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1
Mlotshwa, Khanyile Joseph. "An interrogation of the representation of the San and Tonga ethnic ‘minorities’ in the Zimbabwean state-owned Chronicle, and the privately owned Newsday Southern Edition/Southern Eye newspapers during 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018546.
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This study critically interrogates representations of the San and Tonga in the Chronicle and the NewsDay Southern Edition/Southern Eye newspapers in 2013. It makes sense of how these representations and the journalistic practices that underwrite them position the ethnic groups as ‘minorities’ - in relation to other ethnic groups - within the discourses of Zimbabwean nationalism. Underpinned by a constructionist approach (Hall, 1997), the study makes sense of the San and Tonga identities otherwise silenced by the “bi-modal” (Ndlovu- Gatsheni, 2012: 536; Masunungure, 2006) Shona/Ndebele approach to Zimbabwean nationalism. In socio-historic terms, the study is located within the re-emergence of ‘ethnicity’ to contest Zimbabwean nationalism(s) during debates for the New Constitution leading to a Referendum in March 2013. The thesis draws on social theories that offer explanatory power in studying media representations, which include postcolonial (Bhabha, 1990, 1994; Spivak, 1995), hegemony (Gramsci, 1971), and discourse (Foucault, 1970, 1972; Laclau and Mouffe, 1985) theories. These theories speak to the ways in which discourses about identity, belonging, citizenship and democracy are constructed in situations in which unequal social power is contested. The thesis links journalism practice with the politics of representation drawing on normative theories of journalism (Christians et al, 2009), the professional ideology of journalism (Tuchman, 1972; Golding and Elliot, 1996; Hall et al., 1996), and the concept of journalists as an ‘interpretive community’ (Zelizer, 1993). These theories allow us to unmask the role of journalism’s social power in representation, and map ways in which the agency of the journalists has to be considered in relation to the structural features of the media industry in particular, and society in general. The study is qualitative and proceeds by way of combining a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 1992; Richardson, 2007) and ideological analysis (Thompson, 1990) of eight news texts taken from the two newspapers and in-depth interviews with 13 journalists from the two newspapers. This way we account for the media representations journalists produced: sometimes reproducing stereotypes, at other times, resisting them. Journalists not only regard themselves as belonging to the dominant ethnic groups of Shona or Ndebele, but as part of the middle class; they take Zimbabwean nationalism for granted, reproducing it as common-sense through sourcing patterns dominated by elites. This silences the San and Tonga constructing them as a ‘minority’ through a double play of invisibility and hyper visibility, where they either don’t appear in the news texts or are overly stereotyped.
2
Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.
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The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.<br>KMBT_363<br>Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
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Masuku, John. "The public broadcaster model and the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) : an analytical study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6527.
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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this analytical study was to establish whether the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) operates as a true public broadcaster or as a state-controlled broadcaster. The performance of the ZBC was analysed through its main 8.00 pm television news bulletins broadcast during the period between the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front, ZANU (PF) and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) political parties in September 2008 and the establishment of the inclusive Government of National Unity (GNU) in February 2009. The study was undertaken from within the paradigms of the Social Responsibility Theory as this was deemed the most applicable in terms of the research subject. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were applied as part of a process of triangulation. The qualitative research method, as the main methodological approach, was applied to solicit views and opinions of participants by use of questionnaires designed to interview specific interviewees, namely the ZBC journalists and spokespersons for the various political parties now in the GNU. The journalists explained how they gathered and packaged news bulletins having to endure some government interference on a regular basis. The MDCs' spokespersons outlined how the ZBC denied them broadcast time for their rallies, press statements and participation in live debates. ZANU (PF) was of the view that the MDC parties only wanted to blame the previous ZANU (PF) government through “unsubstantiated” remarks about bias and the breakdown of the rule of law and absence of democracy and freedom of expression in the country. This, according to ZANU (PF), they did in order to please their alleged Western financiers like Britain and the United States who imposed targeted sanctions on the country. Through the analysis of political parties' accessibility to the main television news bulletins, the research confirmed the assumption that the ZBC is still biased in favour of the former sole ruling ZANU (PF) party which is also in charge of the information ministry in the GNU. The study concluded that since the ZBC, as a public-funded institution, was clearly not accessible to different political parties and civic society groups in order for them to participate in a crucial nation-building process, it failed to fulfil its expected mandate as a public broadcaster. By also negating a social responsibility role that calls for high professional conduct, fairness and objectivity expected of public broadcasters, this study showed that the ZBC was still a state-controlled broadcaster that needs to be reformed.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie analitiese studie was om vas te stel of die Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) as 'n ware openbare uitsaaier of as 'n staatsbeheerde uitsaaier funksioneer. Die werkverrigting van die ZBC is geanaliseer deur die 8 nm-TV-bulletin gedurende die periode tussen die ondertekening van die Global Political Agreement (GPA), deur die Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, ZANU (PF) en die twee Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) politieke partye in September 2008 en die totstandkoming van die inklusiewe Government of National Unity (GNU) in Februarie 2009 te bestudeer. Beide kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes is toegepas deur dit met die proses van triangulering te kombineer. Die kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetode, wat die hoof-metodologiese benadering is, is aangewend om perspektiewe en opinies van deelnemers te verkry, deur gebruik te maak van vraelyste wat ontwerp is vir spesifieke deelnemers, naamlik die ZBC joernaliste en woordvoerders van die verskillende politieke partye, tans in die GNU. Die joernaliste verduidelik hoe hulle met die inwin van nuus en samestelling van nuusbulletins inmenging van die staat op 'n gereelde basis moes verduur. Woordvoerders van die MDC het in breë trekke uiteengesit hoe die ZBC hul uitsaaityd geweier het vir hul byeenkomste, persverklarings en deelname aan regstreekse debatte. Die ZANU (PF)-deelnemers is van mening dat die MDC- partye net die vorige regering wou blameer deur "ongesubstansieerde‟ opmerkings te maak oor vooroordeel en die ontbinding van die oppergesag van die gereg, die afwesigheid van demokrasie en vryheid van spraak in die land. Dit sou hulle doen om hul beweerde Westerse finansiers, soos Brittanje en die Verenigde State, wat geteikende sanksies op die partyleierskap opgelê het, insluitende president Robert Mugabe, tevrede te stel. 'n Analise van die politieke partye se toegang tot die hooftelevisie-nuusbulletins bevestig die hipotese dat die ZBC steeds die vorige enkel regerende ZANU (PF)-party wat in beheer van die inligtingsministerie in die GNU is, bevoordeel. Die slotsom is dat, aangesien die ZBC, 'n openbaar-gefinansierde instansie, ontoeganklik vir verskillende politieke partye en burgerlike gemeenskapsgroepe is, hulle van deelname aan 'n belangrike nasiebouproses uitgesluit is. Daarmee faal die ZBC in sy veronderstelde mandaat van 'n ware openbare uitsaaier, asook sy sosiale verantwoordelikheidsrol, wat hoë professionele gedrag, regverdigheid en objektiwiteit van openbare uitsaaiers vereis. Die studie bewys die ZBC is steeds 'n staatsbeheerde uitsaaier wat hervorm moet word.
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Mukundu, Rashweat. "A critical discourse analysis of the coverage of operation "Restore Order" (Operation Murambatsvina) by Zimbabwe's weekly newspapers, the state-owned The Sunday Mail and the privately owned The Standard, in the period 18 May to 30 June 2005." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002925.
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On May 16 2006 the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a clean-up programme of urban centres, destroying informal human settlements and informal businesses. This operation, which the government called operation "Restore Order", resulted in the displacement of nearly one million people and left thousands of families homeless. This study is a discussion and an analysis of the coverage of the clean-up operation by two of Zimbabwe's leading Sunday newspapers, The Sunday Mail and The Standard. The Sunday Mail is owned by the Zimbabwe government and The Standard is privately owned and perceived to be oppositional to the current Zimbabwe government. The two newspapers, therefore, covered the clean-up operation from different perspectives and often presented conflicting reports explaining why the clean-up operation was carried out and the extent of its impact on the lives of millions of Zimbabweans. The chosen research approach is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework as developed by Fairclough (1995). Using CDA, this study seeks to find out and expose the underlying ideological struggles for hegemony between different social and political groups in Zimbabwe and how the newspapers became actors in this process. This process is made possible by looking at how news reporting is organised in the two newspapers, issues of language use, sourcing and external factors that influenced the coverage of the operation.
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Chihota-Charamba, Audrey. "An analysis of how Zimbabwean female audiences decode meaning from the Shona-language radio programme Nguva Yevanhukadzi (Time for Women) against the background of their lived experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011750.
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This study investigates the Zimbabwean women listeners of a gender-focused radio programme Nguva yevanhukadzi (Time for Women) to find out what meanings they take from the programme. Located within the broad theoretical framework of cultural studies and drawing on audience reception theories, the study focuses on the ways in which Shona-speaking women bring their understandings of their social roles, derived from their lived socio-cultural experiences of patriarchy, to their decoding of the text. The study was set in Harare’s high-density suburb of Mbare and used the qualitative research methods of individual and focus group interviews. The study was conducted against the backdrop of the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of September 2008, which ended the impasse among the warring political parties, ZANU PF, MDC-T and MDC and introduced a new era of collectively tackling socio-economic development, including redressing gender disparities through women’s empowerment. This study examines the factors shaping the audiences’ readings of the programme and seeks to establish whether the mass media has determining power on its audience in the reception of messages or if the audiences (women) have interpretive freedom. Using Hall’s (1980) Encoding/ Decoding model, the study examines the factors that influence the audiences’ choice in making preferred, negotiated or oppositional readings and the arguments they advance in line with those readings. While the interviews revealed that most of the female listeners “negotiated” the dominant encoded meanings, seeking their relevance to their varied situations and contexts (O’ Sullivan et al. 1994:152; Ang 1990: 159), of interest is the manner in which the women dealt with the discourse of patriarchy within the context of promoting women empowerment. The contestation between women empowerment and addressing patriarchy reflected the subverted notions of maintaining the status quo, while applauding the women’s commitment and ability to interrogate the practicality of issues under discussion and drawing lessons relevant to their day to day lives prior to making the preferred reading. As such, the study revealed that preferred readings are not always automated, but can be a result of intense interrogation among media audiences.
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Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
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This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.
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Hungwe, Caroline. "An analysis of how Zimbabwean women negotiate the meaning of HIV/AIDS prevention television advertisements." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/912/.
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Penn, Timothy S. "West Virginia state legislators' opinions of local mass media." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2000. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=1416.
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Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 2000.<br>Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 44 p. : ill. (some col.) Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 38-40).
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Mawarire, Jealousy Mbizvo. "A critical inquiry into the absence of a gender equality discourse in the coverage of the land redistribution issue in two Zimbabwean newspapers, The Daily News and The Herald, between 01 February and 30 June 2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002915.
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The media, which help define what we think and our roles in the society, have a crucial role to project both men and women’s issues so as to change people’s perceptions and stereotypes about the role men and women play in the society. There is need, therefore, to ensure gender equality in the operations of the media so that issues to do with both men and women get adequate and equal coverage. This study on the reportage of the land redistribution exercise in Zimbabwe has, however, exposed the gendered nature of the operations of the media, particularly in the news production process. It provides that, overally, the news discourse is a masculine narrative whose androcentric form is a result of, and is protected by, claims to ‘objectivity,’ ‘professionalism’, ‘impartiality’ and the pursuit of a journalistic routine system that hegemonically prioritises men’s issues over those of women. The situation, as the research shows, has not been helped by journalists’ incapacity to do thematic appreciation of issues and their over-inclination towards a simplistic event-based journalism that fails to question policies as they are enacted and implemented in gender-skewed processes. The lack of gender policies, the operations of patriarchy and the pursuit of a journalistic routine system that sees nothing wrong with the ostracisation of women issues are very fundamental findings that the research uses in its attempts to explain why the gender equality discourse was left out of the news reports about the land reform exercise in Zimbabwe.
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Gandari, Jonathan. "An examination of how organisational policy and news professionalism are negotiated in a newsroom: a case study of Zimbabwe's Financial gazette." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002884.
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The construction of journalistic professionalism in Zimbabwe has stirred debate among scholars. Critics have argued that professionalism has been compromised by the stifling media laws in Zimbabwe as well as the extra legal measures the state has enforced to control the press. Some have also argued that a new kind of journalism must be emerging in the Zimbabwean newsroom as journalism try to cope with the political and economic pressures bedeviling the country. Much of this criticism however, has not been based on close interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of the journalists in any particular newsroom. It is against this background that this study examines the constructions of professionalism at the Financial Gazette. In particular it explores the meaning of professionalism through interrogating the journalistic practices the journalists consider during the process of news production in the context of overwhelming state power. In undertaking this examination, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly observation and multi-layered individual in-depth interviews. As the study demonstrates, the interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of newsroom practices uncovers the complex manner in which professionalism is negotiated in the Gazette’s newsroom located in a country undergoing transition in Democracy. The study establishes that when measured against normative canons of journalistic professionalism the Gazette is deviating from such tenets as public service and watchdog journalism. As the study indicates, perhaps unbeknown to the respondents, the ruling ZANU PF party hegemony is reproduced at the Gazette through choice of news values such as sovereignty and patriotism all euphemisms for ruling party‘s slogans.
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Woodard, Niki L. "Red state, blue state, red news, blue news." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/3639.
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Mabweazara, Hayes Mawindi. "An investigation into the popularity of the Zimbabwean tabloid newspaper, uMthunywa: a reception study of Bulawayo readers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002908.
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The development of the tabloid press has stirred heated debate among media scholars. Critics have argued against the relevance of tabloids in society, often framing them as the ‘journalistic other’ deserving no place in ‘serious’ journalism. Much of this criticism, however, has not been based on a close interrogation of the phenomenon, or an examination of the reasons for their popularity amongst readers. It is against this background that this study investigates the reasons behind the popularity of the Zimbabwean state-controlled tabloid newspaper uMthunywa, among its Bulawayo readers. In particular, it explores the meanings obtained from the content of the paper and the relevance of this content to the readers’ everyday lives. In undertaking this investigation, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews (both group and individual). As the study demonstrates, these methods uncover the complex manner in which Bulawayo readers are attracted to uMthunywa and how they appropriate its textual meanings to their lived realities. The study establishes that despite uMthunywa being state-controlled, it offers space through which the conventional ways of presenting reality are challenged, and the importance of the newspaper being written in isiNdebele. As the study indicates, the popularity of the newspaper is largely dependent on its excessive formulaic and sensational stories, which cover issues experienced by its readers in their lived circumstances. The study thus argues that the newspaper constitutes an alternative mediated public sphere that finds space in the deeper social conditions that have alienated the people of Bulawayo from the macropolitical life of the nation and the ‘power bloc’.
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Chang, Chung-jen. "Society, state, and electronic media policy : the introduction of cable to Taiwan /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1302628268.
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Saurombe, Memory. "The impact of media commercialization on public service broadcasting : the case of Radio Zimbabwe after the adoption of the Commercialisation Act (No 26) of 2001." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/601.
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Cultural and educational functions of public service broadcasting come at a fortuitous time, as the changing environment of broadcasting is on various agendas. At the heart of this is the question of the present and future status of public service broadcasting. Major changes have taken place in the political economy of the media and the world economy at large, technological advancement has resulted in privatization and commercialization of the media. In most societies where these changes have taken place, public service broadcasting has been threatened by the rapid rise of commercial institutions, resulting in stiff competition for audiences. This study will examine the extent to which the adoption of the Commercialization Act (No 26) of 2001 in Zimbabwe has affected Radio Zimbabwe’s role as a public broadcaster. The study is based on the hypothesis that with the adoption of the Commercialization Act, Radio Zimbabwe is no longer playing its public service role effectively. The current nature of programming at Radio Zimbabwe as the research hopes to show will highlight tremendous changes towards a commercial logic. The study uses a combination of document analysis, secondary literature and qualitative interviews.
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June-Friesen, Katy. "The sounds of red and blue America dissecting musical references to "red state" and "blue state" identity in print media during the 2004 presidental campaign /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4517.
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Thesis (M.A.) University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (June 26, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
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Moyo, Chelesani. "A critical history of the rise and fall of the first ever independently owned Matabeleland publication in Zimbabwe : the case of The Southern Star." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013273.
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This research is premised on the understanding that alternative forms of media emerge to deal with specific ideological projects and, as such, must be seen as satisfying a specific need at a specific point in time. Using the case of a weekly newspaper, The Southern Star which was in circulation from January 2012 to June 2012, this study sought to understand the factors that led to the establishment of the newspaper, what it sought to achieve, how it went about putting that into practice, its message in relation to debates emanating from the ‘Matabeleland Question’ and also the factors that led to the its collapse. In order to address my research questions, I adopted a two stage research design qualitative content analysis and semi structured in depth interviews. In locating the study within the qualitative epistemic understanding of research, it was clear from the qualitative content analysis of 13 editions of the publication and in depth interviews held with 15 respondents that the newspaper was set up with the aim of serving a marginalised section of the population (in this instance the Ndebele) by providing them with a platform to articulate issues affecting them. It also sought to ‘speak’ the ‘unspoken’ within the mainstream media by focusing on Matabeleland identity politics. It achieved this by creating content around the Gukurahundi genocide, Matabeleland development, Matabeleland history and Matabeleland heroes. The newspaper also sought to emancipate the people from the South by advocated for social, cultural, economic and political justice as a resolution to the ‘Matabeleland Question’. However, the newspaper failed to sustain operations due to lack of advertising revenue. As a result of the constraining political environment in which the newspaper operated, potential advertisers were afraid of placing advertisements in the newspaper because of the nature of the content produced, which in view of Zimbabwe’s rival ethnic history, could easily be labelled ethnically divisive. Also, being a new player in the market worked to their disadvantage as prospective advertisers opted to place their adverts in “tried and tested” publications (Zimpapers and Alpha Media Holdings). Additionally, because of poor management, roles were not clearly defined and hence the newspaper failed to operate as a business enterprise. As noted during interviews with junior reporters, there was little or no experience at management level. The paper lacked a coordinated circulation strategy and from inception, was never officially launched, which resulted in the failure to reach significant audiences.
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Jung, Nathan A. "Public relations| Diaspora, media, and the state(s) of American literature." Thesis, Loyola University Chicago, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3722593.
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<p>Like any good public relations campaign, this dissertation aims to offer a persuasive interpretation of certain key facts. The facts, as I see them, are as follows: first, a great number of contemporary novels and poems explore the personal and social consequences of diasporic migration. Second, these texts, along with their print and electronic paratexts, share a pervasive interest in media. And third, these works are rarely read in conversation with one another, despite their mutual concern for migration and media. Owing to this last point in particular, scholarship has failed to fully address the broader media theories developed in and across these works, and failed to fully pursue how these media theories respond to, and critically comment on, the prospects for deliberative democracy in an age of globalization.
In response, my project argues that diasporic media practices advance a transnational critique of public sphere theories. And yet, I claim this critique seeks to recover the resources of such theories and redeploy them in a global context. The four chapters of this dissertation are arranged in a communications circuit that treats (in order) media production, circulation, reception, and survival. Together, these chapters observe how diasporic populations shift from invisible anomalies to visible publics through their highly stylized and politicized use of media technologies. Ultimately, I emphasize that contemporary American literature cannot be understood without engaging reading and writing publics from the Dominican Republic, Canada, Nigeria, Korea, and more.
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Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s
(SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study
sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the
Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The
Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the
country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic
media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the
former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the
contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A
number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the
cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was
employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic
ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility
Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self
regulation.
This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research
established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in
challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement
for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media,
which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition
parties in Zimbabwe.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political
Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse
Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe
regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media
in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media
gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende
die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en
SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met
die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer
dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide
uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te
stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat,
sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te
desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe
en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean
tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n
platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is
dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die
opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
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Pattison, David. "From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe via Oxford and London : a study of the career of Dambudzo Marechera." Thesis, University of Hull, 1998. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3859.
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[From the introduction] : In my first chapter I will offer a review of Marechera's reputation and the critical reception given to his work, both during his life and since his death. In Chapter Two I Will outline the major theoretical issues raised by Marechera's work: Art versus psychological catharsis; the artist-as-communal-spokesman versus the artist-as-Romantic-individualist; nationalism versus literary universalism. Chapters Three, Four, Five and Six will then consider in sequence, the work produced in Oxford, in London and in Harare, tracing the writer's physical and psychological deterioration through his evolving prose style. Each of these chapters will also focus on a major relevant critical issue. Thus Chapter Three will examine The House of Hunger, written following Marechera's arrival in Oxford, in the context of 'culture clash', 'the African heritage' and Postcolonialism which so preoccupied its original reviewers. Chapter Four will examine Black Sunlight and The Black Insider, written while the author was destitute in London, in terms of Jung's 'neurosis or art' debate. Chapter Five will examine Mindblast and Chapter Six will examine Scrapiron Blues, both containing material written after Marecheras' return to Harare, making reference to the historical and socio-political context of post-colonial Zimbabwe and to the writer's unsuccessful attempts to establish a role with the nation builders. I will conclude in Chapter Seven by discussing Marechera's place within the Zimbabwean literary canon, the current relevance and influence of his work and the implications this holds for the future of Zimbabwean writing.
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Hatcher, John Albert. "The news media and their state Testing concertation in news media and their messages in a comparative analysis of 36 democracies /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
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Wang, Yue. "Cultural nation versus political state : media construction of national identity : the case of China Daily." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/785.
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Ndawana, Duduzile. "The role of the judiciary in protecting the right to freedom of expression in difficult political environments: a case study of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/99.
Full textAbstract:
The right to freedom of expression is with no doubt one of the most important rights in all democratic societies. The southern African sub-region is however lacking when it comes to the protection of this right. There are either highly repressive laws which result in the right being practiced but to a limited extent. In other cases the media is owned by the elite in society which results in the majority not being represented in the independent media and at the same time, the public media is often abused by the governing elite. The scene is therefore that both the public media and private media are representative of the elite. The research seeks to explore the protection of human rights, particularly the right to freedom of expression in politically volatile environments. The research focuses on Zimbabwe but comparative analysis has also been drawn with other jurisdictions moreso South Africa. It is important to note that Zimbabwe has ratified both the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ rights both of which protect the right to freedom of expression. It is however not enough that states ratify international and regional instruments without domesticating the instruments at the national level. The domestication of the international and regional instruments is meant to ensure that individuals enjoy these rights. Freedom of expression is highly volatile in Zimbabwe. The legislature has been accused of taking away the right which has been granted to citizens by the Constitution through its highly repressive laws. The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the Official Secrets Act are some of the laws which have been put under spotlight in Zimbabwe. There is therefore a conflict between the legislature, the press and individuals in Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe like many democratic states, there is separation of powers between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. The legislature is the decision making structure that enacts policies in their capacity as representatives of the people; the judiciary is the mediating body that adjudicates decisions between the organs of state as well as between those organs and individuals and the executive enforces decisions. The findings of the research are that despite the ratification of international and regional instruments dealing with the right to freedom of expression and the protection of the right to freedom of expression in the constitution, there still exist repressive laws in Zimbabwe which to a great extent limit the right to freedom of expression. These laws in light of the prevailing environment in Zimbabwe are often used to deprive citizens and journalists of information and their right to freedom of expression. The judiciary finds itself in a difficult position as the executive does not comply with its rulings. The independence of the judiciary, in light of the environment is also compromised by the threats to the judges, the appointment process and ‘gifts’ given to the judges for example, farms. The research analyses the history and theories of freedom of freedom of expression in Zimbabwe, the laws regulating the right and the case law dealing with this right. Finally there is a comparison between Zimbabwe and South Africa and conclusions and recommendations are made based on the discussion in the dissertation. Among the recommendations is that civil society should be involved in educating individuals especially journalists about the right to freedom of expression. Further, the judiciary should also take a more proactive approach in the protection of the right.
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KATU, NANCY N. "Media, Conflict Audiences and the Dynamics of Information Dissemination in Plateau State, Nigeria: Is the Tail Wagging the Dog?" Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1458650635.
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Al-Ibrahim, Yousef M. "The mass media in the Gulf region with special reference to the State of Qatar." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302619.
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Bhebhe-Mpofu, Adilaid. "An investigation into the popularity of Zimbabwe's first health communication soap opera, Studio 263 : a qualitative reception study of Bulawayo students aged between 15 and 20 years." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013310.
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Within the context of debates concerning the reception and interpretation of media texts by television audiences, this qualitative reception study explores how a sample of Bulawayo students negotiate meanings from Zimbabwe's first health communication soap opera, Studio 263. The study thus examines the reasons behind the popularity of this programme with this target audience. The findings of the study reveal that meaning making is a complex process that is dependent on a variety of factors which include, among others, the socio-cultural context of media consumption, gender, economic disposition and age. It particularly maintains that gender and lived realities influence the interpretation and negotiation of meanings in this particular study.<br>Adobe Acrobat Pro 11.0.0 Paper Capture Plug-in
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Bosco, Kayla. "Sport fan satisfaction with the Kansas State Athletic Department’s social media content." Kansas State University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/13728.
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Master of Science<br>Department of Journalism and Mass Communications<br>Steven Smethers<br>The college sports industry is seeing a change in its marketing strategies with the rise of the popularity of social media. Facebook and Twitter are the two most common social networking sites used by intercollegiate athletic departments. Not only are these outlets used to foster two-way communication with fans, but they are also used as advertising and public relations tools.
The purpose of this study is to compare the Kansas State University of Intercollegiate Athletics’ social media objectives and content with the level of satisfaction among representatives of the K-State fan base. Is the athletic department producing the social media content that their fans want to see? In order to gain a better understanding of the nature of the study, in-depth interviews were conducted with various staff members in the K-State Department of Intercollegiate Athletics to determine the social media objectives and to gather their opinions on the content. From there, two focus groups were conducted to ascertain the level of satisfaction among K-State fans with the current content. One group consisted of students while the other group contained K-State alumni. Findings showed that fans were pleased with certain aspects (i.e. score updates on @kstategameday, conciseness of Twitter, videos, etc.) but wanted to see more of other items such as K-State trivia, behind the scenes footage and more on student-athletes.
The information gathered was then used to provide suggestions for future social media strategies within the K-State Athletics Department. The recommendations will help to enhance communication with fans and satisfy their social media needs as they relate to K-State Sports.
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Rouhani, Farhang. "The home as a site of state formation: The politics of transnational media consumption in Tehran." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289706.
Full textAbstract:
How is the middle-class Tehran home, as a site of satellite television and Internet consumption, implicated within the processes of Iranian state formation and transformation? The new media technologies of satellite television and the Internet have far-reaching societal effects. Most significantly, their use has brought the role of the middle-class Tehran home to the center of state politics. Even though the technologies are used within the private space of the home, their use has become a significant matter of political contestation for the Iranian state. The middle-class Tehran home has become a significant site of Iranian state formation through a combination of debates and conflicts over surveillance, regulation, and access; the production of transnational, in addition to national identities; and the relational connections of the home as a space of refuge in connection with other kinds of public and private spaces. I argue theoretically for a local understanding of state formation as an everyday process; the production of space and scale as fundamental processes through which politics are constituted; and, in particular, the space of the home as a significant site of state formation. Methodologically, my project calls for the use of ethnographic, local scales and methods of analysis for observing and analyzing national and transnational processes of state formation. What centrally organizes this project is an attempt to get at the heart of the complexities through which the space of the home in contemporary Tehran is produced and reproduced through social experiences of the processes of state formation, as they intersect with global media flows. Focusing on the everyday space of the home as the site through which local, national, and transnational processes are experienced allows me to examine the range of ways in which power relations are perceived and reconfigured by Tehran residents. State formation, as a process, reveals the complex ways in which abstract notions such as "the state" and "the globe" require and are shaped by everyday spatial processes that give meaning to power relations.
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Kotele, Mothepane. "An investigation into the journalistic identities of news workers at the state owned Lentsoe La Basotho/Lesotho Today Newspaper." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002903.
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Informed by the political economy framework and the public service role of media in democracy, the main objective of the study was to use in-depth semi-structured interviews to understand news-workers’ professional journalistic identities in relation to their status as government employees and the understanding of their public service role as outlined in the paper’s mission statement. The main interest was to understand the complexity of negotiating these role identities. Through reference to the theories of journalism professionalism, the study highlighted the extent to which news-workers in the small newsroom of Lentsoe la Basotho/Lesotho Today see themselves as public service journalists in a democratic country. The interest was borne partly out of the views of the paper’s critics who see it as not serving the public but rather promoting the activities and policies of the government of the day, thus falling short of its democratic role. The contention of the study was that as a public service newspaper, the paper should have news-workers who do impartial journalism and reflect the public’s right to know in their reporting. The findings of the study suggests that news-workers at Lentsoe la Basotho/Lesotho Today continuously have to strive to negotiate the potential conflict between being a professional and working for a government-controlled newspaper. While they sometimes lay claim to being journalists, the reality is that in their political coverage they end up adopting the role of government mouthpieces.
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Takehana, Elisabet 'Osk. "Chuck Palahniuk and Jean Baudrillard: The terminal state of human subjectivity." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3039.
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Examines Chuck Palahniuk's novel Invisible monsters using the theories of Jean Baudrillard as a lens through which to better understand Palahniuk's commentary on the effects mass media have on human subjectivity in the terminal state.
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Cohen, Olivia D. "EMOTIONAL RESPONSES TO OPIOID PUBLIC SERVICE ANNOUNCEMENTS; TESTING TRAIT EMPATHY’S IMPACT ON MESSAGE PROCESSING AND ATTITUDE CHANGE." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1530122907056997.
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Inukonda, Sumanth. "Media, Globalization and Nationalism: The Case of Separate Telangana." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1457733967.
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Ryoo, Woongjae. "The South Korean Mediascape: State, Civil Society and the Implications of Regional Political Economy for Cultural Transformation." restricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08042006-154333/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006.<br>Title from title screen. David Cheshier, committee chair; Michael Bruner, Leonard Teel, Carol Winkler, James Hamilton, committee members. Electronic text (238 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 13, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 225-238).
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Pahlavi, Pierre Cyril Cyrus Teymour. "Mass diplomacy : foreign policy in the global information age." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85196.
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A sophisticated and high tech form of state-to-foreign population diplomacy based on the use of the latest communication technologies has developed rapidly in recent years and has acquired an increasingly important position within a significant number of foreign affairs systems. Pioneered by the heavyweights of the international stage, the phenomenon has spread rapidly to secondary powers and is progressively extending itself to varying degrees to all states around the globe. This thesis grapples with the enigma raised by the brisk re-emergence of this foreign policy concentration by attempting to understand the reasons behind both the quantitative increase in public diplomacy activities and the qualitative evolution of these activities in terms of planning, organisation and implementation. The first argument that this thesis broaches is that the sudden growth of public diplomacy is the result of the shift to a new phase of the information revolution (necessary enabling force) which has been amplified by contingent factors: the explosion of global terrorism (accelerator) and the perception of leaders and foreign policy makers of this new environment (prism). The second argument is that, beyond quantitative growth, the new operational context born of the advent of the global information society provoked a qualitative evolution of the public diplomacy inherited from the Cold War towards what is today mass diplomacy. The result is the appearance of a market driven diplomacy employing persuasive techniques borrowed from the world of public relations and marketing. The new diplomacy is an entrepreneurial diplomacy that limits governmental leadership to a necessary minimum and encourages the participation of private and foreign sub-contractors. It is also a cyber-space diplomacy equipped with new diplomatic instruments such as high-resolution satellite imagery, high-speed networks, digital broadcasting and other marvels of the late twentieth cen
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Mushohwe, Knowledge. "An analysis of selected cartoons published during Zimbabwe's 2008 elections." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1609.
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During Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections the country’s media laws had a direct impact on the way editorial cartoonists expressed themselves. Although the online newspapers were unregulated and the print media published under Zimbabwe’s media laws, Public Order and Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy act - the editorial cartoons from both sources show deliberate bias towards one candidate and contempt towards the main rival. The study contextualises the understanding of the editorial cartoon, as practised in an environment of freedom of speech and defined by the four categories identified by Press (1981) and Manning and Phiddian (2004), and delineates the effect of media laws on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe. The four categories of editorial cartoons identified are descriptive editorial cartoons, laughing satirical editorial cartoons, destructive satirical editorial cartoons, and savage indignation editorial cartoons. The study reviews eight editorial cartoons, read using a semiotic framework investigating non-verbal communication, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and a text and language grid, as suggested by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). A comparative analysis of the cartoons reveals that objectives and functions of the unregulated zimonline.co.za and the regulated the Herald newspapers are the same. They constitute propagandistic representations of Zimbabwean politics that are more an extension of political ideology than they are a reflection of the country’s sociopolitical landscape.
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Thothe, Oesi. "Investigating the role of media in the identity construction of ethnic minority language speakers in Botswana : an exploratory study of the Bakalanga." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017788.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates the role of media in the identity construction of minority language speakers in Botswana, with a focus on the Bakalanga. The study is informed by debates around the degree to which the media can be seen to play a central role in the way the Bakalanga define their own identity. As part of this, it considers how such individuals understand their own sense of identity to be located within processes of nation-building, and in particular in relation to the construction of a national identity. It focuses, more particularly, on the extent to which the absence of particular languages within media can be said to impact on such processes of identity formation. The study responds, at the same time, to the argument that people’s more general lived experiences and their broader social environment have a bearing on how they make sense of the media. As such, it can be seen to critique the assumption that the media necessarily play a central and defining role within processes of socialisation. In order to explore the significance of these debates for a study of the Bakalanga, the dissertation includes a contextual discussion of language policy in Botswana, the impact of colonial history on such policy and the implications that this has had for the linguistic identity of the media. It also reviews theoretical debates that help to make sense of the role that the media plays within the processes through which minority language speakers construct their own identity. Finally, it includes an empirical case study, consisting of qualitative interviews with individuals who identify themselves as Bakalanga. It is argued that, because of the absence of their own language from the media, the respondents do not describe the media as central to their own processes of identity formation. At the same time, the respondents recognise the importance of the media within society, and are preoccupied with their own marginalisation from the media. The study explores the way the respondents make sense of such marginalisation, as demonstrated by their attempts to seek alternative media platforms in which they can find recognition of their own language and social experience. The study thus reaffirms the significance of media in society – even for people who feel that they are not recognised within such media.
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Abernathy, L. Ty. "An examination of adult age differences in implicit and explicit memory for prescription drug advertisements." Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2008. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-11042008-095252.
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Anthonsen, Mette. "Decisions on participation in UN operations : do media matter ? : danish and swedish response to intra state conflicts in the 1990s /." Göteborg : Dep. of Political Science, Göteborg Univ, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/364292768.pdf.
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Morrow, William Judson. "¿Qué va a pasar en el Buckeye State? Pasos hacia inglés como idioma oficial /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1211931412.
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Ndlovu, Mphathisi. "Constructions of nationhood in secession debates related to Mthwakazi Liberation Front in Bulawayo's Chronicle and Newsday newspapers in 2011." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001846.
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This study investigates the constructions of nationhood in two Bulawayo newspapers, the Chronicle and Newsday. Against the backdrop of the emergence of a secessionist movement, Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF), this research examines the discourses of nationhood in the secessionist debates raging in these two newspapers. This study is premised on a view that nationhood constructions cannot be understood outside the broader context in which these newspapers are embedded. Accordingly, it traces the roots and resurgence of Matabeleland separatist politics, exploring the political-historical forces that have shaped a distinctive Ndebele identity that poses a threat to the one, indivisible Zimbabwean national identity. Further, the study situates Matabeleland separatist politics within the broader African secessionist discourse challenging the post-colonial nation-building project on the continent. Informed by Hall’s (1992, 1996) constructivist approach to identity, it considers national identities as fragmented, multiple and constantly evolving. Thus, this study is framed within Hall’s (1997) constructivist approach to representation, as it examines the constructions of nationhood in and through language. The study uses qualitative research methods, as it examines the meanings of nationhood in key media texts. Informed by Foucault’s discourse theory, this research employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse 12 articles from the two newspapers. The findings confirm that the representations of nationhood in the two newspapers are influenced by their position within the socio-political context. The state-owned Chronicle legitimates the unitary state discourse advocated by ZANU PF. On the other hand, Newsday’s representations are informed by the discourses of the opposition political parties and civil society that challenge the dominant nation-building project. Thus, within this paper, secession and devolution emerge as alternative imaginaries that contest the authoritarian discourse of nationhood
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Triplett, Jayson Ming. "The continuing ballad of Franco the Kid." Master's thesis, Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2008. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-04072008-082226.
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Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.
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Draper, Rebecca Cupples. "At-risk students' perceptions of the impact of popular culture and the media on their lives." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-1209104-133937/unrestricted/DraperR011105f.pdf.
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Pretorius, Liesl. "Drukmediageletterdheid in Suid-Afrika : 'n gevallestudie." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49935.
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Thesis (MPhil) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The state of media literacy in South Africa was investigated on the basis of a case study. A
survey was conducted among grade 10 learners in two Free State schools which are amongst
the top achievers academically to determine if these learners possess the knowledge linked
with media literacy. It was found that the majority of these learners do not. It is therefore
imperative that the media industry promotes media literacy through assistance to teachers and
independent training programmes aimed at learners.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Ondersoek na die stand van mediageletterdheid in Suid-Afrika is aan die hand van 'n
gevallestudie gedoen. Die aan- of afwesigheid van kennis wat mediageletterdheid veronderstel,
is met behulp van 'n vraelys onder gr. 10-leerders aan twee van die Vrystaat se voorste
(akademiese) skole gemeet. Die navorser het bevind dat die meerderheid van dié leerders nie
oor dié kennis beskik nie. Die bevindinge dui op die noodsaaklikheid van steun aan
onderwysers vanuit die bedryf asook die aanbied van onafhanklike opleidingsprogramme deur
mediamaatskappye
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Martindale, Linda Shirley. "Racism, criticism or, inept reporting? : racism in the media, the relationship between the state and the press, and the standard of journalism in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53025.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The furor around racism in the media was brought to the surface in 1999 when the Black
Lawyers Association and the Association of Black Accountants of South Africa appealed to
the South African Human Rights Commission to investigate the South African media. This
request was based on the presumption that the South African media was rife with racism and
urgently required attention. The subsequent enquiry was the source of much controversy and
accusation.
Almost three years since the enquiries inception, the issue of racism in the South African
media has not disappeared despite decreasing media coverage in recent months.
When the South African Human Rights Commission launched the enquiry into racism,
prominent media leaders including key editors and newspaper representatives were
summoned to appear before the controversial Commission. Some media leaders felt the
Commission was a direct attack on the freedom of the Press. Others felt the enquiry was long
overdue or slammed it as an all-time flop. Furthermore, pure and simple criticism of the
government is still perceived as racism when it is the Press fulfilling its role as the 'watchdog
of democracy' .
Various Press theories, for example Developmental or Libertarian, impact on the perceived
role of the Press in a democratic nation. The standard of journalism in a country can also
impact on the way in which the press is perceived. For example, there are times when inept
reporting is misunderstood as racist reporting.
This assignment is a broad overview of the enquiry into racism in the media and the concerns
around this issue as well as the response to it. It takes a closer look at the role of the media
and the relationship between the media and the state. In particular, it focuses on how
criticism of the government can be misread as racism, as well as investigating how the
standard of journalism impacts on the way in which the media serve the public.
The South African National Editors Forum launched a skills audit in 2002 and the results
were surprisingly negative. The general standard of journalism in South Africa was assessed
as "low". This assignment looks at the findings of the audit in the light of the above questions
surrounding the standard of journalism as it pertains to reporting on race and accuracy,
understanding and objectivity. The last section of the assignment takes a brief look at several
examples of how to report on race in South Africa and what to be aware of when considering
sensitivity to race issues.
The questions as to whether it is racism, healthy criticism misconstrued as racism, or simply
inept reporting, are explored. Although an expansive topic by nature, this paper provides an
overview of the key issues pertaining to media ethics as it pertains to racism in the South
African media.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die skandaaloor rasisme in die media was te vore gebring in 1999 toe die Black Lawyers'
Association en die Association of Black Accountants die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes
Kommissie gevra het om die Suid Afrikaanse media te ondersoek. Die versoek was gebaseer
op die gedagte dat die Suid Afrikaanse media rasisties is en dringend aandag nodig het. Die
ondersoek was baie kontroverseel en het na baie beskuldiging gelei.
Omtrent drie jaar nadat die ondersoek begin het, is die kwessie van rasisme in die Suid
Afrikaanse media nog lewendig alhoewel daar minder daaroor geskryf is in die land se
publikasies.
Toe die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie die ondersoek op rasisme begin het, is
belangrike media leiers - redakteurs en koerant verteenwoordiges - voor die Kommissie
geroep. Sommige van die media leiers het gevoel dat die kommissie 'n direkte aanval op
Vryheid van die Pers was; ander het gevoel dat die Ondersoek belangrik was en nog ander dit
as 'n mislukking bestempel het. Eenvoudige kritiek van die regering deur die Pers is ook as
rasisme gesien alhoewel hulle die rol van 'bewaarder van demokrasie' vervul.
Daar is verskeie Pers teories, byvoorbeeld "Developmental" of "Libertarian" wat die
persepsie van die rol van die pers beindruk het. Die standaard van joernalistiek in 'n land
bepaal deur hoe die Pers gesien is. Byvoorbeeld, somtyds is slegte verslaggewering as
rasisties bestempel.
Hierdie opdrag is 'n wye oorsig van die ondersoek op rasisme in die media, die bekommernis
oor die kwessie en die reaksie daaroor. Dit kyk nader na die rol van die media en die
verhouding tussen die media en die staat. Dit fokus op hoe kritiek van die regering as rasisme
misgelees kan word en gee ondersoek aan hoe die standard van journalistiek na beskuldiging
van rasisme kan lei.
Die "South African National Editors' Forum" het 'n Vaardighede oudit in 2002 opgedoen en
die uitslae was negatief. Die standaard van joernalisme in Suid Afrika was as "laag"
assesseer. Hierdie opdrag kyk na die oudit se vindings in die lig van die bogenoemde vrae
oor die standard van joernalistiek: verslaggewing oor rase en akuraatheid, en objectiviteit.
Die laaste deel van die opdrag kyk na verskeie voorbeelde van hoe om oor rase verslag te gee
en waaroor te dink as jy sensitief teenoor rase kwessies wil wees.
Die volgende vrae is na gekyk: Is dit rasisme; gesonde kritiek wat as rasisme bestempel
word, of eenvoudig, slegte verslaggewing? Hierdie opdrag gee 'n wye oorsig oor die
belangrike kwessies van media etiek in verhouding met rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse
media.
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Samerdyke, Olivia Kathleen. "Information vs. Propaganda:An Analysis of the Washington Post's Reporting of the Islamic State." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1459512198.
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Zhao, Meng. "The Media, Education, and the State: Arts-Based Research and a Marxist Analysis of the Syrian Refugee Crisis." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/education_dissertations/8.
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By 2019, the Syrian civil war has lasted for nearly eight years and it has created the largest humanitarian crisis since WWII (Achlume, 2015). Using the siege of Aleppo in 2016 as a case study, the author applied a Marxist-humanist theoretical framework and incorporated arts-based research methodology to examine how US news media supports capitalist social relations. The research question for this study was: how do the US media depictions of the siege of Aleppo, Syria in 2016 reflect capitalist social relations? There were three sub-questions that followed: (1) Which elements of the siege of Aleppo in 2016 get the most attention in the specific outlets examined? In what ways do these depictions support the US government and/or corporate interests? (2) What are some of the ways in which Syrian refugees are depicted in the various outlets examined? How and in what ways is US humanitarian policy reflected? How are Syrian’s racialized through these depictions? and (3) How are corporate and government interests tied to these media outlets? This study used narrative inquiry, visual analysis, and critical discourse analysis as research methods to discover five major themes found in US news media’s reporting on the siege of Aleppo in 2016. The author then examined these five main themes through a Marxist-humanist lens to discover how the US news media, the supposed “gatekeeper” for the public, establishes, maintains, and reinforces an ideology that supported hegemony for the dominant class.
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Mays, Nicholas S. "`WHAT WE GOT TO SAY:’ RAP AND HIP HOP’S SOCIAL MOVEMENT AGAINST THE CARCERAL STATE & CRIME POLITICS IN THE AGE OF RONALD REAGAN’S WAR ON DRUGS." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1627656723125548.
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Butz, Andrew David. "Selling Protest in the News? Movement-Media Framing of Occupations: an Exploratory Study." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4510.
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Using quantitative content analysis, this study explores social movement (SM) framing in commercial news media -- by comparing how leading newspapers covered prominent protest occupations in 2011 and 2016. More than other SMs, anti-systemic protests like the 2011 Occupy Wall Street (OWS) and the 2016 Malheur Refuge Occupation (MRO) only have partial frame-setting agency, raising a broad theory question (to inform the research questions below): If SMs and media relate as interacting systems, are protest news frames more movement- or more media- driven; and do media not just enable but also constrain SMs?
With the movement-media theory question above, the study design adapts media opportunity structure (MOS) to model a hierarchy of influences on news coverage of ideologically opposed or "distant twin" OWS and MRO, as 40- to 60-day protest occupations. The focused research question -- exploring media's constraining potential -- asks if commercial news framing of collective action: i) commercially frames or "sells" even anti-corporate protest; or ii) instead marginalizes or neutralizes such protest? Coverage from three top national or state newspapers (The New York Times, USA Today, and The Oregonian) was analyzed randomly from all protest stories during the occupations. Sampled time periods in 2011 and 2016, during actual encampments/ occupations in Portland, OR and New York City (OWS) and in Malheur National Wildlife Refuge, Oregon (MRO), also correspond with transitional years in print news.
The inductive-based comparative results, from 15 coding dimensions for news framing of collective action, dispersed passivity, and commercially-framed activism, showed some evidence for the "selling protest" question. And the compiled summary Framing Advantages and Disadvantages yield this study's key finding: Although anti-corporate OWS was far larger, with more widespread media coverage, the comparative overall media frame for the small, remote, anti-government MRO was far more potent and resonant.
Comparing media-and-movement framing of these distant twin 40-day protest occupations finds some support for the "selling (or underselling) protest" question. This comparative frame analysis helps bridge micro- and macro-theory levels, addressing an enduring dual gap in movement-media research literature -- to yield insight on SMs' and media's respective roles in protest news framing and then identify potential mechanisms for future research.
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Dumm, Elena. "Show No Weakness: An Ideological Analysis of China Daily News Coverage of the 2019 Hong Kong Protests." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617884910805174.
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Cicero, Michelle Elizabeth. "Rocketing into your daily life : Life magazine, the postwar advertising revolution, and the selling of the United States space program, 1957-1966 /." Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2007-3/cicerom/michellecicero.pdf.
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