Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Mass media – Law and legislation – Zimbabwe'

The right to freedom of expression is with no doubt one of the most important rights in all democratic societies. The southern African sub-region is however lacking when it comes to the protection of this right. There are either highly repressive laws which result in the right being practiced but to a limited extent. In other cases the media is owned by the elite in society which results in the majority not being represented in the independent media and at the same time, the public media is often abused by the governing elite. The scene is therefore that both the public media and private media are representative of the elite. The research seeks to explore the protection of human rights, particularly the right to freedom of expression in politically volatile environments. The research focuses on Zimbabwe but comparative analysis has also been drawn with other jurisdictions moreso South Africa. It is important to note that Zimbabwe has ratified both the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ rights both of which protect the right to freedom of expression. It is however not enough that states ratify international and regional instruments without domesticating the instruments at the national level. The domestication of the international and regional instruments is meant to ensure that individuals enjoy these rights. Freedom of expression is highly volatile in Zimbabwe. The legislature has been accused of taking away the right which has been granted to citizens by the Constitution through its highly repressive laws. The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the Official Secrets Act are some of the laws which have been put under spotlight in Zimbabwe. There is therefore a conflict between the legislature, the press and individuals in Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe like many democratic states, there is separation of powers between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. The legislature is the decision making structure that enacts policies in their capacity as representatives of the people; the judiciary is the mediating body that adjudicates decisions between the organs of state as well as between those organs and individuals and the executive enforces decisions. The findings of the research are that despite the ratification of international and regional instruments dealing with the right to freedom of expression and the protection of the right to freedom of expression in the constitution, there still exist repressive laws in Zimbabwe which to a great extent limit the right to freedom of expression. These laws in light of the prevailing environment in Zimbabwe are often used to deprive citizens and journalists of information and their right to freedom of expression. The judiciary finds itself in a difficult position as the executive does not comply with its rulings. The independence of the judiciary, in light of the environment is also compromised by the threats to the judges, the appointment process and ‘gifts’ given to the judges for example, farms. The research analyses the history and theories of freedom of freedom of expression in Zimbabwe, the laws regulating the right and the case law dealing with this right. Finally there is a comparison between Zimbabwe and South Africa and conclusions and recommendations are made based on the discussion in the dissertation. Among the recommendations is that civil society should be involved in educating individuals especially journalists about the right to freedom of expression. Further, the judiciary should also take a more proactive approach in the protection of the right.

The construction of journalistic professionalism in Zimbabwe has stirred debate among scholars. Critics have argued that professionalism has been compromised by the stifling media laws in Zimbabwe as well as the extra legal measures the state has enforced to control the press. Some have also argued that a new kind of journalism must be emerging in the Zimbabwean newsroom as journalism try to cope with the political and economic pressures bedeviling the country. Much of this criticism however, has not been based on close interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of the journalists in any particular newsroom. It is against this background that this study examines the constructions of professionalism at the Financial Gazette. In particular it explores the meaning of professionalism through interrogating the journalistic practices the journalists consider during the process of news production in the context of overwhelming state power. In undertaking this examination, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly observation and multi-layered individual in-depth interviews. As the study demonstrates, the interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of newsroom practices uncovers the complex manner in which professionalism is negotiated in the Gazette’s newsroom located in a country undergoing transition in Democracy. The study establishes that when measured against normative canons of journalistic professionalism the Gazette is deviating from such tenets as public service and watchdog journalism. As the study indicates, perhaps unbeknown to the respondents, the ruling ZANU PF party hegemony is reproduced at the Gazette through choice of news values such as sovereignty and patriotism all euphemisms for ruling party‘s slogans.

During Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections the country’s media laws had a direct impact on the way editorial cartoonists expressed themselves. Although the online newspapers were unregulated and the print media published under Zimbabwe’s media laws, Public Order and Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy act - the editorial cartoons from both sources show deliberate bias towards one candidate and contempt towards the main rival. The study contextualises the understanding of the editorial cartoon, as practised in an environment of freedom of speech and defined by the four categories identified by Press (1981) and Manning and Phiddian (2004), and delineates the effect of media laws on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe. The four categories of editorial cartoons identified are descriptive editorial cartoons, laughing satirical editorial cartoons, destructive satirical editorial cartoons, and savage indignation editorial cartoons. The study reviews eight editorial cartoons, read using a semiotic framework investigating non-verbal communication, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and a text and language grid, as suggested by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). A comparative analysis of the cartoons reveals that objectives and functions of the unregulated zimonline.co.za and the regulated the Herald newspapers are the same. They constitute propagandistic representations of Zimbabwean politics that are more an extension of political ideology than they are a reflection of the country’s sociopolitical landscape.

Thesis (M.S.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1991.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2705. Abstract precedes thesis as 2 preliminary leaves. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 47-48).

This thesis explores the shape, the dynamics, and the main reasons for media capture and collusion in Croatia since the second transition in 2000. Using principal-agent theory to refer to the basic relation-ship between politicians, media and citizens, I intend to explain why politicians make use of particularism - behaviour aiming at the limitation of horizontal accountability - to force the media into cooperation with politicians (media capture) or to engage in an illicit, mutually agreed deal (collusion). Located in the literatures on democratization, party research and media studies, I aim to connect these fields in arguing that intra-party dynamics such as party leaders' rootedness, contestation and the institutionalization of rules play an important role in incentivizing executive politicians to capture or collude with media outlets. The empirical outcome of the study showing drastic failures of horizontal accountability contradicts dominant narratives of Croatia's high level of democratic consolidation between 2000 and 2014 and therefore challenges the suitability of indicators primarily designed to capture the institutionalization of institutions rather than the institutionalization of particularism. Croatia is a particularly appropriate case to study in this context since none of the traditional incentives such as Europeanization, inter-party competition, a strong civil society or economic modernization can fully explain shifts in the way politicians limit or reinforce horizontal accountability of the media. In order to address this puzzle I adopt a two-pronged research strategy based on both qualitative and quantitative elements in order to reliably and validly measure the shape and development of media capture and collusion.

Defamation law‘s truth defence – the oldest, most obvious and principal defence – has failed Australian media defendants. Few who mount the defence succeed. Many, discouraged by the defence‘s onerousness, do not even attempt it. As a consequence the journalistic articulation of matters of public concern is stifled. This thesis argues that the limitations of the Australian truth defence are inconsistent with established freedom of speech ideals and the public interest in having a robust media. As a result society is constrained from enlightened participation in public affairs. This thesis proposes reforms to alleviate the heavy demands of the defence so as to promote the publication of matters of public concern and to strike a more contemporary balance between freedom of speech and the protection of reputation. These reforms employ defamation law‘s doctrinal calculus to reposition the speech-reputation fulcrum. While defamation law has for decades attracted reform attention, the truth defence has languished by the wayside. This thesis steps into the breech. The cornerstone of this thesis is a proposal to reverse the burden so that the plaintiff bears the burden of proving falsity of the defamatory publication where: the complainant is a public figure; the matter complained about is a matter of public concern; and the suit involves a media defendant. While this proposal is likely to dramatically alter the prevailing Australian freedom of speech/protection of reputation equilibrium, other measures are proposed to serve as a bulwark against the wanton destruction of reputation.

This thesis employed a Historical-Critical method using rhetoric and framing theory to examine the 2008 Proposition 2: Prevention of Farm Animal Cruelty Act campaigns. The Californians for Humane Farms (HSUS) and Californians for SAFE Food (CSF) were the respective proponent and opponent coalitions analyzed in this thesis. The analysis examined sixteen campaign artifacts that were examples of how the proposition was communicated to California's voting populous. In Conjunction with the appeals and frames, the message strategies were analyzed as to how they allowed the HSUS and CSF to effectively communicate with voters. By using rhetoric and framing 4 theory this analysis was able to distinguish which rhetorical appeals effectively supported the campaigns. The analysis showed that the HSUS was successful with their campaign because of well-executed rhetorical appeals that created a concise message about animal confinement and animal cruelty issues.

The 1980s and 1990s saw major changes in the political landscape of the media in many countries that were either reverting or emerging from repressive nondemocratic regimes. Among the notable changes in media industry was the opening up of the national airwaves, which had been a state monopoly, to private sector and community participation. The democratic dispensation also put state broadcasters in the spot-light regarding their editorial content which was previously ‘institutionalised’ as belonging to the ruling regimes. This study set out to investigate the extent to which broadcasting reform legislation meant to address the unfair coverage of contending voices on Zambia’s public broadcaster has had an impact in reversing the situation in the newsroom. Using qualitative methods of investigation, the study established that while the ZNBC staff understand aspects of their role in their newsroom in relation to the principles of public service broadcasting and in line with the enacted legislation, they perceive that, in practice, they have to ensure that the news content still remains a reserve of a few voices in favour of the ruling regime. This was evidenced by testimonies from the news staff’s complaints of continued editorial interference in their work by government leaders and government appointed gatekeepers, as well as selfcensorship. The study recommends, among other things, the full implementation of the recently enacted laws on the operations of ZNBC in order to achieve some minimum levels of being a public broadcaster. It further recommends a serious re-orientation of the ZNBC newsroom and management staff to the current legislative requirements so as to shift their mindset away from their traditionally-held views of thinking that news at that station is only for the ruling regime.

Thesis (MPhil) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2004
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After 1994, the year in which the first democratic election in the country was held and which placed South Africa irrevocably on the road to the creation of a new society, many institutions had to change to adapt to the new circumstances. All government and private institutions were compelled to adhere to transformation requirements. This study investigates the damage to blacks in the period before 1994, as well as the legal instruments and other regulations of the new government to assist black empowerment, with a view to creating a more equal society. The transformation of media institutions is a subject which, up to now, has not yet been researched thoroughly. This study was undertaken to establish the progress that has been made by Media24, a Naspers affiliate. The paper discusses the practical problems surrounding transformation, specifically those attached to an historic Afrikaans "white" institution like Media24. The conclusion which was derived at after interviews with top management, is that the company's leadership has moved into a position where transformation isn't questioned any more. Practical efforts are now being made to accelerate affirmative action and transformation. An audit of Media24 which was completed in 2004, and which is indicative of the company's achievements according to the transformational charter for black economic empowerment, was studied. The result shows that Media24 has made excellent progress in some areas, but has failed to achieve the desired results in others. Resulting from this, Media24's management began to set specific goals in order to be able to adhere to certain legal requirements (which includes, amongst others, affirmative action) within a specific time frame. Some of the proposals in this study include: That Media24's upcoming leadership should be measured against its ability to understand the requirements to do business in a new, diverse society; that more successful communication measurements be instituted around transformational processes and measurements and that a transformational ombud be appointed to highlight shortcomings and to help accelerate the process. The study has not exhausted the subject and, with transformation being an ongoing process, it is recommended that it be investigated further.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ná 1994, die jaar waarin die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in die land gehou is en Suid-Afrika onherroeplik op pad na die skepping van 'n "nuwe samelewing" geplaas is, sou baie instellings moes verander om by die nuwe omstandighede aan te pas. Alle staats- en private instellings sou aan transformasievereistes onderhewig wees. Dié werkstuk ondersoek kortliks die benadeling van swart mense in die tydperk voor 1994 en die wetlike instrumente en ander maatreëls van die nuwe regering om swart bemagtiging te help versnel en 'n meer gelyke samelewing te help skep. Die transformasie van media-instellings is 'n onderwerp wat nog nie behoorlik nagevors is nie en dié studie is aangepak om vas te stel hoe ver Media24, 'n filiaal van Naspers, gevorder het daarmee. Die praktiese probleme rondom transformasie word uitgelig, spesifiek dié by'n histories Afrikaanse "wit" instelling soos Media24. Die afleiding wat gemaak word uit onderhoude met die topbestuur van Media24 is dat die maatskappy se leierskap verby die punt is waar transformasie bevraagteken word. Praktiese pogings word nou aangewend om regstellende aksie maatreëls te versnel en transformasie vinniger te laat geskied. 'n Oudit van Media24 wat in 2004 uitgevoer is en wat die maatskappy se prestasie volgens die bemagtigingstelkaart vir swart ekonomiese bemagtiging aandui, is bestudeer. Die resultaat daarvan het getoon dat Media24 op sekere gebiede van swart bemagtiging goed vaar, maar op ander gebiede ver agter is. Media24 se bestuur het na aanleiding hiervan bepaalde teikens begin stelom die wetlike vereistes, wat onder meer regstellende aksie insluit, binne 'n sekere tydperk na te kom. Van die voorstelle in die studie sluit in: dat Media24 se opkomende leierskorps gemeet word aan die mate waarin hulle die vereistes verstaan om in die nuwe, diverse samelewing sake te doen, daar groter kommunikasie in die maatskappy moet wees oor transformasieprosesse- en maatreëls en dat 'n transformasie-ombud aangestel word om op tekortkominge te wys en die proses te help versnel. Die studie het nie die onderwerp uitgeput nie en verdere navorsing kan aangepak word, veralomdat transformasie 'n deurlopende proses is.

When the Supreme Court grants new rights, public awareness is a crucial part of enforcement. Gerald N. Rosenberg and Michael J. Klarman famously criticized minority rights organizations for attempting to gain new rights through the judiciary. The crux of their argument relied heavily on the American media's scanty coverage of Court issues and subsequent low public awareness of Court cases. Using the 2013 United States v. Windsor and Hollingsworth v. Perry rulings as a case study, I suggest that the media environment has changed so much since Rosenberg and Klarman were writing that their theories warrant reconsideration. Minority rights groups now have access to social media, a potentially powerful tool with which to educate the public about the Supreme Court and new rights granted by the Court.

For the last decade, The Daily Show with Jon Stewart (TDS), a (Comedy Central) cable comedy show, has been increasingly seen as an informative, new, even revolutionary, form of journalism. A substantial body of literature appeared, adopting this view. On closer inspection, it became clear that this view was tenable only in specific circumstances. It assumed that the comedic structure of the show, TDS' primary text, promoted cognitive polysemy, a textual ambiguity which encouraged critical inquiry, and that TDS' audiences perceived it accordingly. As a result I analyzed, through a dual - encoding/decoding - analytical approach, whether TDS' comedic discourse educates and informs its audiences in a manner which encourages independent or critical reading of the news. Through a multilayered textual analysis of the primary and tertiary texts of the show, the research presented here asked, "How does TDS' comedic narrative (primary text) work as a vehicle of televised political news?" and "How does TDS' audience decode its text?" The research identified flaws in the existing literature and the limits inherent to any similar endeavors. It became apparent that, due to TDS' comedic discourse and its host's political transparency, the primary text does not promote cognitive polysemy, because it offers one dominant reading that is easily deciphered. Furthermore, due to its specific comedic structure, the primary text does not encourage dissenting or critical reading of the show's presentation of the news. Close reading of specific audience-authored tertiary texts indicated that TDS offered a dominant encoded reading which was either easily accepted or slightly negotiated, according to the views of the news outlet presenting the TDS excerpt.

Public programming initiatives are considered as an integral part of archival operations because they support greater use of archival records. This study investigated public programming practises in the ESARBICA region. The findings of the study were determined after applying methodological triangulation, within a quantitative research context. This included the use of self-administered questionnaires, semi-structured interviews and the analysis of documents and websites. Participants in this study were ESARBICA board members, Directors of the National Archives and archivists from the ESARBICA region. Nine (69.2%) national directors representing different member states completed the questionnaire and eight archivists from the same region were interviewed. Furthermore, three ESARBICA board members were also interviwed. Legislation and country reports from ESARBICA member states were reviewed, together with websites of institutions within the ESARBICA region that offered archival education and training. Findings of the study indicated that public programming initiatives were not a priority. Reasons for this included lack of public programming policies, budgetary constraints, shortage of staff and lack of transport. Furthermore, the national archives were reluctant to rope in technology to promote their archives. Collaboration efforts with regard to promoting archives were shallow. Moreover, the investigation of user needs was restricted to existing users of the archives. In addition to all this, the archivists felt that they needed to improve their public programming skills. The study therefore suggests that the national archives of ESARBICA should focus on: legislation, public programming policies, advocacy, users, partnerships and skills. Taking these factors into consideration, an inclusive and integrated public programming framework was developed and proposed as a possible measure for improving public programming efforts in the ESARBICA region.
Information Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Information Science)

The end of apartheid in South Africa in 1994 brought with it the task of redressing past discriminatory practices. The Employment Equity Act (No. 55 Of 1998) passed in 1998 stipulated that designated employers implement affirmative action in order to provide equal employment opportunities to all including the previously disadvantaged or designated groups who are primarily blacks, the disabled and women (Charlton and Niekerk, 1994:. xxii). Affirmative action is not something to be done for political expediency and fear of legislation alone. Shifting markets and consumer needs require demographic representation at all levels in the organization. Addressing the incredible shortage of available skills, compounded by the tendency not to grant equal employment to designated groups who already have skills, suggests the need for demographic considerations in terms of long-term employment needs. Bringing human resources up to world-class standards will mean addressing the deficiencies that have emanated from the apartheid system. This study focuses on the relationship between gender, equality and the concept of affirmative action. The purpose of this study is to investigate the perceptions of South African male broadcasters towards affirmative action especially where the policy is targeted towards women. Male broadcasters at SABC KwaZulu-Natal are used as case studies. South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) not only embraces affirmative action but also reports on it. Previous studies on affirmative action in media institutions tend to focus on women and thus this study uses men as case studies to make this area of research more complete. South African men are not a homogenous category. There are class, racial, religious, language, urban/rural, cultural and age lines of division among them (Nzimande and Sikhosana, 1996: 82). This being the case, the study investigates the different perceptions held by South African male broadcasters of different races concerning gender-based affirmative action. Issues discussed in this study include: • Understanding of the concept affirmative action • Need for the implementation of affirmative action • Perceptions ofmen towards work Men and power in organizations • Perceptions towards management • Perceptions towards female broadcasters • Perceived factors that hinder women from upward mobility • Possibilities for informal discrimination Studies on affirmative action have more frequently than not been examined in the context of feminist theories, for example, Susan Manhando's study (1994), 'Towards affirmative action: Issues of race, gender and equality at the SABC: Case studies of Natal women broadcasters' and Farhana Goga's (2000) 'Towards affirmative action issues of race and gender in media organizations: A study on South African media organizations,' to cite but two examples. This study moves beyond this rubric to include both patriarchy and masculinity theories as part of the theoretical framework upon which data analysis is interpreted and discussed. I see the findings of this research as the basis for further investigation into perceptions of South Africans from different races towards affirmative action policy.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Grounded theory analysis, informed by a socio-cultural lens, was applied to the narratives of eighteen motorcycle riders in order to understand, from the rider’s perspective, receptivity to warning messages regarding motorcycle helmet use. This study relied upon narrative analysis to identify patterns in communication that surround motorcycle riders’ experiences. Socio-cultural cues identified importance in the process of interest development in motorcycle riding, search for information regarding motorcycle riding, response to danger within the motorcycle riding experience, and attitude toward protection messages. Narratives specific to danger, or experiences of motorcycle accidents were analyzed for comparison with fear appeal theory. Special focus was applied to Terror Management Theory (TMT) and applied to the communication surrounding the real experiences of motorcycle accident and the perceived threat of danger while motorcycle riding. Communication evidencing relational influence was examined for examples of socially constructed interpretation of social identity and an individual rider's perspective of their lifeworld. The analysis revealed evidence of the TMT concept of burying or denying thoughts of danger. The TMT concept of lifeworld influence on behavior was evidenced in riders who did not accept warning messages involving helmet use. Examples of attitude and behavior change where present in two study participants’ narratives that described experience of severe injury and also the death of a friend. The riders cited these occurrences as experiences that inhibited their previous behavior of placing thoughts of motorcycle injury and death in the back of mind. Although small in number, this participant group offered multiple categorizations of rider descriptions. The narratives offered distinction in time of life when riding interest developed. As well, motorcycle training facilities were often noted as a source of communication from which riders obtained influence on their future behaviors. From this information insight was gained to offer suggestions for future research on time of message delivery. Riders who develop interest in riding as adults represent a category on which to focus preliminary educational messages. Individuals who have not yet developed an interest in motorcycle riding may benefit from societal cues that demonstrate safe riding behavior. Future research in mass media appeals focused on motorcycle riders are suggested, as is development of educational programs for delivery to high school audiences.