Relevant bibliographies by topics / Maurice Thorez

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Maurice Thorez'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Maurice Thorez"

1

Gueraiche, William, and Stephane Sirot. "Maurice Thorez." Le Mouvement social, no. 197 (October 2001): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780173.

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Pudal, Bernard, and Stephane Sirot. "Maurice Thorez." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 69 (January 2001): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3772386.

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Ducoulombier, Romain. "Maurice Thorez: A Biography." French History 34, no. 1 (March 2020): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/craa006.

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Césaire, Aimé. "Letter to Maurice Thorez." Social Text 28, no. 2 (2010): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-2009-072.

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Soulsby, Patrick. "Maurice Thorez: a biography." Modern & Contemporary France 29, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2021.1874322.

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Hue, Robert. "Maurice Thorez, un homme d'État." Nouvelles FondationS 5, no. 1 (2007): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/nf.005.0086.

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Bowd, Gavin. "John Bulaitis, Maurice Thorez: A Biography." European History Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2020): 355–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420912382e.

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Wieviorka, Annette. "I festeggiamenti per i cinquant'anni di Maurice Thorez." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 34 (September 2010): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2010-034009.

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Courtois, Stéphane. "Trois autobiographies communistes : Jacques Duclos, André Marty, Maurice Thorez." Le Débat 107, no. 5 (1999): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.107.0162.

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Sirot, Stéphane. "Les archives de Maurice Thorez et Jeannette Vermeersch aux Archives nationales." Cahiers d’histoire. Revue d’histoire critique, no. 88 (July 1, 2002): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chrhc.1606.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Maurice Thorez"

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Regnaud, Mathilde. "Contribution à l'étude du processus décisionnel au PCF : les notes de bureau politique de Maurice Thorez (1947-1964)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010647.

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Entre 1947 et 1964, Maurice Thorez, secrétaire général du Parti communiste français, assiste à 381 réunions du Bureau politique et prend des notes pendant la plupart d'entre elles. Présentant une édition critique des notes de cinq années cruciales pour le PCF, ce travail définit le rôle du Bureau politique comme groupe dirigeant dans le processus décisionnel au sein du parti communiste français. Il s'est agi de montrer comment, en s'appuyant sur les notes de Maurice Thorez et en les mettant en relation avec les autres sources disponibles, le Bureau politique joue le rôle de médiateur à la direction du PCF. Composé de dirigeants sélectionnés selon des critères précis spécifiques à une organisation communiste, loyaux envers l'URSS et leur secrétaire général, il se réunit au moins une fois chaque semaine pour traiter principalement de l'actualité politique, intérieure comme extérieure, mais aussi du mouvement communiste international, ainsi que des sujets de prédilection du parti communiste: mouvement de la paix, luttes syndicales et catégories sociales par exemple. Même si, souvent, la ligne est tracée par l'URSS, Maurice Thorez se charge de l'adapter au cadre national et il a besoin, pour ce faire, du Bureau politique. Celui-ci nourrit et enrichit sa réflexion, lui sert de vecteur de transmission. Il est une interface indispensable entre le secrétaire général, relais du mouvement communiste international, et la base militante communiste représentée par le Comité central
Between 1947 and 1964, Maurice Thorez, general secretary of the French Communist Party (PCF), attended 381 meetings of the Politburo and took notes during most of them. This work reports commented notes of five crucial years for the PCF and defines the role of the Politburo as the directing organ in the decision-making process of the PCF. Relying on Maurice Thorez' notes and relating them to other available sources, the purpose was to demonstrate how the Politburo played a mediation role at the direction of the party. Composed of leaders selected on precise criteria, specific to communist organizations, faithful to the USSR and to their general secretary, the Politburo used to meet at least once a week for talking mainly about the political context - national and international, but also for discussing the international communist movement and brother parties, as well as favourite subjects of the communist party, i.e. the movement for peace, union struggles or social classes for instance. Even if the guidelines were often drawn by the USSR, Maurice Thorez used 10 adapt them to the French context, with the help of the Politburo. The latter fed and enriched the general secretary's thoughts and acted as a transmission vehicle. It was an essential intermediary between the general secretary, representing the international communist movement, and the grassroots represented by the Central Committee
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Gouard, David. "La "banlieue rouge" face au renouvellement des générations : une sociologie politique des cités Maurice Thorez et Youri Gagarine à Ivry-sur-Seine." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011MON10037.

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Durant plusieurs décennies, au sein de ce qui s'est appelé la « banlieue rouge », Ivry-sur-Seine faisait figure de « bastion » modèle pour le Parti Communiste Français. Le communisme municipal ivryen avait fait de ses cités ouvrières des espaces laboratoires au service d'un creuset d'affiliation sociopolitique particulièrement efficace. Jusqu'au tournant des années 1980, aux cités Maurice Thorez et Youri Gagarine, les résultats électoraux enregistrés par les différents représentants communistes en ont attesté. Avec la remise en cause du modèle de politisation fondé sur l'écosystème industriel, le renouvellement des générations pose avec acuité la question des conditions de reproduction d'une affiliation sociopolitique favorable aux représentants communistes. Une approche ethnographique sur la longue durée a permis de renseigner cette question. Depuis le milieu des années 1980, la trajectoire sociopolitique contrastée des deux quartiers atteste des ruptures infra-communales touchant ce type de territoire de la banlieue parisienne. Dans le quartier Youri Gagarine, la majorité des anciennes familles ouvrières a été remplacée par les nouveaux milieux populaires essentiellement composés de populations issues de l'immigration. Entretenant une historicité tout à fait différente à l'égard de l'étiquette « communiste(s)», les nouvelles générations participent, parfois activement, d'une contestation de l'ancienne autorité politique locale. À l'inverse, dans le quartier Maurice Thorez, situé au cœur du centre-ville, les descendants des familles ivryennes les plus proches de l'appareil partisan et/ou municipal ont maintenu résidence. Dans ce quartier, autour d'une endocratie politique locale, se maintiennent des liens communautaires fonctionnant de manière relativement indépendante de l'ancien encadrement partisan. Pour de nombreuses familles ivryennes appartenant à la classe moyenne, le maintien d'une certaine autorité communiste facilite leur accompagnement social, politique et électoral des métamorphoses contemporaines du communisme municipal
For decades, Ivry-sur-Seine was seen as a model Communist stronghold within the Paris ‘Red Belt'. The particular brand of communism practiced by Ivry's municipal government had turned its working-class housing estates into laboratories directed towards the production of a singularly efficient political affiliation system. Until the watershed of the 1980s, electoral results for the various communist representatives in the Maurice Thorez and Yuri Gagarin housing estates seemed to corroborate this. The decline of the politicization model born of industrialization as well as the generation gap have radically undermined the conditions in which a socio-political affiliation system favourable to communist representatives can survive, however. The choice of a long-term ethnographic approach can give us insight into this phenomenon. Since the middle of the 1980s, the contrasting socio-political evolution of the Thorez and Gagarin allotments has testified to the intra-municipal disruption that affects this type of suburban Parisian territory. In the Yuri Gagarin area, the majority of older working-class families have been replaced with a new working-class population essentially stemming from immigration. Often unaware of the rich history of communism in their municipality, these new generations are sometimes actively involved in the challenging of the older local political authority. Downtown, on the contrary, the descendants of the families that were closest to the local party machine have maintained residency in the Maurice Thorez area. Community links have survived around a local political “endocracy” that works relatively independently from the older partisan frame. For many middle-class families living in Ivry, the maintenance of a certain communist authority makes it easier to accept the social, political, and electoral transformations of contemporary municipal communism
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Mayaffre, Damon. "Le discours politique dans les années 1930 : analyse du vocabulaire de Maurice Thorez, Léon Blum, Pierre-Etienne Flandin et André Tardieu (1928-1939)." Nice, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998NICE2014.

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Cette thèse d'histoire étudie le discours et le vocabulaire politiques français dans l'entre-deux-guerres (1928-1939), car ceux-ci paraissent des acteurs pertinents de la crise que connaissent la France et la république dans les années 30, qui aboutit à la défaite et à Vichy. La guerre civile verbale est étudiée d'abord à grands traits grâce à une comparaison gauche / droite, puis plus finement par l'étude du discours communiste (Maurice Thorez), socialiste (Léon Blum), orléaniste (Pierre-Etienne Flandin) et bonapartiste (André Tardieu). La méthode d'analyse utilisée est la lexicométrie dont le principe épistémologique est clair : ne rien avancer qui ne soit démontré ou suscité par le constat chiffre de la sur-utilisation ou de la sous-utilisation d'un terme, à une époque déterminée, par un locuteur donné. Grâce à une série d'outils linguistiques, statistiques, informatiques, -notamment des analyses factorielles des correspondances- il a été possible de déterminer, par une étude synchronique des discours, l'identité lexicale, discursive, idéologique de quatre familles politiques françaises; puis, par une étude diachronique, de montrer comment le débat politique, le consensus républicain éclatent au fil des années, en isolant les pratiques lexicales de Thorez, Blum, Flandin et Tardieu, pour rendre inexpugnable une logomachie funeste au pays
The present doctoral thesis proposes to study the French political vocabulary and speech during the interwar period (1928-1939), for indeed those seem to have played a part significant enough in the crisis France and the republic went through in the 1930s and which led to the defeat and Vichy. The verbal civil war is first studied roughly though a left/right comparison and then more subtly throught the study of communist (Maurice Thorez), socialist (Leon bloom), orleanist (Pierre-Etienne Flandin) and bonapartist (André Tardieu) speeches. The method of analysis here used is lexicometry whose epistemological principle is clear : never put forward what is not proved or incited by the figured recording of the over- or underuse of a term by a given speaker at a determined time. Thanks to a whole range of linguistic, statistical and computer tools -particulary correspondence analysis- it has been possible to determine, by the means of a synchronic investigation of the differents speeches, the lexical, discursive and ideological identity of four French political persuasions. Then with a diachronic investigation and by isolating the lexical practices of Thorez, Blum, Flandin and Tardieu, we have been able to demonstrate how the political debate and the republican consensus ruptured with the passing years to make impregnable and overweening verbosity so baneful for the country
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Mayaffre, Damon. "Le poids des mots : le discours de gauche et de droite dans l'entre-deux-guerres : Maurice Thorez, Léon Blum, Pierre-Étienne Flandin et André Tardieu, 1928-1939 /." Paris : H. Champion, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37194307k.

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Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Hist.--Nice, 1988. Titre de soutenance : Analyse du vocabulaire de Maurice Thorez, Léon Blum, Pierre-Etienne Flandin et André Tardieu, 1928-1939.
Bibliogr. p. 771-784. Index.
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Vigreux, Jean. "Waldeck Rochet, du militant paysan au dirigeant ouvrier." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997IEPP0016.

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La biographie de Waldeck Rochet a été conçue, a la fois, comme l'itinéraire d'un militant communiste paysan au sein du PCF, mais aussi, comme l'histoire du PCF appréciée à partir d'une expérience individuelle. Cette dialectique individu/groupe est l'axe essentiel de la thèse tout en essayant de dégager la part de l'homme. Pour étudier cette vie, diverses sources ont été utilisées, principalement, les archives publiques en France (celles des organismes de surveillance de l'Etat), les archives publiques en Russie (celles du CRCEDHC qui conserve les archives du Komintern), les archives privées du PCF (celles conservées place du Colonel Fabien et celles conservées à la bibliothèque marxiste de Paris), mais aussi les archives privées de la famille Waldeck Rochet et de nombreux témoins. Les archives de l'inathèque, la presse et des représentations figurées de Waldeck Rochet ont complété ces sources. Enfin, plus d'une cinquantaine d'entretiens ont permis de confronter le témoignage oral aux autres sources et de s'intéresser également au regard porte sur W. Rochet. Quatre périodes ont pu être repérées dans son itinéraire. Elles offrent un plan chronologique. La première souligne l'émergence d'un cadre communiste paysan en analysant les phénomènes d'adhésion, de formation et de sélection (1905-1939). La deuxième, allant de la seconde guerre mondiale à la période de la coexistence pacifique, évoque l'affirmation du rôle dirigeant de Waldeck Rochet, du dirigeant paysan au dauphin de Maurice Thorez (1939 à 1964). Elle permet de souligner la spécificité du communisme rural français. La troisième étape correspond à la période ou Waldeck Rochet dirige le PCF (1964 à 1969). Au cours de cette partie, il a fallu repérer sa conception du rôle dirigeant tout en relevant ses innovations idéologiques et stratégiques qui ont permis au PCF de réintégrer pleinement la vie politique française au sein de la gauche unie, mais aussi étudier l'épreuve de 1968 (mai 68 et la crise tchécoslovaque). Enfin, en évoquant la maladie de w. Rochet, il a été utile de s'interroger sur la mémoire de ce dirigeant communiste : mémoire multiple aussi bien au sein du monde communiste que sur le reste de l'échiquier politique, tout en évoquant le jeu complexe de l'oubli et de l'historiographie de cette biographie
Waldeck Rochet's biography was written both as the itinerary of a communist militating farmer in the French Communist Party (PCF) and as the history of the same party seen from an individual experience. This two-fold outlook individual/group is the essential guideline of the thesis but its purpose is also to highlight his role. Several sources have been used to study his life and in particular the state archives in France (the archives of the watchdog institutions of the state), the state archives in Russia (rtskhidni those of the which keeps the archives of the Komintern), the private archives belonging to the PCF (those kept place du Colonel Fabien and those in the marxist library in Paris) but also the private archives belonging to the W. Rochet family and to several witnesses. The inatheque archives, press cuttings and pictures of W. Rochet have completed the sources. Finally more than fifty interviews have helped to confront the oral testimonies to the other sources and thus have contributed to give an idea of the way W. Rochet was viewed by other people. His itinerary can be divided into four periods which follow a chronological order. The first period underlines the emergence of a farming communist framework and analyses the reasons why people joined the party, how the party was created and how members were selected (from 1905 to 1939). The second period goes from the second world war up to the period of peaceful coexistence. This stage relates W. Rochet's growing role as a leader, this farmer leader becoming M. Thorez's successor (from 1939 to 1964). This period enables us to stress the specificity of French rural communism. The third period corresponds to the moment when W. Rochet was at the head of the PCF (from 1964 to 1969). At this point it was necessary to envisage the conception of his leading role, together with the importance of his new ideological and strategic ideas which enabled the PCF to become once again fully part of the French political life among the left-wing union. But it was also necessary to study the hard times triggered off by the 1968 events (may days in France and the Czechoslovakian invasion). In the last part, as W. Rochet's fatal illness was tackled, the memory left by this communist figure had to be dwelt upon : his impact being felt both among the communist militants and on the French political stage
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Kůželová, Michaela. "Vztahy Polské sjednocené dělnické strany a Francouzské komunistické strany v roce 1956." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298417.

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The master thesis -The Relations between the Polish United Workers' Party and the French Communist Party in 1956‖ deals with the relations between the Central European Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) and the West European French Communist Party (PCF) in the crisis year of 1956. Analysing their mutual relations in 1956 is not only interesting from the point of view of East- West connections, but chiefly of the different approaches to Khrushchev's policy of destalinisation. Whereas the PCF was more or less under the Stalinist Maurice Thorez's control, which prevented Khrushchev's French supporters from influencing their party's politics, in case of the PZPR, the death of Bolesław Bierut in March 1956 made room for larger variety of opinions within the party. This master thesis describes not only the situation of both parties in 1956. It also analyses the images that the parties made about each other and the ways in which these images were spread and how they influenced the relations between them. The striking difference laid in the approach to the destalinisation. The parties perceived differently Khrushchev's -secret speech‖. The PCF leadership firstly denied its existence and later on claimed they did not know about it. The PZPR leadership decided to distribute the copies of the secret speech...
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Books on the topic "Maurice Thorez"

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Sirot, Stéphane. Maurice Thorez. Paris: Presses de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 2000.

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Maurice et Jeannette: Biographie du couple Thorez. Paris: Fayard, 2010.

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Pierre, Durand. Maurice Thorez, 1900-1964: Le fondateur : essai biographique. Pantin: Temps des cerises, 2000.

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Mayaffre, Damon. Le poids des mots: Le discours de gauche et de droite dans l'entre-deux-guerres : Maurice Thorez, Léon Blum, Pierre-Etienne Flandrin et André Tardieu (1928-1939). Paris: H. Champion, 2000.

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Le poids des mots: Le discours de gauche et de droite dans l'entre-deux-guerres : Maurice Thorez, Léon Blum, Pierre-Etienne Flandin et André Tardieu, 1928-1939. Paris: Champion, 2000.

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Bulaitis, John. Maurice Thorez: A Biography. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2019.

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Maurice Thorez: A Biography. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2018.

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Bident, Christophe. Maurice Blanchot. Translated by John McKeane. Fordham University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823281763.001.0001.

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Maurice Blanchot (1907–2003) was one of the most important writers of the French twentieth century. His novels, shorter narratives, literary criticism, and fragmentary texts exercised great influence over writers, artists, and philosophers. As a journalist and political activist, he had a public side that matched his secret and mysterious side as someone who refused to be interviewed or photographed. Maurice Blanchot: A Critical Biography, the only full-length account of Blanchot’s itinerary, therefore attempts to carry out an impossible bio-graphy. It does so by drawing on unpublished letters and on interviews with the writer’s very close friends. Beyond this, it is a theoretical work that follows the genealogy of a thinking that is at once imaginative and speculative, at once aligned with literary modernity and a close companion and friend of philosophy. It is a historical work, unpacking the ‘transformation of convictions’ of an author who moved from the far-right in the 1930s to the far-left in the 1950s and after. And it is of course a biography, showing the strong links between the author’s life and an œuvre which nonetheless aspires to anonymity. In these ways, this book claims that Blanchot’s is a life that has become the œuvre, become a literature that bears the traces of that life secretly, even if they are what drives it. Blanchot’s œuvre is reconstituted in all its contexts, at a time when the critics who attack it, just like those who elevate it in unthinking fascination, often produce one-dimensional readings.
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Shepherd-Barr, Kirsten E. 1. Realism, naturalism, and symbolism. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199658770.003.0002.

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The two decades from 1880 to 1900 are astonishing not just for the new ideas about drama and the radical changes in theatre practice and playwriting, but for the pace of those developments. ‘Realism, naturalism, and symbolism’ considers the realism of Ibsen’s plays; the naturalism inspired by the increasingly scientific context of late 19th-century Europe; the comedies of Oscar Wilde and George Bernard Shaw; the controversial works of Elizabeth Robins and Alfred Jarry’s Ubu Roi (1896); the symbolism of Belgian playwright Maurice Maeterlinck; and the tragic-comedy of Anton Chekhov. The common features running through these radically different new tendencies were experimentation, innovation, and language.
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Livingston, Paisley. Literature. Edited by Jerrold Levinson. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199279456.003.0030.

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Claims about the essence of literature have not always been motivated by the goal of identifying the proper object of a field of scientific research. Sometimes the point has been to denounce literature as a source of mimetic corruption and deceit. More frequently, great moral or epistemic value has been attributed to literature, where what is really meant is ‘literature at its best’. One example — among hundreds — is Maurice Blanchot's characterization of literature as a sceptical process crucial to a kind of existential authenticity. A plausible complaint about such theorizings is that they overlook the importance of recognizing the existence of bad literature, and of good literature that happens to lack those virtues the theorist cares to promote.
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Book chapters on the topic "Maurice Thorez"

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"List of Plates." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.0004.

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"Introduction." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.0007.

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"Notes." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.0008.

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"Select Bibliography." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.0009.

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"Index." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.0011.

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"Young Man in a Hurry." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.ch-001.

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"The Hesitant Revolutionary." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.ch-002.

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"Class Against Class." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.ch-003.

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"Popular Front." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.ch-004.

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"Exile in the Promised Land." In Maurice Thorez. I.B.Tauris, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987159.ch-005.

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