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Journal articles on the topic 'Mauritius, history'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 March 2023

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1

Parnell, John A. N., Q. Cronk, P. Wyse Jackson, and W. Strahm. "A study of the ecological history, vegetation and conservation management of Ile aux Aigrettes, Mauritius." Journal of Tropical Ecology 5, no. 4 (November 1989): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266467400003825.

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ABSTRACTMuch of the unique native vegetation of Mauritius has been destroyed. Coastal ebony (Diospyros egrettarum I.B.K. Richardson) forest forms an extreme type of Mauritian lowland forest which no longer exists on mainland Mauritius and only survives on one offshore islet, Ile aux Aigrettes. Undisturbed D. egrettarum forest is resistant to invasion by exotic plants, which have now invaded most relict patches of native lowland vegetation in Mauritius. Human disturbance however, has allowed many exotics (particularly Flacourtia indica (Burm. fil.) Merrill) to invade and form new vegetation types. Much of the disturbance was caused by illegal woodcutting up to 1985, prompted by an acute fuelwood shortage in Mauritius. On the basis of 132 4 X 4 m quadrats, we recognize 10 types of natural, semi-natural and exotic vegeta-tion. The conservation of the remaining natural ebony woodland vegetation requires the total cessation of woodcutting and the eradication of Tabebuia pallida (Lindl.) Miers (potentially the most damaging exotic species).

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2

Bräutigam, Deborah. "Mauritius." Current History 98, no. 628 (May 1, 1999): 228–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1999.98.628.228.

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3

Vasilyeva, L. A. "Indo-Maritius Muslims: genesis of their Religious Identity." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 1 (June 4, 2019): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-1-78-94.

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The paper focuses on the Indo-Mauritian Muslim Community, which plays an important role in the social and political life of the island state. The paper deals with the revival of the Urdu language spoken by the Indo-Mauritian Muslims who had almost lost the “ancestral tongue” in the process of adaptation to the Mauritius` multi-ethnic and multi- religious society through the eighteenth – nineteenth century. The study reconstructs a brief history of the Urdu-speaking Indian Muslims` migration to Mauritius and their partial assimilation with the local society. The Muslim migrants accepted the local Creole language and some elements of their culture but remained loyal to their religion and traditional Muslim values. The author makes a special emphasis upon the means of revival and development of Urdu language and the formation of the Mauritian Urdu Literature. The Urdu language today is a tool of self-identification of Indo-Mauritian Muslims and primary marker of their religious identity as well.

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4

Gungadeen, Sanjiv, Megan Paull, and David Holloway. "Partisanship and organisational change in Mauritius." Journal of Organizational Change Management 31, no. 3 (May 14, 2018): 656–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jocm-06-2016-0117.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to report on a study of change management practices in private sector organisations in the small island economy of Mauritius. Design/methodology/approach Interviews were conducted with key decision makers and individuals who had experienced the organisational change process in three private organisations from different sectors in Mauritius: a bank, a hotel and a privatised state-owned enterprise. A grounded theory approach was employed to establish the key dimensions of organisational change in this setting. Findings Organisational change is a multi-dimensional, multi-directional and evolutionary process strongly influenced by the contextual and historical aspects of the country. The emerging key elements of change identified in the data confirmed a range of dimensions evident in the extant literature, but also identified a largely unacknowledged factor, considered to be central to the change process in Mauritian organisations. This emerging factor was identified as partisanship. Originality/value This study served to confirm six dimensions evident in the extant literature on organisational change: organisational structure, organisational culture, leadership processes, individuals, knowledge management and resistance to change. A seventh dimension, and heretofore largely unacknowledged factor, considered to be central to the change process in Mauritian organisations was also identified: partisanship. The study identified this emerging key dimension as having a pervasive influence. History, culture and context have served to embed this dimension in Mauritian organisations. Evidence is presented to illustrate how the process of organisational change is undertaken in Mauritius, and identify the role of partisanship. This has the potential to be applied to other small island economies with similar historical, cultural or contextual features.

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Pyndiah, Gitanjali. "Decolonizing Creole on the Mauritius islands: Creative practices in Mauritian Creole." Island Studies Journal 11, no. 2 (2016): 485–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.363.

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Many Caribbean and Indian Ocean islands have a common history of French and British colonization, where a Creole language developed from the contact of different colonial and African/ Indian languages. In the process, African languages died, making place for a language which retained close lexical links to the colonizer’s tongue. This paper presents the case of Mauritian Creole, a language that emerged out of a colonial context and which is now the mother tongue of 70% of Mauritians, across different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds. It pinpoints the residual colonial ideologies in the language and looks at some creative practices, focusing on its oral and scribal aspects, to formulate a ‘decolonial aesthetics’ (Mignolo, 2009). In stressing the séga angazé (protest songs) and poetry in Mauritian Creole in the history of resistance to colonization, it argues that the language is, potentially, a carrier of decolonial knowledges.

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Greig, Alastair, Mark Turner, and Paul D'Arcy. "The Fragility of Success: Repositioning Mauritian Development in the Twenty-First Century." Island Studies Journal 6, no. 1 (2011): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.255.

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Mauritius is often considered a ‘success story’ to be read for salutary purposes by other small island developing states (SIDS). While it does share broadly similar attributes with many other SIDS, and acts in unison with other SIDS in international fora, local histories, cultures, geography and location invariably lead to significant differences in developmental trajectories. This paper presents an assessment of Mauritian history in order to explore the contemporary threats and opportunities that face the island in its contemporary quest to transform the island into Maurice Ȋle Durable. Rather than offering Mauritius as a guide to other SIDS, it presents a useful case study of the tension between establishing social equity and carving out a functional role within the global economy.

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7

Stein, Peter. "The English Language in Mauritius." English World-Wide 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.18.1.04ste.

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Mauritius was a British colony for almost 200 years, but except in the domains of administration and teaching, the English language was never really spoken on the island. This article traces its local history and its failure to establish itself as a replacement for French (and perhaps also the French-based creole) during the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. English is still the official language of Mauritius, but a large proportion of the population does not speak it at all or has at best a very limited knowledge of it. Nonetheless, no other language spoken on the island presents itself as a viable alternative. The historical overview and the discussion of the present situation are complemented by an analysis of the language tables taken from the population censuses of 1931 to 1990 and some data from an inquiry made by the author in the mid-seventies. To complete the study, the English influence on French and Creole is shown, and three specimens of Mauritian English as spoken by young people are given and commented on.

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Mujuzi, Jamil Ddamulira. "The Evolution of the Meaning(s) of Penal Servitude for Life (Life Imprisonment) in Mauritius: The Human Rights and Jurisprudential Challenges Confronted So Far and Those Ahead." Journal of African Law 53, no. 2 (September 18, 2009): 222–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855309990040.

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AbstractThis article analyses the history of the various meanings and interpretations of the sentence of penal servitude for life in Mauritius, the human rights implications, and the likely challenges that courts will confront in interpreting new legislation. The Privy Council held in 2008 that a mandatory sentence of penal servitude for life was arbitrary and disproportionate because it violated the right to a fair trial under the constitution. However, the article argues that the Privy Council should also have found that penal servitude for life, where the offender is to be detained for the rest of his life, violates the prisoner's right not to be subjected to inhuman punishment under the constitution, as well as violating Mauritius's international human rights obligations. It recommends that Mauritian courts consult South African jurisprudence when interpreting what amount to substantial and compelling circumstances under the 2007 Criminal Procedure (Amendment) Act.

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9

Bridge, John W. "Judicial Review in Mauritius and the Continuing Influence of English Law." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, no. 4 (October 1997): 787–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300061212.

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The law and legal system of Mauritius are an unusual hybrid and a remarkable instance of comparative law in action. As a consequence of its history, as an overseas possession of France from 1715 to 1810 and as a British colony from 1814 until it achieved independence within the Commonwealth in 1968, its law and legal system reflect the legal traditions of both its former colonial rulers. In general terms, Mauritian private law is based on the French Code Civil while public law and commercial law are based on English law: an example of what has recently been labelled a “bi-systemic legal system”. The Constitution, a version of the Westminster export model, was originally monarchical. It was amended in 1991 and Mauritius became a republic within the Commonwealth in 1992.

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Ballhatchet, Kenneth. "The structure of British official attitudes: colonial Mauritius, 1883–1968." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 989–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020537.

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ABSTRACTThis article seeks to demonstrate the structure of attitudes in British colonial officialdom through a case study of Mauritius from the governorship of Sir John Pope Hennessy to decolonization. It suggests that officials consistently saw Mauritians as a whole as ‘the Others’, while seeking both to divide and rule them – into an émigré French elite left over from the French colonial period at the time of British conquest (1810), a Creole community, and an Indian community – without assimilating them; and to suspect each in turn of disloyalty and treachery. By a grim irony, many of the governors and their officials were suspected by the colonial office of joining the Others. This is thus a story of an adaptable imperial paranoia.

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Issur, Kumari. "Mapping ocean-state Mauritius and its unlaid ghosts: Hydropolitics and literature in the Indian Ocean." Cultural Dynamics 32, no. 1-2 (January 25, 2020): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374019900703.

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In the wake of what has been termed “the scramble for the oceans,” the Republic of Mauritius lodged an application in 2012 with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to recognize its rights to an Exclusive Economic Zone that comprises a large expanse of the Indian Ocean, and subsequently redefined itself as an ocean-state. This new configuration raises as many issues as it answers. The Indian Ocean remains firmly central both to Mauritian history and to its imaginary. All at once, the endless fluidity of the ocean renders material traces and academic archeology harder, yet somehow it traps and sediments memory and meaning in some ways more profoundly than land. This article bores and drills into the historical, geopolitical, and ontological depths of ocean-state Mauritius with the figure of the ghost as motif, metaphor, and witness.

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ALLEN, RICHARD B. "LICENTIOUS AND UNBRIDLED PROCEEDINGS: THE ILLEGAL SLAVE TRADE TO MAURITIUS AND THE SEYCHELLES DURING THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (March 2001): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007817.

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Census and other demographic data are used to estimate the volume of the illegal slave trade to Mauritius and the Seychelles from Madagascar and the East African coast between 1811 and c. 1827. The structure and dynamics of this illicit traffic, as well as governmental attempts to suppress it, are also discussed. The Mauritian and Seychellois trade is revealed to have played a greater role in shaping Anglo-Merina and Anglo-Omani relations between 1816 and the early 1820s than previously supposed. Domestic economic considerations, together with British pressure on the trade's sources of supply, contributed to its demise.

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13

Mishra, Amit Kumar. "Indian Indentured Labourers in Mauritius." Studies in History 25, no. 2 (August 2009): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764301002500203.

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14

Goburdhun, S. "Teaching history in primary schools in Mauritius: Reflections on history teachers' pedagogical practices." Yesterday and Today 28 (December 2022): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2223-0386/2022/n28a3.

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Although post-independent Mauritius has witnessed the evolution of the history curriculum, the discipline has still not been accorded the status as in some countries in Europe and Africa. The evolution also marks change and continuity in the content of the history curriculum and how the teaching is transacted in classrooms. This paper informs on the current state of teaching history in primary schools in Mauritius. An interpretivist qualitative methodological approach was adopted to understand the pedagogical choices made by teachers in the implementation of the history curriculum in primary classrooms. Data was generated through classroom observations and interviews with 15 primary school history teachers. Findings reveal the need to draw on a range of knowledge to engage learners successfully in history classes. This range of knowledge they need to draw is extensive and complex. The study shows that teachers' knowledge base is crucial for effective history teaching in classrooms.

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15

Raumnauth, Darsheenee, and Roopanand Mahadew. "Assessing the responsibilities of the United Kingdom and Mauritius towards the Chagossians under international law." Afrika Focus 29, no. 2 (February 26, 2016): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02902004.

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This article reviews the obligations under international law of the United Kingdom and Mauritius towards the Chagossians. With the detachment of Chagos from Mauritius as an essential condition for the independence of Mauritius from the British colonial master, the Chagossians have, over the past four decades, endured enormous human rights violations . This article assesses the responsibility of the two states vis-à-vis the Chagossians. A comprehensive factual account is first presented to clarify understanding of the history of Chagos. The legal framework is then analysed to assess the responsibility of each state, before a number of recommendations are made.

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16

Adas, Michael, and William Kelleher Storey. "Science and Power in Colonial Mauritius." American Historical Review 104, no. 3 (June 1999): 1045. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651187.

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Een, Gillis. "Moss Flora of the Island of Mauritius." Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 30, no. 1 (August 5, 2009): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.30.1.8.

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A full list of all known mosses from the island of Mauritius is presented, with a political and botanical history, including short biographies of relevant botanists and their collections, followed by a critical list of the taxa. About 700 records are listed, from 55 collectors. Jan-Peter Frahm visited the island in 2007 and contributed with 33 new records, including Bryohumbertia flavicoma (Mull.Hal. ex Broth.) J.-P.Frahm, new to Mauritius

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Teelock, Vijayalakshmi. "‘In defence of the empire’: Mauritius’ government slaves in eighteenth-century Mauritius." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 64, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbab022.

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Abstract Mauritius' Government slaves form a unique body of slaves emerging out of its French colonial past. Slaves bought by the colonial administration formed part of the 'public works' department and built the infrastructure of the islans as well as manning forts, manufacturing gunpowder and even being recruited in the French naval squadrons going to fight the British in India.

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Vaughan, Megan. "Slavery and Colonial Identity in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679294.

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On 25 May 1785, a M. Lousteau arrived at the police station in Port Louis, Isle de France (now Mauritius) to complain that his slave Jouan had been abducted. He described Jouan as an ‘Indien’, ‘Lascar’ and ‘Malabar’, and said that he had learned that he had been smuggled on to the royal ship Le Brillant, bound for Pondicherry in southern India, by one Bernard (whom Lousteau describes as a ‘creol libre’ but who later is described as ‘Malabar, soi-disant libre’ and ‘Topa Libre’). The story of the escape had been told to him by a ‘Bengalie’ slave called Modeste, who belonged to the ‘Lascar’ fisherman, Bacou. A number of people had apparently assisted Jouan's escape in other ways—most importantly his trunk of belongings had been moved secretly from hut to hut before being embarked with him. Lousteau was a member of that ever-growing professional group of eighteenth-century France and its colonies: the lawyers. He was clerk to the island's supreme court, the Conseil Superieur. He supported a large family, he said, and the loss of Jouan represented a serious loss to their welfare. Jouan, it turned out, was no ordinary slave. He was a skilled carpenter who earned his master a significant sum every month; he was highly valued, and Lousteau had refused an offer of 5,000 livres for him. What is more, he could be easily recognised, for he was always exceptionally well turned-out and well-groomed. To facilitate in the search for his slave, Lousteau provided the following description of him:He declares that his fugitive slave is of the Lascar caste, a Malabar, dark black in colour, short in height, with a handsome, slightly thin face, a gentle appearance, with long hair … that he is very well dressed, abundantly endowed with clothes, such as jackets and shorts … wearing small gold earrings, a pin with a gold heart on his shirt, and on the arm a mark on the skin which he thinks reads DM.

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AUSTIN, J. J., E. N. ARNOLD, and C. G. JONES. "Interrelationships and history of the slit-eared skinks (Gongylomorphus, Scincidae) of the Mascarene islands, based on mitochondrial DNA and nuclear gene sequences." Zootaxa 2153, no. 1 (July 9, 2009): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.2153.1.4.

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The scincid lizard genus Gongylomorphus is endemic to the western Mascarene islands of Mauritius and Réunion in the southwest Indian Ocean, where its range was greatly reduced in the Nineteenth century, probably by an introduced southern Asian wolf snake (Lycodon aulicus capucinus) and perhaps other exotics. A phylogenetic analysis of the single recognised species of Gongylomorphus was conducted using 1473 bp of combined recent mtDNA and nuclear sequence (cytochrome b 714 bp, 12SrRNA 388 bp, c-mos 371 bp) from 40 individual Gongylomorphus and members of 13 scincid genera used as outgroups. The three recognised subspecies form monophyletic lineages that diverge by 7% for mtDNA and 0.8% for c-mos and, as they also differ in morphology, they are raised to species status here. G. fontenayi occurs in relict montane forest in southwest Mauritius and on neighbouring Flat Island; G. bojerii on this and other offshore islands north and southeast of Mauritius; and the sister of this last species, G. borbonicus was found on Réunion where it became extinct by about 1840. Phylogenetic topology suggests the ancestor of Gongylomorphus originated in Madagascar or possibly Africa, colonising Mauritius from the west and speciating there as long as 3Ma, before a propagule from the G. bojerii lineage invaded Réunion < 2.1Ma to produce G. borbonicus. On and around Mauritius, moderate mtDNA variation exists within and between populations. Extant G. bojerii have two main haplogroups differing by ~ 1.7%: one on the northern offshore islands (Gunners Quoin, Flat, Gabriel, Round and Serpent islands, and Pigeon House Rock) and the other in the southeast (Ilot Vacoas). But homologous sequence from a recently extinct population on Ile aux Fouquets and subfossil bones from at least one mainland site indicates that members of both haplogroups originally occurred together in the southeast. Although the G. bojerii population on Serpent Island is morphologically distinct, it is genetically undifferentiated from neighbouring populations. In G. fontenayi, a more robust orange-tailed population occurs on Flat Island over 60 km away from the remaining ones in the southwestern mountains of Mauritius but diverges from these by only 1.7% in mtDNA sequence. Subfossil material in the intervening area appears to represent intermediate haplotypes and confirms original continuity. These examples show that relict and limited material can mislead about the distinctness of allopatric populations.

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Hume, Julian P. "The history of the DodoRaphus cucullatusand the penguin of Mauritius." Historical Biology 18, no. 2 (January 2006): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08912960600639400.

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Boswell, Rosabelle. "Is COVID-19 Transforming Speech in Mauritius?" Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology and Heritage 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21619441.2021.1901510.

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23

Temesgen, Kidanu A. "Developmental State in Africa." Africa Review 14, no. 2 (June 23, 2022): 192–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/09744061-bja10031.

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Abstract As various studies have uncovered, a significant number of states in Africa remain in abject poverty and are underdeveloped, long after the end of colonialism. These degrading economic conditions are further reinforced by authoritarian political cultures, unending instability and civil wars. The few exceptions include Botswana, South Africa and Mauritius. To stimulate national economic and social progress, African countries have experimented with different development models. In this paper, we compare the developmental state experiences of Ethiopia and Mauritius. A qualitative research approach was used, and the study is based entirely on an analysis of secondary data sources. The analysis proceeds by using comparative techniques. The findings of the study reveal that though the employment of the developmental state model resulted in growth in both Ethiopia and Mauritius, the way in which they instituted key policies and institutions of the developmental state has been quite different.

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Allen, Philip M., and Richard B. Allen. "Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius." American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651794.

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Appadoo, Chandani, and Alan A. Myers. "Corophiidea (Crustacea: Amphipoda) from Mauritius." Records of the Australian Museum 56, no. 3 (December 1, 2004): 331–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3853/j.0067-1975.56.2004.1435.

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Bhana, Surendra, and Marina Carter. "Servants, Sirdars and Settlers: Indians in Mauritius, 1834-1874." American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (December 1997): 1555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171206.

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Morrison, Scott. "The social and legislative history of the Islamic trust (waqf) in Mauritius." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 42, no. 1 (December 23, 2015): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2015.1115732.

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Boswell, Rosabelle. "Challenges to Creolization in Mauritius and Madagascar." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 17, no. 1 (June 2013): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.17.1.64.

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This article offers a discussion on creolization in two island societies: Mauritius and Madagascar. It suggests that in these island states there is a concerted effort to produce national identity and that this process seems to challenge creolization. The article makes three claims: creolization is a process inscribed by the historical experience of oppression; discourses of homogeneity obscure creolization; and creoles are not merely the product of creolization. These claims challenge scholarly perception of creolization as a process that is apolitical and ahistorical. It also interrogates the homogeneity of identity in nation states and the view that creolization is a process of which creoles are a product. The author distinguishes between nationalism in Madagascar and Mauritius, noting that in the latter, a hegemonic discourse of “rootedness” is encouraging certain groups to forge links with actual and fictive “homelands.” The article concludes that creolization is a process that is locally and historically inscribed, producing particular experiences, and that those who are most influenced by it are also increasingly influenced by other global processes of change.

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Réveillac, Elodie, Eric Feunteun, Patrick Berrebi, Pierre-Alexandre Gagnaire, Raymonde Lecomte-Finiger, Pierre Bosc, and Tony Robinet. "Anguilla marmorata larval migration plasticity as revealed by otolith microstructural analysis." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 65, no. 10 (October 2008): 2127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f08-122.

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The oceanic early-life history of Anguilla marmorata was examined in the southwestern Indian Ocean in Mayotte, Mauritius, and Réunion islands through otolith microstructural analysis. The study of the hatching dates, the first feeding check diameter (FFD), the leptocephalus (LD) and metamorphosis (MD) durations, the age at recruitment (AR), and the leptocephalus otolith growth rate (OGR) of glass eels revealed great variations in early-life traits and relationships between them. An agglomerative nesting analysis discriminated three early-life histories, differently represented according to the locality: (i) fast migrants with short LD, short MD, young AR, large FFD, and high OGR dominated in Réunion and Mayotte; (ii) midspeed migrants with intermediate LD, MD, AR, FFD, and OGR dominated in Mauritius; (iii) slow migrants with long LD, long MD, old AR, small FFD, and low OGR were recorded only in Mauritius. All possible strategies were not observed and therefore not successful at the sampling time. However, several were simultaneously expressed, which suggests larval migration plasticity at the population level. This evidence is crucial information regarding both the species dispersal capabilities and the evolution from short-migratory tropical species towards long-migratory temperate ones in the genus Anguilla .

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STOREY, WILLIAM K. "LEARNING FROM MAURITIUS ABOUT SLAVERY AND IDENTITY History, Memory and Identity. Edited By VIJAYALAKSHMI TEELOCK and EDWARD A. ALPERS. Mauritius: Nelson Mandela Centre for African Culture and the University of Mauritius, 2001. Pp. vii+236. No price given (ISBN 99903-904-3-6)." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (July 2003): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703268559.

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Novac, Fevronia. "The Unpredictable Lightness of History in Nicolas Cavaillès’ Novellas on the Mauritius Islands." Theory in Action 14, no. 4 (October 31, 2021): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2130.

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Nicolas Cavaillès ponders on a philosophy of history mixed with humour and irony in his historical narratives of remote islands in the Indian Ocean in two of his novellas: Life of Mr. Legaut (the story of a Huguenot who is forced to leave his native France and travels to these islands) and The Dead on the Donkey, where the wanderings of un unfortunate donkey across the Mauritius Island allow the narrator to relate the history of the island and its tragic trajectory to modernity. The idea of Western history as progressive evolution is rolled upside down with irony in Cavaillès's philosophical reflection on the circumstances leading to colonial expeditions in Life of Mr. Leguat (2013) and in the successive destruction of the Mauritius Island in the novella The Dead on the Donkey (2018). If Cavaillès builds his books hermeneutically, he also defies hermeneutics by denying all forms of possible understanding of the events described. The actions of his protagonists, human or animal, are the result of circumstances that are well known, but so absurd that they cannot form a historical narrative. If they did, this narrative would look like a hybrid of Beckett's absurd and Cioran's despair. Anti-Hegelian, since history here does not lead to individual freedom, Cavaillès's conception of history equally challenges Nietzsche's representation of unhistorical temporality in an attempt to solve humanity’s relation to the past for enacting a more desirable future. In far away Edenic islands, colonized by powerful states and inhabited by human and animal slaves, no philosophy could make sense of history.

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Drayton, Richard. "Science and Power in Colonial Mauritius. William Kelleher Storey." Isis 91, no. 1 (March 2000): 170–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/384677.

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Roberts, Eric H. "History of Agricultural Research in Mauritius. By J. Manrakhan. Mauritius: Editions de l'Ocean Indien (1997), pp. 629, £10.00. ISBN 99903-0-247-2." Experimental Agriculture 34, no. 3 (July 1998): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0014479798233084.

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VAUGHAN, M. "Slavery, Smallpox, and Revolution: 1792 in Ile de France (Mauritius)." Social History of Medicine 13, no. 3 (January 1, 2000): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/13.3.411.

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Allen, Richard B. "Maroonage and its legacy in Mauritius and in the colonial plantation world." Outre-mers 89, no. 336 (2002): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.2002.3985.

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WORDEN, NIGEL. "Diverging Histories: Slavery and its Aftermath in the Cape Colony and Mauritius." South African Historical Journal 27, no. 1 (November 1992): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479208671735.

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Kattan, Victor. "Self-Determination during the Cold War: UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (1960), the Prohibition of Partition, and the Establishment of the British Indian Ocean Territory (1965)." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 19, no. 1 (May 30, 2016): 419–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-00190015.

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This article uses the history of partition to assess when self-determination became a rule of customary international law prohibiting partition as a method of decolonization. In so doing it revisits the partitions of Indochina, Korea, India, Palestine, Cyprus, South Africa, and South West Africa, and explains that UN practice underwent a transformation when the UN General Assembly opposed the United Kingdom’s partition proposals for Cyprus in 1958. Two years later, the UN General Assembly condemned any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country in Resolution 1514 (1960). The illegality of partition under customary international law was raised during the second phase of the South West Africa Cases (1960–1966) in respect of South Africa’s homelands policy, but the International Court of Justice (ICJ) infamously did not address the merits of those cases. The illegality of partition was also raised in the arbitration between the United Kingdom and Mauritius over the establishment of the British Indian Ocean Territory in 1965. Like the ICJ in the South West Africa Cases, the Arbitral Tribunal decided that it did not have jurisdiction to address the legality of the British excision of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius, even though the legality of the excision was argued at length between counsels for Mauritius and the United Kingdom in their oral pleadings and written statements. However, in their joint dissenting opinion, Judge Rüdiger Wolfrum and Judge James Kateka expressed their opinion that self-determination had developed before 1965, and that consequently the partition was unlawful. This paper agrees that selfdetermination prohibited the partition of Mauritius to establish the British Indian Ocean Territory, a new colony, in 1965 although self-determination probably did not emerge as a rule of customary international law until the adoption of the human rights covenants in 1966, after the excision of the Chagos Archipelago in 1965, but before the passage of the Mauritius Independence Act in 1968.

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Klein, Martin A., and Richard B. Allen. "Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 2/3 (1999): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220353.

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Gow, Bonar A., and Larry W. Bowman. "Mauritius: Democracy and Development in the Indian Ocean." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 1 (1995): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221344.

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Carter, Marina. "The transition from Slave to indentured labour in Mauritius." Slavery & Abolition 14, no. 1 (April 1993): 114–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399308575086.

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Allen, Richard B. "Indian Immigrants and the Legacy of Marronage: Illegal Absence, Desertion and Vagrancy on Mauritius, 1835–1900." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022725.

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Even before the abolition of slavery on 1 February 1835, planters on Mauritius had begun to look for free agricultural labourers to work their estates. By the early 1830s, it had become apparent that the local slave population was inadequate to meet the labour needs of the colony's rapidly expanding sugar industry, and the long-term availability of this soon-to-be emancipated work force was also increasingly open to question as the decade progressed. The Act of Abolition promised owners the services of their former slaves, now transformed into ‘apprentices’, as agricultural labourers, but only for a period of six years. Some planters no doubt suspected that the apprenticeship system might come to an end earlier than scheduled, as indeed was to happen in 1839. Others had good reason to suspect that many, if not most, of their apprentices would leave the plantations upon their final emancipation, as indeed they subsequently did. Faced with these realities, Mauritian planters dispatched their agents as far afield as China, Singapore, Ethiopia and Madagascar to search out supplies of inexpensive labour. Their gaze returned continually, however, to the relative close and seemingly inexhaustible manpower of India.

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Kasenally, Roukaya. "China in Mauritius: The Telling of the Chinese Story." Asia Policy 29, no. 3 (July 2022): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2022.0052.

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Forest, Corinne. "Boswell, Rosabelle. – Le malaise créole. Ethnic Identity in Mauritius." Cahiers d'études africaines 48, no. 192 (December 9, 2008): 876–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.13732.

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Eisenlohr, Patrick. "Religion and Diaspora: Islam as Ancestral Heritage in Mauritius." Journal of Muslims in Europe 5, no. 1 (May 28, 2016): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341320.

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Orientation towards a point of political and historical allegiance outside the boundaries of the nation-state is often taken to be a defining quality of diasporas, and this aligns with the ubiquitous tendency of Islamic practice to engage with sources of long-distance, or indeed global, religious authority. In this article, I shall investigate the dimensions of religious and political long-distance allegiances by analysing Mauritian Muslims as a diasporic formation. Looking at debates between proponents of Barelwi, Deobandi and Salafi traditions of Islam and disagreements between Urdu and Arabic as ‘ancestral languages’, I show the malleability of diasporic orientations manifest in such ‘ancestral culture’. This is not just a matter of theological contestation, but represents forms of belonging driven by local politics in a context where the state privileges the engagement with major, standardised forms of religious tradition as ancestral heritage.

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Seitel, Peter, and Lee Haring. "Anu Koleksyonn Folklor Moris / Collecting Folklore in Mauritius." Western Folklore 60, no. 2/3 (2001): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1500381.

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MAHONY, MARTIN. "The ‘genie of the storm’: cyclonic reasoning and the spaces of weather observation in the southern Indian Ocean, 1851–1925." British Journal for the History of Science 51, no. 4 (December 2018): 607–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087418000766.

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AbstractThis article engages with debates about the status and geographies of colonial science by arguing for the significance of meteorological knowledge making in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Mauritius. The article focuses on how tropical storms were imagined, theorized and anticipated by an isolated – but by no means peripheral – cast of meteorologists who positioned Mauritius as an important centre of calculation in an expanding infrastructure of maritime meteorology. Charles Meldrum in particular earned renown in the mid-nineteenth century for theoretical insights into cyclone behaviour and for achieving an unprecedented spatial reach in synoptic meteorology. But as the influx of weather data dried up towards the end of the century, attention turned to developing practices of ‘single-station forecasting’, by which cyclones might be foreseen and predicted not through extended observational networks, but by careful study of the behaviour of one set of instruments in one place. These practices created new moral economies of risk and responsibility, as well as a ‘poetry’, as one meteorologist described it, in the instrumental, sensory and imaginative engagement with a violent atmospheric environment. Colonial Indian Ocean ‘cyclonology’ offers an opportunity to reflect on how the physical, economic and cultural geographies of an island colony combined to produce spaces of weather observation defined by both connection and disconnection, the latter to be overcome not only by infrastructure, but also by the imagination.

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Gow, Bonar A. (Sandy), and Richard B. Allen. "Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 35, no. 1 (2001): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486353.

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ROS CLEMENTE, M. "The spreading of the non-native caprellid (Crustacea: Amphipoda) Caprella scaura Templeton, 1836 into southern Europe and northern Africa: a complicated taxonomic history." Mediterranean Marine Science 15, no. 1 (September 17, 2013): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mms.469.

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Caprella scaura, originally described by Templeton (1836) from Mauritius and later reported as several subspecies from numerous areas of the world, was found for the first time in the Mediterranean in 1994. Since this report, the species was found in several Mediterranean locations. To explore the current distribution of C. scaura in the Iberian Peninsula and adjacent areas, we surveyed marine fouling communities from 88 marinas along the whole Iberian Peninsula and North Africa, 3 from Italy, 1 from France, 1 from Malta and 1 from Greece between June 2011 and June 2012. The results of this survey report the first confirmed record of C. scaura in Corsica (France), Creta (Greece) and Morocco, and confirm an extensive distribution of C. scaura along the Spanish Mediterranean coast and the Strait of Gibraltar. The species was absent in the north Atlantic coast of Spain and the upper distribution limit in the eastern Atlantic coast is the locality of Cascais, in the south coast of Portugal. All populations studied belong to the same morphological form, with match with the subspecies C. scaura typica from Brazil and C. scaura scaura from Mauritius, suggesting that these two subspecies could correspond to the same “variety”.

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Haring, Lee. "Eastward to the Islands: The Other Diaspora." Journal of American Folklore 118, no. 469 (July 1, 2005): 290–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4137915.

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Abstract The Indian Ocean islands of Mauritius, Réunion, and Seychelles, named the "Mascareignes" after a Portuguese explorer, are products of an eastward African diaspora, almost invisible in the West except to a few historians. Empty of human population until European exploitation settled them with afew colonists and thousands of slaves from East Africa and Madagascar, their multicultural history demonstrates the astonishing durability of African and Malagasy cultures. Folktales provide the finest window into that history and its values. Through that window, creolization is revealed in its actual occurrence.

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Sutton, Deborah. "The Political Consecration of Community in Mauritius, 1948–68." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 35, no. 2 (June 2007): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530701337609.

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