more individualized. For opponents of “Vabamu”, the museum staff themselves represented the younger generation who no longer had a link to Estonia’s past ordeals and for whom intergenerational memory and solidarity had become interrupted. Their preference for a multiperspective narrative in place of a narrative of victimhood and resistance was interpreted as an ethical softening toward the victims and trivialization of trauma. As a result of the name debate, the museum decided to forgo a radical change in the name and opted for a compromise: Vabamu, the Museum of Occupations and Freedom. The debate over the concept of occupation showed the importance of linguistic definitions in a more extensive battle over how the past is represented. The concept of occupation has been the core of political identity both in postcommunist Estonia and the other two Baltics. The term “occupation” is related to all of the key elements in Estonia’s postcommunist narrative. Associating the memory of the (Soviet) occupation with security policy in the Vabamu debate points to a main reason for persistence of Estonian current memory culture – the so-called Russian threat, which is perceived as an existential danger, a constant challenge to the survival of the Estonian state. Earlier studies have shown that for Estonians, personal, social, cultural and political memory is strongly interwoven when remembering the 20th century: the national story is strongly supported by family stories. This makes the national narrative personal. When central symbols of the historical memory come under fire, fears are stoked and appeals to a moral duty to preserve a common past are heard.
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Kressel, Neil J. "Elite Editorial Favorability and American Public Opinion: A Case Study of the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Psychological Reports 61, no. 1 (1987): 303–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1987.61.1.303.
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The correspondence between trends in the mass media and trends in public opinion has important practical, theoretical, and methodological implications—even if we cannot untangle the causal relationships involved. The present study attempts to clarify empirically the aggregate-level mass media—public opinion connection for one major political issue, the Arab-Israeli conflict. Mass media data came from a content analysis of 867 elite newspaper editorials on the dispute (1972–1982); public opinion data came from the frequently asked Middle East “sympathy” question. Favorability measures for editorials, mass public opinion, and college-educated public opinion were highly intercorrelated, in part as a result of a common time trend. When this time trend was partialled out, significant relationships remained between editorial opinion and public opinion. In addition, events heavily covered in mass media tended to crystallize opinion among the college educated but not among the mass public.
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Allen, Mahalley D., and Donald P. Haider-Markel. "Connecting Supreme Court Decisions, Media Coverage, and Public Opinion: The Case of Lawrence v. Texas." American Review of Politics 27 (November 1, 2006): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2006.27.0.209-230.
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Many scholars have examined the relationship between public opinion and the U.S. Supreme Court, but most researchers have often failed to take into account the fact that the press mediates this relationship. Due to the public’s lack of independent knowledge about Supreme Court decisions, the media has the potential to play an influential role in the communication and interpretation of Supreme Court decisions. In this article, we examine the relationship between the Supreme Court, the media, and public opinion. First, we examine whether increased public tolerance on gay and lesbian issues has resulted in increased media coverage of gay-related cases before the Supreme Court. Second, we examine how media coverage of the Court’s 2003 decision to strike down state sodomy laws in Lawrence v. Texas may have been associated with decreased public support for gay and lesbian civil rights. Our analysis suggests that increased support for gay and lesbian civil rights may have lead to increased media attention to the Lawrence case and that the tone of this coverage may have subsequently resulted in an observed decrease in support for gay and lesbian civil rights following the Court’s decision. We also suggest that the release of a highly critical dissenting opinion by the Court in the case may have encouraged negative media coverage and the resulting shift in public opinion. Our research has broad implications for media coverage of Supreme Court decisions.
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Rajabov, A. "Public Opinion as an Indicator of Mass Media Social Demand." Bulletin of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Journalism Series 129, no. 4 (2019): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7174-2019-129-4-52-59.
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Chomsky, Daniel, and Scott Barclay. "The Mass Media, Public Opinion, and Lesbian and Gay Rights." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 6, no. 1 (2010): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-102209-152825.
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Yemets, Irina Aleksandrovna. "Public Opinion as an Object of Manipulation Through Mass Media." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 1 (2021): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2021.1.5.
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Musiał-Karg, Magdalena, and Izabela Kapsa. "Polish Mass Media Coverage and Public Opinion on E-democracy." Medijske studije 12, no. 23 (2021): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.12.23.1.
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The rapid development of new technologies and their impressive communication capacity has fundamentally changed modern democracy by providing easy and universal access to information, as well as increasing participation and accessibility of political involvement tools. One of the electoral participation tools is e-voting which has been used in only a few countries. The main aim of the paper is to explore whether and how e-voting has been presented in Polish mass media (1), as well as to investigate people’s opinions about e-voting against certain political factors (2). The research is based on a media content analysis (quantitative and qualitative), data collected via the Content Analysis System for Television (CAST) and a quantitative analysis of data from a survey conducted by the authors (2018, sample: 1717 Poles). The results of the analyses show that the debate on the implementation of e-voting is rather poor, but the support for e-voting among Poles remains considerable. The public media rhetoric is interlinked with attitudes towards political parties. To some extent, determinants are reflected in the public opinion on the implementation of e-voting since Poles declare both their support for the introduction of e-voting and willingness to vote online.
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Avdashkin, A. A. "«Chinese» market in the space of a Russian city (the case of Chelyabinsk)." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 2 (49) (June 5, 2020): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-49-2-13.
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This article is focused on the problem of formation and development of «Chinese markets». Most of the aca-demic texts on the issue are based on materials from the Irkutsk «Shanghai» market. «Chinese markets» of the Ural cities have not been explored. The purpose of this manuscript is to trace the formation and development of ideas about the «Chinese market» among the residents of a large Ural city using the example of Chelyabinsk. The source base includes the author’s personal observations made in the Chinatown area (vicinity of the «Zare-chny Market»), archival documents on migration and trade between China and Chelyabinsk Oblast. In 2019 the author gathered interviews with consumers of the «Chinese» market, apartment owners who rented out housing to the Chinese, and market workers. The Chelyabinsk and all-Russian press are important sources for studying public opinion regarding the «Chinese» markets. The complexity of the study object resulted in the use of a com-plex of methods. These are free informal interviews with city dwellers, included observation in the «Chinese mar-ket», analysis of press content and discourse. Our study of perception of the «Chinese market» showed a lot in common between the emergence of «Chinese markets», and, most importantly, the reaction of the host commu-nity in Chelyabinsk and Siberian cities to this process. In the media discourse and in the mass consciousness of the townspeople, ideas about the «Chinese market» created an image of a «Chinatown» and a large number of Chinese migrants. Around the market, a complex of perceptions of threats has been formed (crime, tax evasion, low-quality goods, etc.). The Chinese market has formed complex networks of social relations between traders and consumers, the host society and migrants. The term of «Chinese market» has incorporated a large number of meanings that are understandable without additional explanation: from organization of urban space to a set of markers that determine social status. Today, the «Chinese market» is the image of the «East» for citizens, where different ethnic groups, borders, and cultures are intertwined.
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Тормозова. "The specifics of manipulating public opinion." Modern Communication Studies 2, no. 1 (2013): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/172.
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Rossoshansky, A. V. "Saratov Region Rezidents Public Opinion about Political Functionality of Mass-Media." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 10, no. 2 (2010): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2010-10-2-83-86.
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Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. "The ways of using mass media to influence the foreign policy agenda in a democratic and non-democratic state." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 379–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.379-385.
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In the article the ways of mass media use to influence the perception of foreign policy by domestic and foreign public are reviewed. In particular, the features of applying such methods of mass media influence on public opinion as informing, priming, and propaganda by democratic and undemocratic countries are examined.
 Keywords: Foreign policy, impact on public opinion, mass media, priming, propaganda
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Savigny, Heather. "Public Opinion, Political Communication and the Internet." Politics 22, no. 1 (2002): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00152.
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In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian ‘public sphere’. This arena is now characterised by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media. The presentation of information for debate becomes distorted. The opinion of the ‘public’ is no longer created through deliberation, but is constructed through systems of communication, in conflict with political actors, who seek to retain control of the dissemination of information. The expansion of the internet as a new method of communication provides a potential challenge to the primacy of the traditional media and political parties as formers of public opinion.
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Fokina, V. V. "Mass media as actors of world politics." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-61-65.
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The article is devoted to the questions about mass media as non-governmental actors of world politics. The author notes the main activities of mass media in world politics, researches the state information policy, models of the relations of the state with mass media. The role of political censorship and propaganda in interaction with the international public opinion is considered especially.
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Shelley, Mack C., and Hwarng-Du Hwang. "The Mass Media and Public Opinion Polls in the 1988 Presidential Election." American Politics Quarterly 19, no. 1 (1991): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x9101900104.
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MIDORI AOYAGI. "Mass Media Coverage on Climate Change Issues and Public Opinion in Japan." Development and Society 43, no. 2 (2014): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21588/dns.2014.43.2.004.
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De Souza Carreirão, Yan, Peterson Roberto da Silva, and Maria Teresa De Bastiani. "CONGRUÊNCIA ENTRE POLÍTICAS SOCIAIS, DE SEGURANÇA PÚBLICA, E OPINIÃO DOS CIDADÃOS NO BRASIL." Caderno CRH 32, no. 86 (2019): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v32i86.25944.
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<div><p class="trans-title">Este trabalho se insere no campo de estudos empíricos sobre representação política, seguindo a perspectiva da análise da “congruência política”, uma área de estudos importante na literatura internacional, mas ainda muito pouco desenvolvida no Brasil. Analisa, de um lado, a evolução das opiniões dos cidadãos brasileiros a respeito de temas na área social (saúde, educação e trabalho) e na área de segurança pública e, de outro, verifica em que medida há congruência entre essas opiniões e a legislação em vigor sobre esses temas. Embora não seja possível generalizar, as conclusões do trabalho mostram que a opinião majoritária dos cidadãos brasileiros tem se mostrado mais “progressista” em relação às políticas de educação e de trabalho e mais “conservadora” em relação ao tema do aborto e, principalmente, em relação à área de segurança pública. Quanto à legislação, a análise revela um elevado grau de “inércia legislativa”, pois, tanto nos casos de congruência quanto nos de incongruência, predominam situações em que não há mudança da legislação.</p><p class="trans-title"> </p><p class="trans-title"><strong>CONGRUENCE BETWEEN SOCIAL AND PUBLIC SECURITY POLICIES AND CITIZENS’ OPINION IN BRAZIL</strong></p><p>This work is located within a field of empirical studies on political representation, according to the analytical perspective of “political congruence”, an important field in the international literature, though little developed in Brazil. It analyzes, on the one hand, the evolution of opinions among Brazilian citizens on social (health, education and labor policies) and public security issues, and on the other, to what extent there is congruence between these opinions and the legislation in effect about them. Although it is not possible to make generalizations, the conclusions of the article show that the majority of the Brazilian citizens’ opinions have been more “progressive” when it comes to education and labor policies, but more “conservative” regarding abortion and, mainly, public security policies. Concerning legislation, the analysis reveals a high degree of “legislative inertia”: in both cases of congruence and incongruence, the permanence of legislation predominates.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Political behavior; Political representation; Public opinion; Political congruence; Public policies</p><p> </p></div><div><p class="trans-title"><strong>CONGRUENCE ENTRE LES POLITIQUES SOCIALES ET DE SECURITE PUBLIQUE ET LES OPINIONS DES CITOYENS AU BRESIL</strong></p><p>Ce travail s’insère dans le champs des études empiriques concernant la représentation politique dans une perspective d’analyse de la “congruence politique”, um domaine d’étude important de la littérature scientifique internationale, mais encore peu développé au Brésil. Il analyse, d’un côté, l’évolution de les opinions des citoyens brésiliens sur des sujets liés au domaine social (santé, éducation, travail) ainsi qu’à celui de la sécurité publique, et d’un autre, dans quelle mesure, il existe des congruences entre ces opinions et la législation em vigueur sur ces thèmes. Bien qu’il ne soit pas possible de généraliser, les conclusions du travail montrent que l’opinion majoritaire des citoyens brésiliens a été plus “progressiste” en ce qui concerne les politiques d’éducation et du travail et plus “conservatrice” sur celles liées à l’avortement et, principalement, aux thèmes relevant de la sécurité publique. En ce qui concerne la législation, l’analyse révèle un degré élevé d’inertie législative: la non-législation prédomine aussi bien dans les cas de congruence que d’incongruence.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Comportement public; Représentation politique; Opinion publique; Congruence politique; Politiques publiques</p><p class="trans-title"><strong><br /></strong></p></div>
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Pienaar, Jaco. "Intellectual Capital (IC) Measurement in the Mass Media Context." Journal of Information & Knowledge Management 11, no. 04 (2012): 1250029. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219649212500293.
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Mass media is the key influencer of public opinion. The influence is not only limited to political and social, but also relates to organisational and economical reputation and brands. Within public opinion, organisations must manage how they are represented competitively within mass media so that they can develop their brand strategically to grow and compete in the current global knowledge economy. This is where the link to Intellectual Capital (IC) Measurement is significant. IC, as the sum of all an organisation's intangible assets drives a company's presence and value within the media, albeit related to human, structural or relational capital attributes. The measurement, therefore, of IC in the mass media context is invaluable to understand how a company is placed strategically and competitively in the external space, and how this links to internal activities, goals and outcomes. This paper is an attempt to address some of the issues related to IC measurements in the mass media context by suggesting a framework that provides a multi-disciplinary and holistic approach to the understanding and contextualising of the organisation's presence in the public space.
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Garrison, William A. "The 1987 Distinguished Lecture: A Constructionist Approach to Mass Media and Public Opinion." Symbolic Interaction 11, no. 2 (1988): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/si.1988.11.2.161.
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Adams, William C. "Mass media and public opinion about foreign affairs: A typology of news dynamics." Political Communication 4, no. 4 (1987): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1987.9962827.
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Brannstrom, Inger, and Inga-Britt Lindblad. "Mass Communication and Health Promotion: The Power of the Media and Public Opinion." Health Communication 6, no. 1 (1994): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327027hc0601_2.
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Wang, Xiuli, and Pamela J. Shoemaker. "What shapes Americans' opinion of China? Country characteristics, public relations and mass media." Chinese Journal of Communication 4, no. 1 (2011): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2011.544079.
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Pasick, Rena J., and Lawrence Wallack. "Mass Media in Health Promotion: A Compilation of Expert Opinion." International Quarterly of Community Health Education 9, no. 2 (1988): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/fv2t-qgu8-pm93-kc81.
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This paper reports on an open-ended survey of experts in the field of mass media and health promotion. The study was designed to read between the lines of published reports to identify new directions in the use of mass media in health promotion; to identify areas of consensus and controversy in the design and use of such campaigns; and to compare expert opinion with the literature. Survey responses are synthesized and reported in terms of (1) ingredients for successful mass media programs relative to program purpose, structure, and methods; and (2) obstacles to effective use of mass media for health promotion, including information overload and inconsistency, demand characteristics of the target behavior, dissemination, and unsupportive social milieus. Conclusions are presented as guidelines for pursuit of the optimal program and principles to guide further inquiry.
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Engel, Stephen M. "Frame Spillover: Media Framing and Public Opinion of a Multifaceted LGBT Rights Agenda." Law & Social Inquiry 38, no. 02 (2013): 403–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2012.01319.x.
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Between May and July 2003, a shift in how the US public viewed the legality of consensual homosexual sex occurred. While in May the largest percentage of respondents to date supported decriminalizing such activity, that percentage dropped eleven points two months later. Similar declines in support were evident in the same period over a range of gay and lesbian rights claims. The ruling inLawrence v. Texas(2003) decriminalizing homosexual sex is the obvious intervening event. To explain this pattern, coding of print and televised news coverage of the ruling throughout 2003 was undertaken. Coverage was not overtly negative in terms of antigay rhetoric or hostility toward the judiciary; rather, the dominant media frame focused on the implications ofLawrencefor an entirely separate rights issue: marriage equality. This article examines the dynamic of frame “spillover,” or the idea that media focus on a distinct and not widely supported rights claim in a multifaceted rights agenda might depress support across the entire rights agenda. The findings call for further research, and they have implications for scholarship on public opinion, social movement framing, and ideational development and policy debate as studied within the broader field of American political development.
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Stegnii, O. G. "Empirical identification of the competence level of respondents in mass polls." Ukrainian Society 77, no. 2 (2021): 124–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2021.02.124.
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Paper dwells upon the methodological problems of empirical identification of respondents’ competence in mass surveys as a factor of reliability of empirical sociological knowledge in public space. In modern conditions of public life digitalisation, comprehensive access to various information sources is seen as an information management skill and an element of media literacy, primarily the sensitivity to distorted media content. This competence forms the respondents’ factual knowledge about the survey subject. The subjects of public opinion are the respondents of national representative surveys. The discursive aspect of the empirical sociological knowledge reliability determines the relevance of considering the social context of public opinion formation. The focus is on the differences between public opinion and mass sentiment. Public opinion is based primarily on knowledge of social reality, while the mass attitude is mainly a situational emotional attitude to such a reality. The author analyses the influence of the subjects of the media space on the level of respondents’ competence, in particular, the effect of replacing respondents’ own opinion with the reproduction of the narrative of the relevant media content. As a result, a wrong worldview is formed with an inadequate assessment by respondents of the activities of individual political figures and events in national history. The existing imbalance between the articulation of interest in socio-political issues and the patterns of political activity is recognized. The importance of methodological procedures for identifying the level of respondents’ competence, factual knowledge of the subject of the survey is emphasized. Evaluation judgments should be based on the respondent’s awareness of the nature of the questions asked, which is checked using special filters. At the same time, the pollster-sociologist is responsible for both the tools, the correspondence of the survey subject to the level of respondents’ competence, and the meaningful interpretation of the published data. This requirement is getting more essential in mass surveys on sensitive socio-political issues.
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Gawlikowska, Anna. "Communication and buildings. Space as mass-media." Budownictwo i Architektura 12, no. 4 (2013): 007–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/bud-arch.1953.
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After providing definition and social roles of communication, media and mass-media, placing of architecture and urban space as one of the media types is proposed. Subsequently, architecture is looked at in the context of mass-media meaning transmission methods, roles, functions, effects and drawbacks. Articulating phenomena in architectural communication are listed, along with exemplary methods, in which design of space can shape public opinion. Models of mass communication are defined and discussed in context of architecture and urban space. This paper provides examples of short-, intermediate-, and long-term effects facilitated through space, as well as analyses, how architecture performs functions of media in society.
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Zollmann, Florian. "Bringing Propaganda Back into News Media Studies." Critical Sociology 45, no. 3 (2017): 329–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517731134.
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With the ascendance of liberal democracy, propaganda activities have vastly increased. The main aim of propaganda has been to protect state-corporate power from the threat of public understanding and participation. Because of its societal importance for public opinion formation, the news media constitutes an obvious channel for the dissemination of propaganda. However, contemporary communication, media and journalism studies have mostly neglected to critically assess the news media’s role in producing and distributing propaganda. In fact, despite of the news media’s integration into the state-corporate nexus, the term propaganda is rarely used in academic treatises on the news media. Furthermore, only a small number of scholars have engaged in elaborating a systematic understanding of the manifold propaganda techniques that are currently applied in liberal democracies. To fill these research gaps, this article maps out various concepts of propaganda and relates them to the process and content of the news media. On the basis of theoretical and empirical studies, the article demonstrates how different forms of propaganda can manifest in news media content. Based on an integration with, as well as a development of, existing literature, the essay aims to build a tool box that can be applied and refined in future studies in order to detect propaganda in news media texts.
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Shaw, Donald L., and Shannon E. Martin. "The Function of Mass Media Agenda Setting." Journalism Quarterly 69, no. 4 (1992): 902–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909206900410.
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This study, a statewide follow-up to the original 1968 Chapel Hill, N.C., agenda-setting study published in 1972 in Public Opinion Quarterly, used poll and content analysis data to compare media use and agenda agreement for different types of reference groups: men vs. women, non-whites vs. whites, young vs. old, higher- vs. lower-formally educated and rich vs. poor. When individuals increase their newspaper reading, then agreement on important public issues within the gender, racial and age groups to which they belong increases to a point of near consensus. Those of higher vs. lower education also come close to sharing issues, although the sharing is less dramatic between rich and poor. Increased television news viewing also results in higher reference group consensus on key public issues. The study concludes: one major function of mass media is to enhance group consensus within the larger social system by providing issue agenda options more attractive than just those historically learned and expressed as an aspect of one's gender, race, age, level of education, or — to a lesser extent — level of wealth. Media public issue agendas compete with unique historical agendas of readers/viewers and often win, to the benefit of the social system if the system can agree on workable solutions to the important problems.