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Journal articles on the topic 'Mass media – Ownership'
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HIRSCH, PAUL M. "Globalization of Mass Media Ownership." Communication Research 19, no. 6 (December 1992): 677–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009365092019006001.
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Маркина, Юлия, and Yulia Markina. "The Problem of Media Ownership Classification." Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 7, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5ab4e1b3dbc403.54495683.
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The relevance of this topic is due to the fact that over the past 20 years there have been constant transformations of organizational, economic, content nature, which is undoubtedly an occasion for scientific understanding and analysis not only of journalists but also of economists and political scientists on the domestic media market. And at the moment we should talk about the concentration of mass media as a characteristic and often - determining trend of the modern Russian media system both on the national information market and on the regional one.
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Green-Pedersen, Christoffer, and Rune Stubager. "The Political Conditionality of Mass Media Influence: When Do Parties Follow Mass Media Attention?" British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (February 11, 2010): 663–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000037.
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Claims regarding the power of the mass media in contemporary politics are much more frequent than research actually analysing the influence of mass media on politics. Building upon the notion of issue ownership, this article argues that the capacity of the mass media to influence the respective agendas of political parties is conditioned upon the interests of the political parties. Media attention to an issue generates attention from political parties when the issue is one that political parties have an interest in politicizing in the first place. The argument of the article is supported in a time-series study of mass media influence on the opposition parties’ agenda in Denmark over a twenty-year period.
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Crețu, Ioana-Narcisa. "Mass-Media Communication in Romania." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 2 (June 25, 2017): 270–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0126.
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Abstract Over 1200 new publications have appeared in Romania since the fall of communism. Some of them don’t exist anymore, but there always appear new ones. The Romanian newspaper market comprises about 1500 publications most of which appear on a weekly basis and 200 daily newspapers. Television is the most familiar source of information. The radio landscape has changed considerably - similar to the television - since 1990. Besides the public broadcaster offering several programs, there are over 150 private local radio stations and various other channels. Despite the diversity of the Romanian press, we cannot yet speak of a completely free press (see the report of the Freedom House organization). The limitations of media freedom and freedom of speech are related to media ownership, but also with gaps in the national legislation. This study aims to contribute to the advancement in the conceptualization of qualitative journalism by proposing to analyze different situations of failure in investigative journalism and identifying factors that conduct to limitation of media freedom.
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Saleh, Saleh. "The Level of Mass Media Usage in Cattle Extension Communication Network." Business and Entrepreneurial Review 10, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25105/ber.v10i1.23.
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This research aim were: (1) To recognize the communication behavior of cattle farmers in searching information, (2) To analyze the level of farmer participation in cattle farmer communication network, (3) To explore the relationship between individual characteristics, (4) To explore interpersonal communication behavior and mass media utilization in cattle farmer communication network. The results showed that: (1) There was a significant difference of communication behavior between the advanced cattle farmers group and the less advanced one. This result informed the distinction of mass media used by cattle farmers in searching information i.e. interpersonal communication relationship in receiving and diffusing information and impersonal communication (media communication) behavior, particularly from television, broadcast and newspapers. (2) There was a significant relationship between formal education characteristic and impersonal communication behavior (television and radio and newspaper). There were significant relationship between economic class and newspaper impact behavior, between mass media ownership and television impact behavior, between education level and mass media ownership with the information search behavior. Individual characteristics of advanced farmers group have negative correlation with the information distribution behavior. Advanced farmer group were characterized by: well educated, higher economic class, more variety of mass media ownership, have more capability to select information according to their needs, profit oriented, risk taker, cosmopolites, have a communication pattern and good relationship among cattle farmer group. All of those characteristics caused un-proper of information diffusion
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Daniels, George L. "Richard T Craig, African Americans and mass media: A case for diversity in media ownership." Journal of Communication Inquiry 41, no. 3 (June 16, 2017): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859917713402.
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Bartoň, Michal. "Pluralism of Mass Media as a Constitutional Principle." International and Comparative Law Review 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iclr-2016-0078.
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Abstract The article deals with following issues: - plurality of mass media as a freedom of speech principle, - regulation of mass media and its two faces: regulation as a way of limitation of freedom of expression and regulation as a way of protection of freedom of expression, - danger of mass-media monopoly for “free trade of ideas”, - regulation of content versus regulation of access, the question of positive obligations of state power resulting from constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech, - legal means for securing of mass-media plurality and question of its constitutional conformity with protection of property (regulation of mass-media ownership as a protection of freedom of speech).
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Wolfe, Arnold S. "Who's Gotta have it?: The ownership of meaning and mass media texts." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 9, no. 3 (September 1992): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15295039209366831.
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Tejkalová, Alice N., Filip Láb, and Wadim Strielkowski. "SECURITY AND INDEPENDENCE OF MASS MEDIA: A CASE STUDY OF CZECH JOURNALISTS IN MEDIA OWNERSHIP TURMOIL." Journal of Security and Sustainability Issues 4, no. 3 (March 30, 2015): 500–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.9770/jssi.2015.4.3(1)s.
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Warrich, Haseeb Ur Rehman, Muhammad Ashfaq, and Shams Ur Rehma. "Conglomerates in Pakistani Media Industry: Exploring the Effects of NonJournalistic Ownership of Media Companies." Global Regional Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-i).19.
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This study examines what role non-journalistic business conglomerates play in the Pakistani journalism industry. 56 experienced journalists were interviewed, and the data is analyzed by using Qualitative method of Grounded Theory (GT) methodology to generate codes/themes. The use of grounded theory is not very common in mass communication research. Results of this research show that non-journalistic business entities critically influenced journalism in Pakistan by investing a huge amount of money. They own media organizations and develop editorial policies that protect their business interests. They adopted a ridiculous approach by promoting several persons as journalists who have no journalism experience. Such "journalists" have been playing a crucial role in changing the landscape of the Pakistani media.
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Matonytė, Irmina. "From liberal to predatory mass media in post-communist Lithuania." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 2 (January 1, 2009): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2009.2.79.
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Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institutionalization of ideological conflicts) and politicians (representation), the paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy if the free mass media gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. The paper conceptualizes a tremendous decrease (by one third) in public trust in mass media in Lithuania, observed from 1998 to 2009 and interprets this change as a cumulative result of the post-communist illstructured political field under pressing liberalization and democratization coupled with specific patterns of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere. In the conditions of a still relatively high public trust in mass-media and scarce foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda. The Lithuanian massmedia and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate. INTUNE project survey (2009) shows that the media elite’s influence in the national decision making process is significantly higher in Lithuania than, for instance, in Germany or Hungary.Key words: populism, communicative democracy, mass-media ownership, public sphere, public trust.
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Kleinnijenhuis, Jan, Anita M. J. van Hoof, and Wouter van Atteveldt. "The Combined Effects of Mass Media and Social Media on Political Perceptions and Preferences." Journal of Communication 69, no. 6 (December 2019): 650–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz038.
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Abstract Changes in political perceptions and preferences may result from the combined effects of news from various media. Estimating these combined effects requires the best possible, albeit different, measures of news obtained from self-selected mass media and social media that can be linked to panel survey data concerning perceptions and preferences. For the 2017 Dutch national elections, such data is available. Political perceptions and preferences are affected by news statements in self-selected mass media on issue positions, support and criticism, real world conditions and success and failure, in accordance with the theories on agenda setting and issue ownership, social identity, retrospective voting and bandwagon effects, respectively. Combined effects emerge because many people use both mass media and social media. The latter do more than just reinforce predispositions. Social media also have a mere exposure effect, and a multistep flow effect that amplifies news about party successes and failures from self-selected mass media.
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Cobb, Lona D. "Book Review: African Americans and Mass Media: A Case for Diversity in Media Ownership, by Richard T. Craig." Journalism & Mass Communication Educator 71, no. 1 (March 2016): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077695815617666.
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Cherkasova, V. "Postmodernism in Political Theory: the Concept of Mass Media." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2015): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-3-114-122.
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In the article the author examines the challenges related to the increasing role of the mass media in the modern world. Two contrary approaches to the role of mass media in the modern world are being reviewed: the liberal and the postmodernist one. Based on the critical analysis of the most accredited ideologists of postmodernism, who most critically and thoroughly observed all aspects of the emergence of information society and its effect on the political life and political consciousness, she unveils the role of the mass media, points out the new opportunities for media-manipulation that have become apparent in the post-industrial society. The author examines key features related to the increase in the role of the mass media, which encompass: modern world as hyper-reality and “spectacle”, appearance of new ways of delivering information to society, uncritical perception of information by the public, “depolitisation” of politics and upsurge of yellow press and “entertaining” media, new opportunities of government control via mass-media, fight for mass-media ownership. These features indicate that today mass media are not only the tool of reflecting the reality, but also of shaping it. They become one of the ways of shaping and influencing public consciousness and a true “fourth power”.
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Haladzhun, Zoriana. "The second stage of press denationalization: results and problems." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 9(27) (2019): 263–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2019-9(27)-15.
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The article traces back the second stage of the print media denationalization in Ukraine spanning 2017―2018s. This reform aimed to cancel out the influence of central and local public authorities on the editorial staffs. This paper analyzes the official data available on the website of the State Committee for Television and Broadcasting of Ukraine. The latter body is the main coordinator responsible for the reform implementation of print media denationalization in Ukraine. Additionally, we trace back by stages how the Oblasts and mass media there entered and completed the process, who were the leaders in terms of + and – signs at each stage. Considering the data as well as the reaction of the media community, the author states that in the course of this process, mass media faced a wide range of problems. Those may be classified according to their problematic criteria into legal and organizational. Legal problems were: non-acceptance of amendments to the fundamental law about clear definition of the possibility to form an editorial staff by means of withdrawal; redefining the matters of property lease, suspension of transfer of property that was in editorial offices’ ownership; extra procedures for the protection of rights of editors and journalists that were not able to launch the process because of inactivity of central and local public authorities. Organizational obstacles included the following ones: a lack of the mechanism of effective influence of co-founders on the necessity to make a decision about the start of reforming; lack of cooperation between the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine and the State Committee for Television and Broadcasting of Ukraine as well as absence of the mechanism of control over the data of Mass Media Register for the latter; unauthorized dismissal of editors; transfer of the founders’ rights to state-owned and municipal enterprises; output of the property meant to pass into the ownership from the enterprise’s ownership and so on. Besides, the author claims that Poltava Oblast has become an indisputable leader both in percentage and quantitative terms with its 29 reformed mass media amounting to 93% of all print media. Kyiv has shown the worst results in implementing the reforming process — 0 %. Keywords: denationalization, print media, problems of reform, the second stage.
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Saragih, M. Yoserizal. "Law, Journalistic Profession and Mass Media Ethics." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (May 19, 2021): 2532–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i2.1957.
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In law and mass media studies, morals and ethics are linked to the obligations of journalists, such as; the implementation of journalistic code of ethics in every journalistic activity is subject to legal institutions and regulations to carry out with good etiquette as the provisions in the law, which are a set of principles and rules that have generally been accepted and approved by the public. In this regard, ethical principles for the journalistic profession provide a legal basis for managing news in the media in an orderly manner in the relationship between legal subjects. In developments in media institutions in Indonesia, the aspects of share ownership in the media (leadership), economics and media marketing will greatly determine the ideology that is promoted by the media, where this ideology, if it leads to a political economy approach, will create media actors who are less familiar with communication ethics. Communication ethics here are positioned as mere instruments and become less meaningful in determining program content, program quality and media actors' respect for human rights that are represented by individuals as sources of information. This choice raises communication ethics on media actors who are considered to have experienced a reduction. Media players as a profession have taken a shortcut by referring to the principle of benefit, prioritizing the principle of benefit in its coverage and news, which is also paradoxical with the professional ethics it carries. To make matters worse, the absence of respect for the presumption of innocence in the name of the public's interest in obtaining information will increasingly make the mass media and media actors as dominant persons in reconstructing and manipulating social reality. Up to this point, the choice of the tendency to interpret the political economy approach or the ethical approach, in fact both of them do not have obvious legal implications, all of them are returned to each individual who is involved in activities in mass media institutions.
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Rutovic, Zeljko. "The Financial-Economic Aspect of the Media and the Public Service in the Globalization Era (Budget and Ownership Framework)." Journal of Central Banking Theory and Practice 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcbtp-2017-0007.
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Abstract This study deals with influence of globalization on the economic aspect of the media. Financing the media and the issue of ownership over them represents the fundamental framework on which basis the media work and direct their editorial policy. Principle position implies that owners of the media use power of media to promote their economic, political, cultural and other stances. A particular issue, especially in European countries in transition, represents the financing of public service, as a socially beneficial good. Many commercial media, on the basis of their financial and political power, are trying to diminish or discredit the power and role of the public service. Former socialist countries, now countries in transition, seek from their national budgets to maintain this kind of informing, that is, the public interest, education and promoting cultural values. The era of globalization brought, as one of its negative traits, the domination of profit over culture, education, and even over the right to have quality informing. So the mass media have become a sort of hostage of confrontation of different political and economic interests, which reflects on the quality of media content that strive towards sensationalism, advertocracy, tabloidization. Based on the case study of Montenegro, as a country in transition, the development of mass media is shown, including their financing, ownership structure, and profit.
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Nurdin, Nurdin. "MEMAHAMI HEGEMONI MEDIA MASSA BARAT DAN STRATEGI PEMBERITAAN TERHADAP DUNIA ISLAM." Al-Mishbah | Jurnal Ilmu Dakwah dan Komunikasi 11, no. 2 (July 11, 2017): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/al-mishbah.vol11.iss2.60.
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Western mass media is considered unfair and subjective in delivering news. Instead previous studies show that those western mass media have unfairly broadcasted news related Muslim people, limited studies have been carried out to show how those media broadcast the news and who control those media. This study, therefore, tries to understand how western media broadcast news related Muslim people and who control those media. This study employed content analysis in which the data was gathered from online sources and scholar journals. The findings show that western media use some strategies in broadcasting news such as making early claims during broadcasting, present false report and negative image, and use unproper language. The conclusion is that unfair news broadcasting related Muslim countries could be happened due to Jews domination in western mass media ownership and management. The limitation of this studi is that the data was merely gathered from online sources. Future research need to be carried out within broader context by involving journalists and communities.
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Riaz, Saqib. "Government Advertisements — Influence on Print Media Content: A Content Analysis of the Leading Newspapers of Pakistan." Asian Journal of Social Science 35, no. 2 (2007): 154–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853107x203414.
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AbstractMost of the books on Journalism, Mass Communication and Media Studies discuss and elaborate the areas of process and the effects of mass communication. These books deal with the effects of media content on people and society but it is equally important to understand the influences that shape media content. Media, not only influence target audience, but themselves are influenced by a number of factors. It has been found by research that media content is influenced by the personal attitudes and orientations of media workers, professionalism, corporate policies, ownership patterns, the economic environment, advertisers, audiences, ideology and above all, the governments (Shoemaker & Reese, 2004:4). This study investigates the influence of Government on print media content in Pakistan based on its advertising power and being the largest advertiser of the country.
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Rahman, Anis. "The politico-commercial nexus and its implications for television industries in Bangladesh and South Asia." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 7-8 (March 13, 2020): 1153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720908182.
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Over the past decade, television has proven its political, economic, and cultural worth as the most influential mass media in South Asia. Taking Bangladesh as a vantage point, the article shows how informal political and economic affiliations have become crucial factors for media development in South Asia. Particularly, the article dissects the ownership structures and the formal and informal politics of licensing private television by Bangladeshi governments between 1995 and 2019 in contesting India’s regional media hegemony with harnessing a powerful indigenous ‘politico-commercial nexus’. Based on field-based research, this study reveals multiple areas of political struggle, regional contestation, and democratic deficits in the television industry. The findings widen our understanding beyond the bureaucratic processes of media regulation, revealing the deeper problem of unipolar political preconditioning and the increasingly authoritarian nature of the state vis-à-vis the ownership of media and its diminishing prospects for voicing plural and contending political perspectives.
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Hope, Wayne. "REVIEW: Little light shed on a dark and restrictive era of media criticism." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.769.
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Review of Can we talk about the news? A discussion of media criticism in New Zealand, by Jane Dunbar. NZ Journalism Monographs, No3, Department of Mass Communication and Journalism, University of Canterbury.
In this monograph, Jane Dunbar interviews news journalists and media commentators about the quality of media criticism in New Zealand. This is certainly a pertinent theme for research. Dunbar's interviewees point out that local scrutiny of the news media is difficult to sustain. Thus, journalists within coporate media are unlikely to comment upon ownership patterns, within all media organisations unbiquitous advertising contracts available news space.
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McCarron, Kevin. "Megamedia." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 3 (October 1, 1999): 137–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i3.2112.
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The uncompromising subtitle of Dean Alger's Megamedia makes his position onmedia monopoly absolutely clear. Although Alger has an impressive academicbackground, the book is intended for an intelligent general audience as well as forthose with more specialist or professional interests in media and public affairs.Underlying the book is Alger's fierce commitment to the First Amendment to theU.S. Constitution, which he regards as "the prime pillar of the Bill of Rights" (p.1). Alger notes that the news merua are absolutely central to the functioning ofdemocracy, while entertainment and other features and programs in the massmedia have powerful effects on society more generally. For Alger, the essence ofthe First Amendment's central provision is to ensure that the principal sources ofinformation and ideas directed at the public are genuinely independent and diverse voices which will maintain and promote a healthy democratic society. He writes.‘We should be greatly concerned if much or most of the main media fall increasinglyunder the control of a small number of giant corporations and extremelywealthy and willful people, especially when such people are inclined to use thepowerful media of mass communication for their own political and ecofKlmic pur-Of course for Alger there is no “if.” Megumedia is a highly readable aocount ofhow it in fact did happen, the implications of the m n t situation, and the implicationsfor democracy should the present process not be stopped. The book is clearlywritten and coherently structured. Composed of nine chapters, each one is logicallyconnected to its predecessor: chapter one details the growth of “megamedia,”chapter two investigates the meaning of democracy and the ways in which developmentsin the mass media affect the democratic process, chapter three offers adetailed account of the structure of ownership and control of the media, chapterfour reviews the key elements of the 1996 Telecommunications Act, which significantlychanged telephone and mass media law in the United States, chapters fiveand six discuss and analyze the consequences of the patterns of ownership and controlof the media, chapter six focuses on news operations that are part of conglomeratesand other large multimedia corporations, chapter seven examines megamediapatterns in various nations around the world, chapter eight attempts to put inperspective the patterns and trends in the ownership and control of the mass mediaand their relation to our societies and the democratic process, and chapter nine discussesa number of ways to assure a true diversity of independent sources of newsand opinion ...
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Parsono, Slamet. "Analisis Bahasa Kekuasaan pada Biografi Perjalanan 50 Tahun Surya Paloh." SOSIOHUMANITAS 21, no. 2 (January 9, 2020): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36555/sosiohumanitas.v21i2.1244.
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Media ownership is often used as a tool to perpetuate power to achieve certain political goals. Especially when the tap of a press release business license (SIUPP) was opened as wide as possible since the beginning of the 1998 reforms. From a simple perspective, the freedom to obtain SIUPP brought a breath of fresh air for investors to glance at the lucrative media sector. Don't be surprised if the term media conglomerate then sticks out, that is, mastering the mass media business in all its forms. Furthermore, the tendency of the desire for media ownership is bulging and creating his own work. From the perspective of media politics it is easy to predict that the role of media conglomeration leads to a host of dominant effects that have never been seen before. The work usually manifests in almost all restrictions on press freedom in the name of the interests of the community - and actually serves the special interests of certain groups, groups, groups, ideologies, institutions or individuals. Naughty indeed, the work is getting wilder in the midst of media competition to hunt for ratings.
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Anwar, Rully Khairul, Elnovani Lusiana, and Mohammad Taufiq Rahman. "INTERNET ADVERTISING AND CONSUMPTIVE LIFESTYLE OF THE STUDENTS." TEMALI : Jurnal Pembangunan Sosial 2, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jt.v2i1.3541.
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This paper discusses about how mass media as part of society has been widely used in addition being a media of information and entertainment, as well as a media of persuasion. In this case the researcher looked at the exposure of internet advertising that was part of the effort to promote goods and services from producers to the public as consumers. Researchers were intrigued to find out more about whether advertisements on internet mass media that contain more commercial advertisements and become part of economic activities can affect the behavior of students as teenagers that can lead to consumptive nature that is used to be a lifestyle. The student's consumptive lifestyle as a result of being hit by advertisements on the internet mass media is seen from the number of goods ownership such as female students who have a number of beauty equipment with different brands and gadget more than one. And men are more visible on gadgets alone, they are more likely to have more than one gadget, even though one of them can still be used.
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Lobb, Ano, and Nancy Mock. "Dialogue is Destiny: Managing the Message in Humanitarian Action." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 22, no. 5 (October 2007): 423–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x0000515x.
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AbstractDuring humanitarian response efforts, the mass media serves as the primary informational intermediary informing donors, policy makers, and the nonaffected public. A lack of professional standards within the current culture of journalism, the politics of media ownership, and media manipulation by governments has distorted reporting on humanitarian crises, with possible detrimental effects on response efforts. Humanitarian response organizations must assume a proactive, leading role in the management and sharing of information with each other as well as with donors, policy makers, and the public. This will require working with the media as partners, as well as exploring innovative methods of mass communication. A multi-stakeholder, cooperative communication initiative could help improve media involvement, and harness the media as a credible and knowledgeable communication tool for response efforts. A professional publication dedicated to the discipline of humanitarian relief also could optimize efforts, communicate the perspectives of beneficiaries, and manage the underutilized resource of the general public.
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MAZHARUL ISLAM, M., and A. H. M. SAIDUL HASAN. "MASS MEDIA EXPOSURE AND ITS IMPACT ON FAMILY PLANNING IN BANGLADESH." Journal of Biosocial Science 32, no. 4 (October 2000): 513–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000005137.
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This paper analyses mass media exposure and its effect on family planning in Bangladesh using data from the Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS) 1993–94. The findings indicate that radio and television are two important mass media for disseminating family planning information in Bangladesh. However, access to them and exposure to family planning through them are still limited. Slightly more than 40% (42·1%) of respondents reported that they had heard family planning messages via radio, while 17·2% said television, 8·4% said poster and 5·4% said billboard. Respondent’s place of residence, education, economic status, geographical region and number of living children appeared to be the most important variable determining mass media exposure to family planning. Multivariate analysis shows that both radio and TV exposure to family planning messages and ownership of a radio and TV have a significant effect on current use of family planning methods. These factors remain significant determinants of contraceptive use, even after controlling socioeconomic and demographic factors. The study reveals that both socioeconomic development policies and family planning programmes with a special emphasis on mass media, especially radio, may have a significant effect on contraceptive use in Bangladesh. The principal policy challenge is to design communications strategies that will reach the less privileged, rural and illiterate people who are by far the majority in Bangladesh.
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Talebian, Sara. "Understanding the characteristics of broadcast media policy in Iran: A thematic policy analysis." Global Media and Communication 16, no. 2 (June 7, 2020): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766520921906.
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This article aims to explore the characteristics of broadcasting media policy in Iran. Ratified laws and regulatory documents concerning broadcast media in Iran are collected and analysed using qualitative content analysis and thematic coding. The results indicate that rigid state ownership, promoting political and cultural discourses, unification, using state-secured budgets, focussing on mass audience and developing air broadcasting technology have been the core themes of the broadcast media policy paradigm in Iran in the past four decades. In the given time horizon, the Iranian government has always reinforced regulatory policies for broadcast media to impose limitations on possible broadcasting activities of individuals, groups and commercial parties.
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Soegiarto, Asep. "REALITAS MASYARAKAT INDONESIA DALAM MEDIA MASSA." Communicology: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2013): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/communicology.011.06.
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Abstract
The mass media, not just serve as the grantor information, the amusement and social control or fourth power as a nation ( the four estate ), but also as a form of public opinion who directs and public opinion in the issues developing world. Reporters when covering an event and writing it has a tendency to subjective and biased. The problem of bias in the press is not a matter of who, or of what system, is supported. The problem is that the bias exists, and the system through which our media operates seems guaranteed to ensure that bias will continue. Journalistic product in the media is not the whole of the reality of the society but only parts of reality that described as realities. In a so-called media image. The news media in a determined by its media ownership, and other factors it has a very significant role aside from bias a journalist
Key Word: Objectivity, Media Biased, Media Image
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Von Harpe, M. "East German media in transition after reunification." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.573.
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This article analyses the issue of how the “post-socialist" civil society of the former GDR can be reconstructed to reduce dependence of the media on the state and on future private ownership, thereby maximising freedom of communication. The media had a powerful impact on the transitional phase following reunification. Before 1989 West German television and radio stations were "windows to the West". After reunification East Germans preferred to have their own newspapers, to watch their own television programmes or to listen to their own radio programmes. There has been some criticism about the quality of the media, but the majority of the contemporary audience is satisfied now. To meet the expectations of their audience the journalists themselves have learned to devote special attention to East German problems. One problem of concern is media concentration. Privatisation entails the danger that monopolising trends in mass media, especially in newspaper publishing, will continue in the new East German Lánder. Deregulation and quality programming offer an opportunity for a major breakthrough and new forms of media organisation and management. The period of acclimatisation following the reunification has, however, been too short for the mass media. Nevertheless, owing to specific characteristics of reunification, the transition East Germans have had to make has been largely successful.
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Priatna, Ahmad Nashrudin. "POLITICAL ECONOMICS MEDIA: AT THE BANTEN SELECTION OF 2011 BY RADAR BANTEN AND BARAYA TV." Komuniti: Jurnal Komunikasi dan Teknologi Informasi 9, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.23917/komuniti.v9i1.3962.
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The mass media, whether print or broadcast (TV and Radio) plays a significant role in disseminating important messages to the public / society. Karl Marx said "that the media referred to as the class that set, in the system of modern capitalism. So therefore the media in the present era, into a commodity economy and politics, because of its function and because ownership massive by individuals (owners of capital). That allows, position the media and not only to function as a disseminator of information, but because of the ownership of such individuals, are very likely to be a tool for "political dealings", rather than as a function of social control. in the practice of political communication, media becomes a medium that is not inevitable in conveying messages politics, especially during the campaign, the elections political leadership, good legislative elections, presidential elections, and the elections. Radar Banten and Baraya TV is a media agency which is recognized as a great and influential in Banten province, which is a member of the Jawa Pos ( Java Post News Network) beperan menyerbarluaskan major messages of the prospective head region in the activities of the campaign. The phenomenon of political economic practices, be a gamble for the function and positioning to the two media institutions. Is capable of functioning media (read: news) or more tend to promote the business side, perhaps, their political position. Keywords: media, political communication, the Regional Head Election (Election) Banten, The political economy of the media
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Bukar, Modu Alh Bukar, Mohammed Kaka, and Mai Dunoma Zannah. "Press freedom and media ownership are factors that influence media performance: comparative analysis of these factors in USA and Nigeria." Technium Social Sciences Journal 1 (December 1, 2019): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v1i1.31.
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The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.
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Olshevskaya, Oksana. "Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 6 (January 1, 2015): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2013.6.7404.
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An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia. The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.
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Callejo-Gallego, Manuel Javier. "The right to access to the media: methodological reflections." Comunicar 15, no. 30 (March 1, 2008): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c30-2008-02-002.
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The objective of the article is to show the possibility that the monitoring of the presence of the social groups in the mass media of public ownership has, because of the lack of development of the Right of Access. A minimum empirical approximation to such presence highlights two aspects. On the one hand, the scarce presence of the social groups and, therefore, of the civil society, in the media. On the other hand, some essential methodological decisions that should be previously taken. El objetivo del artículo es mostrar la posibilidad que tiene el seguimiento de la presencia de los grupos sociales en los medios de comunicación de titularidad pública, ante la falta de desarrollo del derecho de acceso. Una mínima aproximación empírica a tal presencia pone de relieve dos cuestiones. Por un lado, la escasa presencia de los grupos sociales y, por lo tanto, de la sociedad civil, en los medios. Por otro lado, algunas decisiones metodológicas esenciales que debieran resolverse de manera previa.
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Rees, Chris A., Lois K. Lee, Eric W. Fleegler, and Rebekah Mannix. "Mass School Shootings in the United States: A Novel Root Cause Analysis Using Lay Press Reports." Clinical Pediatrics 58, no. 13 (September 9, 2019): 1423–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009922819873650.
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School shootings comprise a small proportion of childhood deaths from firearms; however, these shootings receive a disproportionately large share of media attention. We conducted a root cause analysis of 2 recent school shootings in the United States using lay press reports. We reviewed 1760 and analyzed 282 articles from the 10 most trusted news sources. We identified 356 factors associated with the school shootings. Policy-level factors, including a paucity of adequate legislation controlling firearm purchase and ownership, were the most common contributing factors to school shootings. Mental illness was a commonly cited person-level factor, and access to firearms in the home and availability of large-capacity firearms were commonly cited environmental factors. Novel approaches, including root cause analyses using lay media, can identify factors contributing to mass shootings. The policy, person, and environmental factors associated with these school shootings should be addressed as part of a multipronged effort to prevent future mass shootings.
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Kohm, Steven A. "Claims-making, child saving, and the news media." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 16, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659019838003.
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Drawing on a social constructionist paradigm, this article critically examines mass-mediated framing of the issue of child sexual exploitation online and via mobile communications technology. The Canadian Centre for Child Protection (C3P),1 a non-profit charity located in Winnipeg, Canada, is used as a case study of claims-making and the social construction of the social problem of child sexual exploitation online. The present study focuses on media engagement by C3P and its subsidiary CyberTip—Canada’s national internet tip line—between 2000 and 2011, just prior to CyberTip receiving legislative designation as Canada’s official reporting agency. The analysis draws on news media accounts of claims-making activities of C3P in three local and national Canadian newspapers. By focusing on the rhetoric of claims forwarded by the organization, I argue that C3P has been successful in gaining symbolic ownership of the issue and has been instrumental in defining the nature, extent, and appropriate responses to the problem of online child sexual exploitation in Canada. I conclude by considering the broader implications for criminal justice policy and practice.
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Omonijo, Adetunji, and Adejumoke O. Omonijo. "Assessment of the Status of Awareness, Ownership, and Usage of Long-Lasting Insecticide Treated Nets after Mass Distribution in Ekiti State, Nigeria." Journal of Parasitology Research 2019 (April 1, 2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/1273714.
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Vector control with long-lasting insecticide treated nets (LLINs) has been identified as a major component of malaria prevention and control. The study examined present status of awareness, ownership, and utilization of LLINs in malaria high-risk areas of Ekiti State, Nigeria. Data were obtained from 352 copies of semistructured interviewer-guided questionnaire distributed to participants of each household in the four Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Ekiti State, where malaria is endemic after mass distribution of LLINs. Findings in this study showed that awareness was high (91.8%) in the Local Government Areas (LGAs) with mass media contributing largely (44.3%) to awareness. Also, LLINs ownership was found to be high (71.3%) with 72.9% of the nets being supplied by the government. Of the owners of LLINs, usage rate was observed to be 67.6%. Multivariate analysis result showed that statistically significant sociodemographic characteristics of respondents predicting the usage of LLINs included age greater than 50 years (p value = 0.008), female gender (χ2 = 8.2014, p value = 0.004), being married (χ2 = 24.721, p value <0.001), civil servants (χ2 = 12.739, p value = 0.005), and average income above poverty line (χ2 = 13.576, p value = 0.004). The study concluded that although not all households surveyed owned LLINs, nevertheless, the level of usage of LLINs among net-owning households was high. The study recommended continuous free distribution, periodic household survey, and expanding public knowledge on the benefits of LLINs usage especially through social media.
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Ogundiwin, Aaron Ola, Joel N. Nwachukwu, and Funminiyi Jacob Babajide. "A Theoretic Perspective on Critical Communications, Mass Media and Effectual Democracy in Nigeria." Asian Social Science 16, no. 8 (July 22, 2020): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n8p82.
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In contemporary times, democracy has become the political buzzword and, indeed, the basic acceptable form of government with the emergence of liberalism which links democracy with freedom, consent, and political and legal equality. The mass media – which include newspapers, radio and television – play a prominent role in governance and democratic sustainability of any state. In fact, it is a truism that the media serve as the watchdog of governmental activities, ensuring that quality information with which the governed can hold their leaders accountable is made available. The mass media were actively involved in the struggles against colonialism and military rule, as well as the eventual restoration of democratic government in Nigeria. However, in Nigeria, the mass media are fast becoming a pawn in the hands of the government and party in power in particular, and are found in conspiracy with the political elite class in general. This article takes on the contributions of the mass media to effectual democracy in Nigeria. Using agenda setting theoretical framework, it x-rays the effectiveness and shortcomings of the media in delivering on its mandate as the fourth estate of the realm towards ensuring that democratic practices in Nigeria produce the intended result of promoting good and inclusive governance. The paper adopts qualitative research design with data drawn from secondary sources only. It equally uses descriptive and content data analysis. It is found that the mass media have indeed been the middlemen in entrenching democracy in Nigeria but these efforts are being undermined by pecuniary, ownership, political and structural-institutional influences. It is concluded that while the mass media strive to ensure the general inclusion of the populace in the process of governing which fulfills a core democratic tenet, they can do more to overcome the challenges. Among other things, this paper recommends that the government should be deliberate in guaranteeing the freedom of the press to allow for free transmission of information between the government and the people without fear or favour, and likewise, the press should be professional, objective, critical and independent in their reportage, embracing the virtue of investigative journalism.
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Aouragh, Miriyam. "Social Media, Mediation and the Arab Revolutions." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 518–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.416.
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Abstract: This article discusses the socio-political implications of user-generated applications and platforms through the prism of the Arab revolutions. Popular postmodern conceptualisations such as (post-nation state) network societies, (post-class) immaterial economies and (horizontal) political resistance through multitudes requires rigorous reassessment in the aftermath of the events in the MENA. Although the revolutions have led to a resurgence of debates about the power of new media, such arguments (or rather assertions) are echoes of earlier suggestions related to peculiar fetishisations of ICT in general and social media in particular. The point of my critique is not to deny the social and political usefulness of new media but to examine the pros and cons of the internet. I tackle the juxtaposition of the internet and political activism through the Marxist concept Mediation and investigate how the social, political and cultural realms of capitalism (superstructure) are both conditioned by and react upon the political-economic base. This helps us to understand structural factors such as ICT ownership (political-economic decision making of social media); while deconstructing the effect of cultural hegemony disseminated through mass media. It also overcomes an unfortunate weakness of some “academic Marxism” (an overwhelming focus on theory) by anchoring the theoretical arguments in an anthropological approach
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Sinclair, John. "Globalisation Trends in Australia's Advertising Industry." Media International Australia 119, no. 1 (May 2006): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0611900111.
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This year's takeover of Australia's largest advertising agency, George Patterson Partners, by the British-based global group WPP is just the most recent and dramatic event in a longer-term trend towards globalisation and a complex concentration of ownership in the advertising business. Global advertising groups like WPP, along with their global advertiser clients, are seeking strategically to align the same advertiser with the same agency in each major national market: the phenomenon of ‘global alignment’. Australian agencies are necessarily drawn into the resulting process of consolidation, so much so that it becomes not merely difficult to distinguish between national and international ownership, but almost meaningless. At the same time, there is emerging a greater differentiation of functions amongst agencies, although often coordinated under the one corporate umbrella. Certain agencies are specialising in media buying — that is, the tactical purchase of advertising time and space on behalf of clients — while ‘creative’ agencies provide the content to fill them. Others again are positioning themselves as experts in the burgeoning field of internet advertising. Other current trends include the breakdown of the once-strict boundaries between clients, agencies and media. Advertisers are setting up their own in-house agencies, agencies have acquired their own media outlets, and media are carrying ‘news’ and ‘entertainment’ content which has been prepared by agencies for their clients. Thus even the boundary between advertising and editorial or program content is also breaking down. This paper provides an overview of all these trends, as advertising scrambles to secure its place in the contemporary era of globalisation in a deregulated, post-mass media world.
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Esteban-Navarro, Miguel-Ángel, Antonia-Isabel Nogales-Bocio, Miguel-Ángel García-Madurga, and Tamara Morte-Nadal. "Spanish Fact-Checking Services: An Approach to Their Business Models." Publications 9, no. 3 (August 21, 2021): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/publications9030038.
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The proliferation of fact-checking services is a fast-growing global phenomenon, especially in Western countries. These services are the response of journalism to disinformation, that has transformed a common internal procedure of journalistic work in the core of a business directed to the general public, also offered to the companies of mass media and social media. Literature review shows that the research on fact-checking has focused on the origin, funding, relationship with the media, procedures, and experiences related to politics and COVID-19. However, the ownership structure of the fact-checking services has been superficially analysed and the business model of these platforms has not yet been studied in detail and depth. The objective of this article is to identify and analyse the business model of the nine Spanish active fact-checking services through a documentary research of public information sources and the information that these services give about themselves. This paper explains their ownership structure and income provenance, from open information sources. The findings are that the fact-checking services that depend on media groups are no strangers to the trend of opacity usual in these groups, but in the case of fact-checking services that are born as initiatives of journalists, the trend towards transparency is, in the majority of cases, clear. However, the information provided by the Spanish fact-checking services is deficient and does not allow us to discover their business models, except in the case of Newtral and, to a certain extent, Maldita.
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Fisher, Eran. "How Less Alienation Creates More Exploitation? Audience Labour on Social Network Sites." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.392.
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Abstract: The notion of audience labour has been an important contribution to Marxist political economy of the media. It revised the traditional political economy analysis, which focused on media ownership, by suggesting that media was also a site of production, constituting particular relations of production. Such analysis highlighted the active role of audience in the creation of media value as both commodities and workers, thus pointing to audience exploitation. Recently, in light of paradigmatic transformations in the media environment – particularly the emergence of Web 2.0 and social network sites – there has been a renewed interest in such analysis, and a reexamination of audience exploitation. Focusing on Facebook as a case-study, this article examines audience labour on social network sites along two Marxist themes – exploitation and alienation. It argues for a historical shift in the link between exploitation and alienation of audience labour, concurrent with the shift from mass media to social media. In the mass media, the capacity for exploitation of audience labour was quite limited while the alienation that such work created was high. In contrast, social media allows for the expansion and intensification of exploitation. Simultaneously, audience labour on social media – because it involves communication and sociability – also ameliorates alienation by allowing self-expression, authenticity, and relations with others. Moreover, the article argues that the political economy of social network sites is founded on a dialectical link between exploitation and alienation: in order to be de-alienated, Facebook users must communicate and socialize, thus exacerbating their exploitation. And vice-versa, in order for Facebook to exploit the work of its users, it must contribute to their de-alienation.
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Fisher, Eran. "How Less Alienation Creates More Exploitation? Audience Labour on Social Network Sites." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/vol10iss2pp171-183.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The notion of audience labour has been an important contribution to Marxist political economy of the media. It revised the traditional political economy analysis, which focused on media ownership, by suggesting that media was also a site of production, constituting particular relations of production. Such analysis highlighted the active role of audience in the creation of media value as both commodities and workers, thus pointing to audience exploitation. Recently, in light of paradigmatic transformations in the media environment – particularly the emergence of Web 2.0 and social network sites – there has been a renewed interest in such analysis, and a reexamination of audience exploitation. Focusing on Facebook as a case-study, this article examines audience labour on social network sites along two Marxist themes – exploitation and alienation. It argues for a historical shift in the link between exploitation and alienation of audience labour, concurrent with the shift from mass media to social media. In the mass media, the capacity for exploitation of audience labour was quite limited while the alienation that such work created was high. In contrast, social media allows for the expansion and intensification of exploitation. Simultaneously, audience labour on social media – because it involves communication and sociability – also ameliorates alienation by allowing self-expression, authenticity, and relations with others. Moreover, the article argues that the political economy of social network sites is founded on a dialectical link between exploitation and alienation: in order to be de-alienated, Facebook users must communicate and socialize, thus exacerbating their exploitation. And vice-versa, in order for Facebook to exploit the work of its users, it must contribute to their de-alienation.
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Robie, David. "EDITORIAL: Introducing PJR." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 1, no. 1 (November 1, 1994): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v1i1.511.
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Journalism and related information and mass communication issues have a dearth of outlets in the South Pacific. While the region's news media has developed technically in leaps in bounds in the last decade and journalistic standards have risen, the region's information profile remains much the same. The major daily newspapers remain dominated by foreign ownership — the newest daily, The National in Papua New Guinea, is Malaysian-owned — and television/radio remains, in spite of the increasing number of privately owned FM broadcasters, in the hands of the state or, in the case of PNG's EMTV, an Australian television network.
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Conrad, Maximilian. "Post-Truth Politics, Digital Media, and the Politicization of the Global Compact for Migration." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 27, 2021): 301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.3985.
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The debate over the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) in late 2018 showcases the crucial role of digital and, in particular, social media as vehicles of disinformation that populist actors can exploit in an effort to create resentment and fear in the public sphere. While mainstream political actors and legacy media initially did not address the issue, right-wing populist actors claimed ownership by framing (presumably <em>obligatory</em>) mass immigration as a matter of social, cultural, economic, and not least political risk, and created an image of political and cultural elites conspiring to keep the issue out of the public sphere. Initially advanced via digital and social media, such frames resonated sufficiently strongly in civil society to politicize the GCM in various national public spheres. In this article, these dynamics are explored by comparing the politicization of the GCM in three EU member states, namely Germany, Austria, and Sweden. Using a process-tracing design, the article (a) identifies the key actors in the process, (b) analyzes how the issue emerged in social and other digital media and travelled from digital media into mainstream mass media discourse, and finally (c) draws comparative conclusions from the three analyzed cases. Particular emphasis is placed on the frames used by right-wing populist actors, how these frames resonated in the wider public sphere and thereby generated communicative power against the GCM, ultimately forcing the issue onto the agenda of national public spheres and political institutions.
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Hakim, Abdurrahman. "Menekan Angka Kesenjangan Sosial di Indonesia melalui Sustainable Development Goals Perspektif Ekonomi Islam." Jurnal BAABU AL-ILMI: Ekonomi dan Perbankan Syariah 5, no. 2 (October 29, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/ba.v5i2.3365.
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This paper aims to describe solutions to reduce social inequality in Indonesia. The use of Islamic economic principles is offered by the author because it has the appropriate value of justice and equity to solve problems arising from sustainable development. Even though it is oriented towards fulfilling the future, it turns out that the concept of sustainable development has not been able to become the solution expected by the community, especially those in remote and border areas. The research method used in this paper is library research. Sources of data use secondary data in the form of journals, books, newspapers, mass media, and online media. The results of this study provide recommendations to the public and government to make use of natural resources based on the basic principles of Islamic economics, namely ownership of Allah alone, freedom to utilize resources, and balance.
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Nalukwago, Judith, Jane Alaii, Bart van den Borne, Paul Mukisa Bukuluki, Musa Kimbowa, Emily Bockh, Sheila Marunga Coutinho, and Rik Crutzen. "A process evaluation of the Communication for Healthy Communities adolescent health program in Uganda." Health Education Research 35, no. 1 (November 25, 2019): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/her/cyz032.
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Abstract This study is a process evaluation of an adolescent-focused intervention of the USAID Communication for Healthy Communities program, in Uganda. We used mixed methods including observation, consultations and review of program documents to collect data on program coverage, reach and factors influencing implementation. Findings show that program activities were successfully implemented through collaborative partnerships with service partners and the community. Interpersonal communication complemented by mass-media messaging was effective in reaching and empowering adolescents with health information to make informed choices for behavior change. The program used theoretical frameworks to guide targeted interventions through audience segmentation and community empowerment. Targeted mass-media messaging and placement was found to be pertinent for program reach. Working through existing community structures is important for an effective reach of health promotion programs. Lessons identified for scaling-up adolescent health programs include the need to harmonize training and deployment of community champions by development partners, recruit audience-specific influential champions and link income-generating activities to health education interventions. There is thus need to collaboratively develop and institutionalize effective monitoring and evaluation strategies during program inception and design phases for appropriate accountability, ownership and a continuation of gains.
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MARTIN, GREGORY J., and JOSHUA McCRAIN. "Local News and National Politics." American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 372–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000965.
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The level of journalistic resources dedicated to coverage of local politics is in a long-term decline in the US news media, with readership shifting to national outlets. We investigate whether this trend is demand- or supply-driven, exploiting a recent wave of local television station acquisitions by a conglomerate owner. Using extensive data on local news programming and viewership, we find that the ownership change led to (1) substantial increases in coverage of national politics at the expense of local politics, (2) a significant rightward shift in the ideological slant of coverage, and (3) a small decrease in viewership, all relative to the changes at other news programs airing in the same media markets. These results suggest a substantial supply-side role in the trends toward nationalization and polarization of politics news, with negative implications for accountability of local elected officials and mass polarization.
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Kieslich, Kimon, and Frank Marcinkowski. "Serving the populist agenda. How German public media broadcasters inadvertently facilitate populist movements by evoking fear and anger." Studies in Communication and Media 9, no. 4 (2020): 482–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2192-4007-2020-4-482.
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The term Media Populism is used to indicate a ‘involuntary complicity’ between news media and populist movements based on the convergence of commercial media logic and populist communication style. It grants populists and their messages a high degree of media visibility. According to the literature, this applies more to tabloid media and infotainment content in commercial television than to upmarket media outlets and news programs. In this paper, we refer to another form of involuntary collaboration between news media and populists that is not based on similar communication styles, but simply on the fact that news media have to report on topics which populists claim issue ownership for. This applies foremost to upmarket media and public service broadcasting, which are obliged by their own quality standards or legal mandate to report completely and comprehensively on all topics of public concern. We are especially interested in the emotional response of German audiences to news coverage on two topics: mass migration and the role of Islam in Germany. With the help of two experiments, we demonstrate that public service news reporting on these issues provokes strong negative emotional reactions. What is more, our results indicate that media induced fear and anger lead to increased support for anti-migration and Islam-critical demands. Hence, German public service broadcasters may not only be ‘secret accomplices’ in creating negative emotions towards Muslim migration, but also facilitate populist movements.
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Ayobade, Dotun. "Invented Dances, Or, How Nigerian Musicians Sculpt the Body Politic." Dance Research Journal 53, no. 1 (April 2021): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767721000048.
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AbstractPopular dances encapsulate the aliveness of Africa's young. Radiating an Africanist aesthetic of the cool, these moves enflesh popular music, saturating mass media platforms and everyday spaces with imageries of joyful transcendence. This essay understands scriptive dance fads as textual and choreographic calls for public embodiment. I explore how three Nigerian musicians, and their dances, have wielded scriptive prompts to elicit specific moved responses from dispersed, heterogenous, and transnational publics. Dance fads of this kind productively complicate musicological approaches that insist on divorcing contemporary African music cultures from the dancing bodies that they often conjure. Taken together, these movements enlist popular culture as a domain marked by telling contestations over musical ownership and embodied citizenship.
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James, Delores C. S., and Cedric Harville. "Smartphone Usage, Social Media Engagement, and Willingness to Participate in mHealth Weight Management Research Among African American Women." Health Education & Behavior 45, no. 3 (June 13, 2017): 315–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1090198117714020.
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Background. African American women (AAW) are in a unique position to be recruited into mobile (mHealth) weight management research and programs due to their high rates of obesity and their high ownership of smartphones. Aim. This study examined smartphone usage, social media engagement, and willingness to participate in mHealth weight management among AAW in north-central Florida, United States. Methods. A self-administered survey was completed by a convenience sample of 425 smartphone owners in north-central Florida. Results. Mean age was 34.84 ± 13.74, with age distribution of 18 to 29 (45%), 30 to 50 (39%), and 51+ years (17%). Mean body mass index was 29.52 ± 8.18. Most used smartphones to access the Internet daily and were engaged with eight social media sites, such as Facebook (85%), YouTube (75%), and Google+ (57%). Compared to those 51+, those 18 to 29 were more likely to use YouTube (odds ratio [OR] = 2.52, p = .017) and Instagram (OR = 10.90, p < .0001), but they were less likely to use Google+ (OR = 0.40, p = .009). Compared to those 51+, those 30 to 50 were more likely to use Instagram (β = 1.28, OR = 3.61, p = .014) and Facebook (β = 1.04, OR = 2.84, p < .006). Most were willing to participate in research that used text messages (73%), smartwatches/fitness trackers (69%), and smartphone apps (68%). Compared to those 51+, women 18 to 29 were more likely to report willingness to use a smartphone app (OR = 5.45, p < .0001) as were those 30 to 50 (OR = 3.14, p < .0001). Conclusion. AAW’s high ownership of smartphones, use of mHealth apps and tools, and willingness to participate in mHealth research has the potential to curb the obesity epidemic by participating in mHealth weight management programs and research.