To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Mauritius – Truth and Justice Commission.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Mauritius – Truth and Justice Commission'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Mauritius – Truth and Justice Commission.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Mngomezulu, Nosipho Sthabiso Thandiwe. "Re-imagining the nation." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019999.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines young people’s constructions of nationhood in Mauritius. In 2008, the Mauritian government instituted a Truth and Justice Commission (TJC), set up to investigate the consequences of slavery and indentured labour. Through the Truth and Justice Commission, the Mauritian government indicated its desire to achieve social justice and national unity. Drawing on developments in studies of national identification practices in the 21st Century, this thesis addresses the question of young Mauritian’s locally and globally informed identification practices and asks how their unofficial narratives of nationhood challenge, or divert, or relate to official state narratives of nationhood. The basis of the study emerges from data collected from 132 participants during fieldwork in multiple fieldsites from May to September 2010 as well as research on Mauritian youth on-line from 2011-2014. The advent of the TJC offers an ideal moment to evaluate the dynamics of post-colonial nation-building and nationhood in a selfstyled multi-cultural state. Nationhood, does not exist apriori to the constructions of narratives of the nation, thus the stories told about the nation, imagine the nation into being. By situating the Truth and Justice Commission and other official state narratives alongside young people’s narratives, I argue that contemporary narratives of nationhood in Mauritius represent an intergenerational struggle to define the meaning of the past in the present and consequently outline the future. Reflecting on the ideas and socio-economic and political processes that induce national consciousness, I argue that young people’s narratives of everyday lived experiences are vital for an interpretation of how nationhood is produced in everyday life. The cultural projects of young people – often rendered as liminal or marginal – offer a critical vantage point from where to read constructions of nationhood. Far from being growing pains or childish games, young people’s identity making practices are what Sherry B. Ortner has called “serious games.” This research suggests that official state government narratives of multicultural nationhood in Mauritius narrowly define national identification along communal loyalties, overlooking the dynamism of interculturality and transnationalism in daily practice on the island. Although communalism and rigid colonial interpretations of ethnicity attempt to police and limit the possibilities of alternative modes of being in Mauritius, young people’s identification practices question, challenge, and threaten to disrupt official discourses of ethnic identification in Mauritius Scholarly investigations of young peoples’ lived experiences of nationhood extend theoretical and methodological frames for the study of nationalized subjects and deepen the understanding of the construction of national consciousness. The construction of nationhood always involves narratives of some sort – scholarship on this area has usually focused on official state narratives from social theorists, state governments, and state elites. I argue for the importance of considering subjectivity and lived experience in conceptions of nationhood. In contemporary post-colonial societies, young people are the numerical majority, however, their voices are seldom represented in theories and narratives of nationhood. Whilst young people may appear in state policies (especially education) and official narratives about the future of the nation, their creative imagining and reimagining of narratives of selfhood is often ignored. I examine how young people increasingly are aware of their transnational connections, through participation in transnational youth cultures, and they are consequently increasingly multi-lingual and multicultural. Fixed notions of ethnic identification and discourses of trauma are not at the forefront of young people’s identification of selfhood, rather their ability to take advantage of their multiply situated identification processes allows them new means to evade and transform these narratives. Their identification of selfhood is characterised by a greater degree of dynamism than previous generations had access to, and thus they do not only identify themselves through officially sanctioned national forms of identification. Loyalty to nationhood is thus less predictable, and young people represent a potential threat to the continuation of older forms of nationhood. While official narratives of nationhood may manipulate ethnic and racial cleavages to secure old loyalties, not all young people are persuaded by these notions
2
Jardine, Varushka. "The Truth and Reconciliation Commission : success or failure?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23111.
Full textAbstract:
The South African Truth Commission was different to any other commission held in the past. The Commission had to balance the scales between a painful past and a peaceful future. The task in itself was not an easy one, considering the fact that the apartheid years spanned over many decades. It certainly was not an easy task to maintain a balance between blanket amnesty and legal prosecutions. This middle of the road policy leveled much criticism from all sides, ranging form political parties to victims and their families and the general public. However, the policy on amnesty was a crucial aspect in balancing the past with that of the future. Although the TRC had achieved its objectives, it had many shortcomings ranging from its original mandate, its workings right through to the final recommendations. The scope of the Commission was far too wide considering the fact that they had to cover human rights abuses spanning over the years 1960 to 1994. The mandated period for them to complete their task was very limited if one considers the fact that this was a unique Commission and many people had to be trained to carry out tasks especially on lower levels. The Committees established by the Commission did not have clear methods of working and the coordination between them was poor. The methodology followed by the TRC was flawed but we need to take time and consider the enormity of the task at hand. It was not only a transitional phase for the people of South Africa but for the new government as well. The TRC was not a well planned process. However one has to also consider that accountability had to be done as soon as possible or it would have lost its essence. Issues had to be faced as soon as possible. The Commission also received criticism for allowing religion into its doors, mainly Christian theology. However, in some ways, one has to consider the fact that most people who were affected by apartheid were Christian and they found comfort in the practice of the Commission. The National Party had to be accountable and yes, as leaders they should have apologized for what had happened. This should have been a point of issue for the Commission and one of the areas where they had failed to act. Notwithstanding all the negative aspects of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission much positivism brought to the country as a whole, sections of society and to individuals. Nothing short of a miracle can heal a country. The terms of reconciliation, forgiving and healing became acceptable terms to many who were affected by the period of apartheid. South African history was given an opportunity to be recorded. People were given an opportunity to clear their conscious and find peace in truth. For the first time it was possible to see beyond the pain that many had suffered. As a country we would have been much poorer had the truth not been told. I believe it was truly a necessary part of our history. CopyrightDissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Historical and Heritage Studies
unrestricted
3
SANTOS, AMANDA CATALDO DE S. T. DOS. "BRAZILIAN NATIONAL TRUTH COMMISSION: THE LAST CHAPTER OF THE TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE IN BRAZIL?" PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=34045@1.
Full textAbstract:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A presente dissertação tem como objeto inicial refletir sobre a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) à luz da normativa e da experiência internacional, analisando o contexto de sua instituição, a elaboração de seu marco legal, suas interações com atores estatais e não estatais, e os principais avanços e desafios enfrentados durante seu funcionamento. Com base no relatório final da CNV, serão identificados os pontos centrais desenvolvidos pela Comissão em termos de justiça e verdade, evidenciando como suas conclusões e recomendações afastam-se do discurso oficial do Estado brasileiro. Finalmente, será verificado em que medida o relatório final da CNV poderá oferecer aportes para o caso Vladimir Herzog, a ser julgado pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos
The initial purpose of this dissertation is to reflect on the National Truth Commission (CNV) in the light of international normative and experience, analyzing the context of its institution, its legal framework, its interactions with state and non-state actors, and the main advances and challenges faced during its operation. Based on the CNV s final report, will be identified the central points developed by the Commission in terms of justice and truth, highlighting how its conclusions and recommendations deviate from the official discourse of the Brazilian State. Finally, it will be verified to what extent the CNV final report may offer contributions to the Vladimir Herzog case, to be judged by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.
L objectif initial de cette thèse est de réfléchir sur la Commission Nationale de la Vérité (CNV), à la lumière du droit et de l expérience internationale, en analysant le contexte de l institution, le cadre juridique, les interactions avec les acteurs étatiques et non étatiques, ainsi que les progrès et défis principaux, auxquels elle est confrontée au cours de son fonctionnement. Sur la base du rapport final de la CNV seront identifiés les points centraux développés par la Commission en termes de justice et de vérité, soulignant comment ses conclusions et recommandations s écartent du discours officiel de l Etat brésilien. Enfin, il sera vérifié dans quelle mesure le rapport final de la CNV peut offrir des contributions à l affaire Vladimir Herzog, qui doit être jugé par la Cour Interaméricaine des Droits de L homme.
4
Leman-Langlois, Stéphane. "Constructing post-conflict justice, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an ongoing invention of reconciliation and truth." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ53688.pdf.
Full text
5
Malan, Yvonne. "The spectre of justice : the problematic legacy of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496581.
Full text
6
Abduroaf, Muneer. "Truth Commissions: Did the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission serve the purpose for which it was established?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6028_1359554144.
Full textAbstract:
Since the 1980&rsquo
s, many dictatorships around the world have been replaced by new democracies. These old dictatorships were notorious for their human rights abuses. Many people were killed and tortured
and many others were disappeared. When the new governments came into power, they had to confront these injustices that were perpetrated under the predecessor regime. This was necessary to create a culture of human rights
promote a respect for the law and access to justice. Many confronted these injustices in different ways, some granted amnesty, some prosecuted and others instituted truth commissions. This research paper focuses on truth commissions. The research focuses particularly on the study of the South African Truth Commission. The mandate of the South African Truth Commission is analysed and the investigation into whether the commission served the purpose for which it had been established is discussed.
7
Farley, Michelle K. "Identity in transition : towards a conceptualization of the sociopolitical dynamics of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14709.
Full text
8
Daniel, Kobina Egyir. "Amnesty as a tool of transitional justice : the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission in profile." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/967.
Full textAbstract:
"This dissertation seeks firstly to re-examine the merits of the competing philosophies on the role of amnesties in transitional justice. It seeks in particular to investigate the currently popular notion that justice is necessarily retributive and even beyond that, to determine the veracity of the claim that prosecution represents a necessary element of retributivist justice. The objective is to contribute to the ongoing debate by examining and drawing practical lessons from the case of South Africa, which emerged in 1994 from several generations of institutionalised gross violatoins of human rights. Accordingly the Amnesty Committee of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the law and the political philosophy undergirding its functions represent the focus of this study. ... This dissertation unfolds into five parts. Chapter 1, as an introduction to the rest of the work, sets out the relevance of the subject under review, the methodology and a brief overview of the chapters. Chapter two reviews the extensive literature on transitional justice and discusses the concepts that may be distilled therefrom. It discusses the contextual determinants of models of transitional justice and sets out the essence of the debate between vengeance and forgiveness as tools for achieving transitional justice. It also discusses the development of international law with respect to the permissiveness of amnesties and both the articulated and other justifications for their use. The burden of the third chapter is to first recount the factual circumstances of South Africa's trnsition and the factors that predicated the promulgation of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act 34 of 1995. It then briefly examines the provisions of the statute and it's implementation. It also engages in an empirical assessment of the almost 800 amnesties granted and employs a number of indices to determine whteher the process was even handed and achieved its objectives. These indices are: the politicl affiliations of the awardees; whether or not the crimes for which they received amnesty involved the loss of life; whether or not they had already been punished for thier transgressions and; whether or not they received forgiveness from the vicitms - actual or constructive. Chapter four focuses on some fo the criticisms that the TRC received. It assesses their merits and determines to what extent they subverted the quest for justice in transitional South Africa. In particular it looks at the reasoning of the Constitutional Court in the AZAPO Case, the alleged lack of objectivity of the TRC, its almost exclusively Christian orientation and its almost exclusive focus on abuses of civil and political rights. Chapter five concludes the dissertation by first determining whether or not there are any lessons to be learnt from South Africa's amnesty experience. It then outlines what the lessons are or should be. It closes by making recommendations as to what factors or particular considerations should guide the efforts and aspirations of abused societies that embark on the quest for transitional justice." -- Chapter 1.Prepared under the supervision of Professor Frans Viljoen, Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2001.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
9
Barrios, Valentina. "The Construction of Truth and the Silence of Responsibility : A discourse analysis on the idea of justice and a Sami Truth Commission." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-331548.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout history the Sami community have been excluded from Swedish society. They were submitted to discrimination, abuse and the denial of rights. Although the political movement of Sami people is long, we have in recent years seen how a demand for truth and justice is taking more space within the official Sami political movement. The aim of this thesis is to gain a wider understanding of Sami political demands and the idea of justice in Sweden through a Truth Commission. Applying a post-colonial theory and Bacchi’s “What’s the problem?”-methodology I have set out to analyse how the discourse of the idea of justice and a Sami Truth Commission (STC) is being constructed by the Sami political movement, non-affiliated Sami and the Swedish government. The secondary material I have used is earlier research and pre-existing interviews with Sami people. My primary material is documents made by Sami political movement and the Swedish government regarding a STC. The conclusion is that the Sami political movement are constructing the discourse on a STC with a homogenous view of accountability. The non-affiliated Sami is constructing the discourse with a diversity of notion such as accountability, moving on and internal responsibility. The government’s discourse on STC is constructed with non- accountability and silence. However, there is a discourse on the idea of justice and it is constructed with notions of increased participation and to combat racism.Det samiska samhället har genom historien exkluderats från majoritetssamhället i Sverige. De har blivit utsatta för diskriminering, övergrepp och blivit nekade sina rättigheter. Den samiska politiska rörelsen har en lång historia men det är på senare tid som vi sett ett ökat krav för sanning och rättvisa inom den parlamentariska samiska politiska rörelsen. Syftet med denna uppsats är att nå en bredare förståelse av de politiska kraven inom rörelsen och idén om rättvisa utifrån idén om en sanningskommission. Genom att använda mig av en postkolonial teori och av Bacchis ”What’s the problem”-metod vill jag analysera hur diskursen om idén om rättvisa och en samisk sanningskommission (SSK) konstrueras av den samiska politiska rörelsen, icke-politiska samer och den svenska regeringen. Mitt sekundära material består av tidigare forskning och genomförda intervjuer och mitt preliminära material består av dokument från den samiska politiska rörelsen och regeringen gällande en SSK. Mina slutsatser är att den samiska politiska rörelsen konstruerar diskursen om en SSK med en homogen bild av statens ansvar. De icke-politiska samerna konstruerar diskursen med en mångfald av begrepp så som ansvarighet, idén om att gå vidare och internt ansvar. Regeringens diskurs av en SSK är konstruerad med ett icke-ansvar och tystnad. Däremot går det att utröna en diskurs om rättvisa som är konstruerad med begrepp som ökat deltagande och kampen mot rasism.
10
Otsuki, Tomoe. "Memory of justice : dealing with the past violation of human rights : the politics of Indonesia's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5034.
Full textAbstract:
In the last two decades, many countries going through transitional justice
have established truth commissions. Unlike conventional war tribunals, most truth
commissions are established by the local government and local human rights
groups. Truth commissions are still a nascent political choice, yet a sizable
literature has developed around it, evaluating its potential as a new institution for
dealing with the past and moving towards restorative justice. This work examines
four major questions debated in the transitional justice literature over truth versus
justice: 1) whether or not a truth commission is an valid alternative mechanism to
seeking out retributive justice, 2) whether or not truth commissions are the product
of political compromise which avoiding justice, 3) if truth commissions can be the
agent of new national identity and national unity founded on the principles of
universal human rights, and 4) if amnesty can be legitimized. This work aims to
determine to what extent the idea itself of truth commissions has been actualized
up to now and what lot it may expect in the future, despite incidental political
restrictions and difficulties in the political transition. Despite the common assertion
that the goals of truth commissions are to bring about official acknowledgment of
the past, restore the dignity of the victims, and achieve reconciliation in divided
society, this paper does not intend to evaluate the truth commissions in the past
based on these criteria; nor does this work intend to argue what truth commissions
can resolve in the transitional justice societies. Rather, this paper seeks to uncover what social reaction or human emotions truth commissions in the past have evoked
in a divided society. To explore the question, this paper focuses on the distinctive
activities and merits of truth commissions from the standpoint of retributive justice
and looks into the important implication in the interaction between the victims and
the perpetrators, as well as between the audience and those two parties. Roger
Errera, a member of the French Conseil d’Etat, stated that “Memory is the ultimate
form of justice.” Inspired by the statement, this work argues that justice can be
found in the act of pursing truth, remembering it, and responding to those voices
from the past.
11
Solvin, Elsa. ""Truth, Justice and Peace" : A quantitative analysis of the impact of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions on conflict recurrence." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431929.
Full textAbstract:
Time has passed since truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) started to grow in popularity. The general patterns of their effect on the post-conflict societies are still unexplored. The main claim is that establishing a TRC will reduce the likelihood of conflict recurrence compared to other forms of transitional justice as TRCs are especially well equipped to mitigate reasons for conflict recurrence. This paper uses quantitative methods with the PCJ dataset and the UCDP dyadic dataset to analyse the trends of different types of transitional justice between the years 1946-2006. The logistic regression showed a negative relationship between establishment of TRCs and conflict recurrence. The main implication of these findings is that there are general patterns of TRCs having an effect, which need to be further researched.
12
Kobe, Sindiswa Lerato. "The Relationship between remorse and offering forgiveness: selected case studies from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4119.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Theologiae - MThThis study investigates three case studies, namely, the “Pepco Three”, the “St James Church incident”, and the “Gugulethu Seven incident” from the perspective of ongoing reflections on the nature of reconciliation in the sub-discipline of Systematic Theology. The research problem that is investigated in this project is: What role did visible signs of remorse (or its absence) play in the willingness or unwillingness of victims (or their close relatives) to offer forgiveness to the perpetrators of gross violations of human rights related to the three cases studies mentioned from the amnesty hearings of the South African Truth and Reconciliation commission, namely the “Pepco Three” the “St James Church massacre incident”, the “Gugulethu Seven”. In each case study, the crucial question that will be asked is whether the victims or their relatives understand forgiveness as something that is conditional and part of a longer process of reconciliation, or whether they understand forgiveness as something that can be offered unconditionally. The research draws on some standard theological literature with specific reference to literature on the concepts of reconciliation, forgiveness and remorse emerging in the aftermath of the South African TRC. This is followed by a description and critical analysis of the three identified case studies. In each case, I listened to the recordings, read the transcriptions, and considered the available secondary material on the case studies.
13
Tavares, Furtado Henrique. "Politics of impunity : rethinking the representations of violence through the disciplinary role of the Brazilian Truth Commission." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/politics-of-impunity-rethinking-the-representations-of-violence-through-the-disciplinary-role-of-the-brazilian-truth-commission(23959e88-7dbb-491a-b329-7330d8813deb).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a critique of liberal humanitarian representations of violence in the context of Post-Conflict or Post-Authoritarian struggles against impunity. In particular, it addresses the argument of “cultures of impunity” whereby punishing perpetrators of violations of human rights in transitional societies prevents the endorsement of regimes of silence and the normalisation of wrongdoing. Drawing on a Deconstructivist and Disciplinary methodology this thesis argues that debates about punishment or forgiveness in the aftermath of systematic violence have a wider political meaning and a particular historical function. Instead of mere responses to an external reality “punishment vs. impunity” debates also have a productive facet: because they represent violence in a liberal humanitarian frame, they produce a postconflictual ethos that defines (1) the modes of acceptable political resistance in the present and (2) the achievable limits of justice in the future. In order to explain this wider “politics of impunity” this thesis focuses on the Brazilian transitional case, from the end of the Dirty War in the 1970s to the establishment of the National Truth Commission (2012-2014). As such, it rejects the explanation of Brazil as a quintessential “culture of impunity,” a reasoning that blames the amnesty of perpetrators after the militarised dictatorship (1964-1985) for instituting a regime of silence about the past and creating the conditions for an eternal state of exception in Brazil. Although it recognises the merits of this logic, this work argues against it, reassessing the question in a rather different perspective. First, the thesis suggests a methodological twist: moving focus away from the conditions of implementation of justice in post-conflict and post-authoritarian scenarios into the conditions of possibility of the promise of “never again”. This thesis analyses truth commissions, criminal tribunals, and reparation programmes as parts of a historically situated set of disciplines; that is, as the conjunction between a body of knowledge and modes of conduct centred on a specific representation of violence as an intentional, cyclical, and exceptional phenomenon. In other words, it is by narrowing down what violence is that struggles against impunity can promise a future of non-recurrence. Second, the thesis then describes how this representations of violence were mobilised in order to historically produce a postconflictual reality in Brazil. By analysing the trajectory of the memory struggles (1975-) I explain how this postconflictual reality redefined the meaning of political resistance after the Dirty/Cold War, and by looking at the work of the truth commission I describe in what sense it creates a parsimonious promise of justice.
14
Andre, Wendy Marie. "Can alternative justice mechanisms satisfy the aims of international criminal justice? : the cases of Mato Oput and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/75261/.
Full textAbstract:
The role of alternative justice mechanisms (AJMs) in international criminal justice (ICJ) has been the subject of rigorous debate in recent years. This thesis joins the discussion by investigating whether AJMs can achieve the aims of ICJ that are attributed to criminal prosecutions. If AJMs can attain ICJ goals, there are important implications for the entire complementarity regime at the International Criminal Court (ICC), requiring ICC judges to defer prosecutions in their favour. By establishing a framework against which ICC trials and AJMs can be evaluated, the thesis contributes to the debate and aims to provide an element of consistency in an area which is dominated by creative ambiguity. Arguing that criminal prosecutions have a limited impact on ICJ aims, the thesis considers AJMs generally before undertaking an in-depth historical and comparative analysis of the Mato Oput process in Uganda and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC). It concludes that Mato Oput does not satisfy the goals of ICJ and therefore would be unlikely to persuade the Court to defer prosecutions. It suggests, however, that an AJM based on the SATRC model would have the potential to attain many ICJ goals and therefore the ICC should declare a situation where the state adopts this method of justice and accountability inadmissible to the ICC. Finally, the thesis examines the decisions of the ICC judges in previous admissibility challenges and argues that they must demonstrate a broader and more flexible approach when interpreting the ICC's mandate if AJMs are to satisfy the complementarity principle. Doing so would also help to avert the growing antipathy of many African states towards the ICC and ensure the future support and co-operation of states parties.
15
Kituku, Carolene. "International criminal court Proprio motu intervention where a truth commission exists: the Kenyan situation." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8300_1363781834.
Full textAbstract:
Kenya&rsquo
s December 2007 Presidential elections sparked a wave of violent clashes over allegations of election rigging. The protests broke out along ethnic lines, causing greater civil unrest. There have been allegations that during these outbreaks of violence crimes against humanity were committed. This violence attracted world-wide concern and was universally condemned. Kenya is loathe to prosecute the perpetrators or those who bear the highest responsibility for the alleged commission of crimes against humanity. It has instead established a national investigatory mechanism, the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter TJRC). This approach adopted by Kenya has been criticized for the fact that it fosters a culture of impunity. However, the Prosecutor of International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC) has used his proprio motu powers to initiate an investigation of alleged commission of crimes that fall within the jurisdiction of the Court. This research paper has analysed the reasons for the proprio motu intervention of the ICC in Kenyan situation. It also examined whether Kenya was unwilling or genuinely unable to prosecute the perpetrators of the post-election violence of 2007. Furthermore, the paper
evaluated the provisions of the Kenyan TJRC, the major shortcomings of the Commission and the challenges it is facing in fulfilling its mandate. In conclusion the paper analysed the relationship between TJRC and ICC and re-evaluate any role that the two bodies could play in dispensing justice in Kenya. But before that, the paper laid down the factual
background that led to the proprio motu interevention of the ICC in Kenya where a truth commission had alreday been established.
16
多日帝, 室仁, and David Muroni. "Post-election violence and governance in Kenya : the rise and fall of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC)." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13142671/?lang=0, 2020. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13142671/?lang=0.
Full textAbstract:
この論文は、ケニアの選挙後の暴力の年表に焦点を当てています。それがどのように始まり、頂点に達し、減少、そして再発を探ります。ケニアで2008年に創設された真実、正義、和解委員会は、独立後35年間の過去の人権不正と不正行為を文書化に行なった。複数の要因が組み合わされ、複数政党の大統領選挙で暴力を引き起こします。政府が問題の一部であるため、委員会による良心的な最終報告書と勧告は保留中です。This thesis focuses on the chronology of post-election violence in Kenya. It explores how it started, peaked, faded, and returned. The Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission created in 2008 in Kenya documents 35 years of past human rights injustices and malpractices from independence in 1963. Multiple factors combine and trigger violence in multiparty presidential elections. The conscientious final reports and recommendations by the Commission remain in limbo as the government is part of the problem. Unequally shared land resources and a grave presidential contest cause post-election violence. Empowering the Supreme Court is a necessity for fair justice.
博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
17
Dancy, Geoffrey Thomas. "Do As They Say, and As They Do: An Integrated Approach to the Study of Norm Influence on Truth Commission Initiation, 1976-2003." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5381/.
Full textAbstract:
Truth commissions are bodies established in political transition, and they have the stated purpose of reckoning with human rights abuses committed by members of former regimes. The question driving this research is "Why have truth commissions increased so rapidly in the last 20 years?" This study moves beyond current research, which suggests that particular domestic political circumstances alone determine choice of transitional justice mechanisms. I argue that an international rule of behavior, the transitional restorative norm, has emerged and spread to decision-makers in countries of transition. In support of this notion, I perform a pre-theoretical historical analysis of transitional justice and develop a theory of decision-making in transition-which is later tested with quantitative statistics. This integrated approach allows for increased scientific rigor in the examination of international norms. Ultimately, the study demonstrates an interrelationship between shared ideas and political environments in the determination of domestic policy.
18
Azman, Muhammad Danial. "Resolving the post-election violence and developing transitional justice institutions through power sharing : power and ideology in Kenya's quest for justice and reconciliation : a justice without punishment?" Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9617.
Full text
19
Issa, Fehima. "Les Commissions Vérité et Réconciliation comme mécanisme de justice transitionnelle : La question de la justice, de la vérité et de la réconciliation dans les sociétés en transition démocratique." Thesis, Paris 11, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA111012.
Full textAbstract:
La question de la justice dans les sociétés en transition est systématiquement soulevée après un conflit ou une période répressive ou autoritaire. En effet, les violations flagrantes du droit international des droits de l’homme et les violations graves du droit international humanitaire perpétrées sous les précédents régimes ne sauraient laisser aux institutions politiques nouvelles le choix de l’inaction face au passé. Les commissions vérité et réconciliation constituent un des mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle qui place la victime au cœur de ses préoccupations notamment parce que l’incrimination du bourreau n’est pas le seul objectif de la justice et que, comme le remarquait Hannah Arendt, il faut bien constater qu’il y a « des crimes qu’on ne peut ni punir, ni pardonner ». Parfois présentées comme une solution alternative à la justice pénale, ces commissions ont pour objectif d’établir les méfaits des anciens régimes. Le possible choix entre les commissions vérité et la justice répressive interne ou internationale est écarté dans cette étude qui entend accorder une place importante à la complémentarité des commissions vérité et réconciliation avec les autres mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle, notamment les poursuites judiciaires contre les auteurs des crimes de droit international les plus graves et les réparations pour les victimes. De fait, le but de cette étude n’est pas d’analyser de manière isolée ces commissions mais de constater que les normes internationales et la situation propre à chaque pays en transition limitent les options disponibles du traitement du passé. La recherche est fondée sur la méthode d'étude de cas de plusieurs pays dans une démarche comparative afin d’en tirer des conclusions aboutissant à démontrer la légitimité des commissions vérité et réconciliation en période de transition ainsi que leur fonctionnementThe issue of justice in societies in transition is systematically raised after a conflict, a repressive period or an authoritarian period. Gross violations of international human rights law and grave breaches of international humanitarian law perpetrated under previous regimes cannot let the choice of inaction concerning the past to the new political institutions.Truth and reconciliation commissions constitute one of the mechanisms of transitional justice, which place the victim at the middle of its concerns especially because the criminalization of perpetrators is not the only goal of justice and, as noted by Hannah Arendt, “men are unable to forgive what they cannot punish and are unable to punish what turns out to be unforgivable”. Sometimes presented as an alternative mean to criminal justice, these commissions aim to establish the misdeeds committed by former regimes. The possible choice between truth commissions and international or internal criminal Justice is avoided in this study, which aims to highlight the important role of the complementarity of truth and reconciliation commissions with other transitional justice mechanisms, notably legal prosecutions against the perpetrators of crimes against international law and reparations for victims. In this regard, the aim of this study is not to analyze these commissions in an isolated manner, but to notice that international standards as well as situations in each country restrict the options available for dealing with the past. This research is based on a comparative approach presenting a case study on different countries for demonstrate the legitimacy of truth and reconciliation commissions and their functioning in period of transition
20
Rage, Anne-Britt. "Achieving sustainable peace in post conflict societies : an evaluation of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5302.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider field of transitional justice v
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek of volhoubare vrede in postkonfliksamelewings met behulp van die oorgangsgeregtigheidsbenadering bereik kan word. Meer bepaald word die soeklig gewerp op die waarheidskommissie as meganisme van oorgangsgeregtigheid. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids-en-Versoeningskommissie (WVK) dien as gevallestudie om die verwantskap tussen volhoubare vrede en oorgangsgeregtigheid te bestudeer. Die tesis probeer vasstel of die WVK sy mandaat uitgevoer het, en of die Kommissie se finale verslag enige bepaalde omskrywings, gevolgtrekkings of aanbevelings bevat “om te verseker dat die verlede hom nie herhaal nie” (paragraaf 14, hoofstuk 8, volume 5 van die WVKverslag). Dít vind plaas deur middel van ! tekstuele ontleding van die finale WVKverslag wat die inherente swakpunte van dié dokument in sy strewe na volhoubare vrede krities en dekonstruktief benader. Die verslag word voorts ontleed deur die kwessie van volhoubare vrede te verbind met die gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid sowel as ontwikkelingstudies oor hoe toekomstige WVK’s die kwessie van volhoubare vrede kan hanteer. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die Suid-Afrikaanse WVK nie ! bydrae gelewer het tot ! sinvolle ontleding van presies hoe om ! herhaling van die verlede te voorkom nie. Daar word aangevoer dat dít te wyte is aan die gebrek aan ! samehangende teoretiese raamwerk, aangesien die finale verslag twee verskillende waarheidsoekende meganismes vermeng – die mikrowaarheidsoeke en die makrowaarheidsoeke – en ook van die geregverdigde-oorlog-teorie gebruik maak. Deur die tekstuele ontleding van die teoretiese raamwerk van die WVKverslag word dit duidelik dat ! mikro- en makrowaarheidsoeke moeilik in een verslag te kombineer is, en dat, in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval, die mikrowaarheidsoeke voorkeur geniet. Tog sou die makrowaarheidsoeke ! grondiger ontleding bied vir die suksesvolle verwesenliking van volhoubare vrede, wat in hierdie tesis as Galtung se ‘positiewe vrede’ en Lederach se ‘strukturele vrede’ 5 verstaan word. Trouens, die makrowaarheidsoeke is ! voorvereiste om volhoubare vrede te bereik. ! Tradisionele lesing van die geregverdigde-oorlogteorie dra ook by tot ! individualisering van die waarheidsoekende proses, en bied nie voldoende ondersteuning vir die makrowaarhede nie. Laastens word daar deur die dekonstruksie van die uitdrukking nooit weer nie getoon dat hierdie benadering nie in WVK’s of op die groter gebied van oorgangsgeregtigheid tuishoort nie.
21
Felsenfeld, Kira Rachel. "A Charge Toward the Past: The 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission and Its Political Implications." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1592472362013041.
Full text
22
Honda, Masumi. "Assessing the Impact of Gender Sensitive Truth Commissions : Comparative analysis of South Africa and Sierra Leone." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385336.
Full textAbstract:
Much has been studied about the impact of transitional justice mechanisms as well as gendered impactof armed conflict. However, less is known about the gendered impact of transitional justice, includingtruth commissions. This thesis aims to fill this research gap by exploring the long-term consequencesof gender sensitive and gender-blind truth commissions for women’s security in post-conflict societies.Combining and building upon feminist critiques on transitional justice and discourses on thetransformative potential of truth commissions, I argue that truly gender sensitive truth commissionscan facilitate improvement of women’s security, as the reparations and institutional reformsrecommended by such commissions are also gender sensitive and help address root causes of violenceagainst women (VAW). The argument is tested through a structured focused comparison of two cases– South Africa and Sierra Leone. The results provided meager support for the theorized relationship.South Africa, which was characterized by low gender sensitivity of its truth commission, shows nochange in terms of the prevalence of VAW; whereas Sierra Leone with a highly gender sensitive truthcommission demonstrated improvement in some areas of women’s security. However, the evidencebase is thin while the poor implementation of the recommendations obscures the observable impactof the Sierra Leone truth commission, which compels further research with a larger number of casesand robust data collection strategy.
23
McConnell, Jesse. "A just culture : restoring justice towards a culture of human rights." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007594.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to investigate the possibility that the binary opposition between retributive and restorative forms of justice that structures the discourse on justice is unhelpful and unnecessary, particularly for societies seeking to extricate themselves from violent conflict and towards building peace and democracy. I shall argue for the importance of considering restorative justice as conceptually and historically prior to the possibility of retributive justice rather than the negation of one or the other, as well as advocate the potentially greater transformative power of the values of restorative justice which may provide a constructive alternative to retributive justice in the context of post-conflict peacebuilding.
24
Mosler, David. "Reconciliation Through Truth? - A Comparison of the Judicial Approach of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the Amnesty Principle of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21615.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the past three decades the world has witnessed an increased transition of states from autocratic systems to liberal democracies. During such transitions the reconciliation of societies fractured by previous human atrocities is an integral part for success. This article explores the impacts of principles of truth and justice on reconciliation of fractured societies during the process of transitional justice. Throughout the process it will provide an insight on different aspects and levels of the terminology of reconciliation. To illustrate the difference between a judicial approach and the process of amnesty giving, it will contrast the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa. Furthermore, it will provide an analytical account on the impact of internal actors versus external actors on reconciliation of fractured societies. This analysis will provide an understanding of the factors at work during reconciliation as a process and an outcome.
25
Lindqvist-McGowan, Angelica. "From the Ashes of Scorched Earth : The role of procedural justice, provision of promised benefits, and respectful and dignified treatment on perceived truth commission legitimacy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384534.
Full text
26
Schettini, Andrea. "Comissões de verdade e o processo de “acerto de contas” com o passado violento : um olhar genealógico, jurídico-institucional e crítico." Thesis, Paris 10, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA100056.
Full textAbstract:
La présente étude vise à comprendre les contours juridiques et politiques des commissions de vérité, afin d’examiner les promesses, les potentialités et les limites de ce mécanisme de la justice transitionnelle. L’objectif le plus large de ce travail est de situer les commissions de vérité à l’intérieur des rapports contemporaines entre la vérité, le droit et la mémoire. Il s’agit de réfléchir de façon critique sur les modes par lesquels ces nouveaux mécanismes de justice influent sur notre manière de nommer et de comprendre les formes de violence (surtout en ce qui concerne la violence politique et la violence d’État). L’hypothèse centrale soutient que le régime de construction de vérités à l’intérieur des commissions de vérité — en ce qui concerne sa rapport complexe, contradictoire et ambigu avec le droit, l’histoire et la mémoire — maintient un lien indissociable avec le processus d’écriture officielle (ses contours, lacunes et silences) de la violence. En effet, loin de constituer une solution neutre ou achevée aux problèmes issus des héritages des violations graves des droits de l’homme, les commissions de vérité sont, surtout, un espace de conflit entre les différentes mémoires et de dispute entre différentes significations accordés au passé violent. L'expérience de la Commission Nationale de la Vérité du Brésil est finalement abordée comme une référence pour l'étude des commissions de vérité (et plus largement pour l'étude de la justice transitionnelle), susceptible d'apporter des contributions pertinentes à l'analyse de ces mécanismes de justiceThe present study aims to understand the legal and political contours of truth commissions, in order to examine the promises, the potentialities and the limits of this mechanism of transitional justice. The broadest goal of this work is to situate truth commissions within contemporary relationships stablished between truth, law and memory. It seeks to critically reflect about the ways in which these new mechanisms of justice affect our way of naming and understanding forms of violence (especially state-sponsored violence). The central hypothesis holds that the regime of truth-making within truth commissions — in its complex, contradictory and ambiguous relationship with law, history, and memory — maintains an inseparable link with the process of official writing of violence (its outlines, gaps and silences). Indeed, far from constituting a neutral or finished solution for the legacies of grave human rights violations, truth commissions are, above all, a space of conflict between different memories and a space of dispute of the meanings granted to the past of violence. The experience of the Brazilian National Truth Commission is finally addressed as a reference for the study of truth commissions (and more broadly for the study of transitional justice), capable of bringing relevant contributions to the analysis of these mechanisms of justice
O presente estudo busca analisar os contornos jurídicos e políticos das comissões de verdade, a fim de apontar as promessas, as potencialidades e os limites desse mecanismo da justiça de transição. O objetivo mais amplo deste trabalho consiste em situar as comissões de verdade no interior das relações, contemporaneamente reconfiguradas, entre a verdade, o direito e a memória. Trata-se de refletir criticamente sobre a maneira em que, no interior de tais mecanismos, a violência (sobretudo no que diz respeito à violência política e à violência de Estado) é compreendida, investigada e nomeada. A hipótese central desta pesquisa sustenta que o regime de construção de verdades no interior das comissões de verdade — em sua relação complexa, contraditória e ambígua com os direitos humanos, a história e a memória — mantém um vínculo indissociável com o processo de escrita oficial (seus contornos, lacunas e silêncios) da violência. Longe de constituírem uma solução neutra ou acabada para os problemas decorrentes dos legados de graves violações de direitos humanos, comissões de verdade são, acima de tudo, um espaço de conflito entre diferentes memórias e de disputas pelos significados e sentidos do passado violento. A experiência da Comissão Nacional da Verdade do Brasil é abordada, ao final, como caso referência para o estudo das comissões de verdade (e mais amplamente para o estudo da justiça de transição), capaz de trazer relevantes aportes à análise destes mecanismos de justiça
27
Colombani, Anouk. "L'après-violence : (ré)conciliations (im)possibles ?" Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080019/document.
Full textAbstract:
Plus d'une cinquantaine de processus de réconciliation nationale ont vu le jour depuis la fin des années 80, pourtant la réponse reste incertaine, est-il possible de se réconcilier ? Il semblerait que les violences extrêmes qui ont émergé durant le XXe siècle aient créé un paradoxe insoluble : d'un côté, il faut se réconcilier pour éviter de nouveaux massacres (la violence n'entraîne-t-elle pas la violence?), de l'autre, il n'a jamais paru aussi incongru d'en appeler à se réconcilier. Qui a le droit d'intimer l'ordre à un survivant de génocide d'accepter la réconciliation ? La thèse fait l'hypothèse que la réconciliation n'en est jamais vraiment une à cause de l'incapacité de la pensée libérale à penser la violence et plus largement de la difficulté des sciences humaines et sociales à faire face à la violence. Il s'agit dès lors de comprendre le roman scientifique que racontent la philosophie libérale et la justice transitionnelle, puis de réfléchir à une philosophie du concret et du détail, qui se rapprocherait de l'histoire et de l'anthropologie afin de saisir au vif ce que nous appelons, sans vraiment nous y intéresser, violenceMore than fifty thousand processes of national reconciliation have been organised since the end of the eighties. Yet the outcome is still uncertain: is reconciliation possible? The instances of extreme violence which emerged in the twentieth century seem to have created an insoluble paradox. On the one hand, we must accept reconciliation to avoid new massacres. (Doesn't violence generate more violence?) On the other, it seems more incongruous than ever to call for reconciliation. Who has the right to order a victim of genocide to agree to r conciliation? The underlying assumption in this work is that reconciliation never really works because liberal theory cannot conceive of violence, and, more generally, social sciences are unable to deal with violence. As a result, we have to understand the scientific storytelling produced by liberal philosophy and transitional justice. We can then oppose the storytelling to a "philosophy of the concrete" and a philosophy of detail, which draw on anthropology and history in order to grasp what we almost incidentally call violence
28
Tizeba, Hilda Charles. "The treatment of gender-issues and development in the Sierra Leonean transitional justice context." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6349.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)Transitional justice mechanisms have become commonplace as a tool for recovery for societies emerging from conflict and repressive regimes. The extent to which women's rights concerning development and long-term economic advancement in the arena of transitional justice is dealt with is almost negligible. The significance of including development as a means of protecting marginalised groups such as women has been mostly disregarded in the transitional justice context. Currently, the discourse on gender justice has placed civil and political rights as well as sexual crimes against women at the centre stage. Transitional justice mechanisms have failed to give effect to long-term sustainable and substantive change in women's lives following conflict and periods of repressive rule. The core aims of transitional justice are prosecution of offenders, reconciliation and reparations for the victims of gross human rights abuses. Reparations are usually used as a medium through which restitution and compensation for the harm suffered by victims are made possible. Reparations are also deemed as an essential element for the healing and recovery of the individual victim and the society affected by egregious human rights violations.
29
Hall, Charlotta. "Sanningskommission för Sveriges samer : en studie om förväntningar och andra urfolks erfarenheter på väg mot upprättelse." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-305672.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years the field of reparations for indigenous peoples has increased remarkably. Past wrongs made by states in the distant past has become more important to highlight, not only because of the memories of historical injustice, but because of how the past impacts the future, and not least, still appears as structures of discrimination remaining from the past. As an indigenous people the Saami people living in Sweden have experiences of both historical injustices as well as todays struggle with discrimination on different levels. Mostly regarding their right to be a part of decisions concerning them and the right of culture, language, identity, land and nature resources, fundamental for them as a people. In order to change their situation and to search for redress the Saami people in Sweden have announced their need of a truth commission. The Saami people are not the first indigenous people whom search for redress through a truth commission, but is it possible to learn from others? With this in mind, my study aim to look at practical experiences of truth commissions in Canada and New Zealand and further, examine what the Saami people in Sweden hope to achieve with a truth commission. Thereafter, I weight other indigenous peoples experiences of a truth commission with the Saami peoples expectations to find out what keys need to be considered to increase the outcome of a truth commission. Where theory, practical experience and Saami expectations connects is where the key issues can be found. Given this, my study suggests that five different key issues must be thought through and shall not be underestimated as they may have an effect on the ongoing process as well as on the results and the aftermaths. The key issues that is suggested is as follows: 1) political will, 2) the role and engagement of Civil Society, 3) the Saami´s own involvement 4) the problem of what focus the commission should have, and 5) the awareness of “tough” questions coming up.
30
Bosire, Lydiah Kemunto. "Judicial statecraft in Kenya and Uganda : explaining transitional justice choices in the age of the International Criminal Court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa1f9f19-174e-47a2-a288-d4d0312786b7.
Full textAbstract:
Transitional justice has undergone tremendous shifts since it was first used in Latin American and Eastern European countries to address post-authoritarian and post-communist legacies of atrocity and repression. In particular, the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has increased the demand for prosecutions within a field that was previously marked by compromise and non-prosecution. While there are increasing expectations that countries with unresolved claims of human rights abuses should enact transitional justice policies, most of the literature on the subject largely omits to explain how elites from those countries choose among the possible options of transitional justice, and specifically, how they choose among international prosecutions, domestic prosecutions, and truth-seeking. Using case studies of Kenya and Uganda, this dissertation examines this decision-making process to understand how elites choose and reject different transitional justice policies. Theoretically, the research examines how preferences for transitional justice policies are constituted through “judicial statecraft”: the strategic efforts by heterogeneous, interest-pursuing elites to use justice-related policies as carrots and sticks in the overall contestation of power. The research finds that the choices of elites about judicial statecraft depend on three factors: the extent to which the elites are secure that their policy choices cannot be subverted from within; the cost and credibility of transitional justice threats; and the effects, both intended and unintended, of history.
31
Albuquerque, Rosiane Alves de. "Representações sociais de universitários sobre a comissão nacional da verdade." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/9088.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-07-13T13:25:19Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
arquivototal.pdf: 902773 bytes, checksum: ecb09fa9acecc8c3fa0d197b7e9bf8a5 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-13T13:25:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 902773 bytes, checksum: ecb09fa9acecc8c3fa0d197b7e9bf8a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-16
Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
This master thesis is the result of an empirical study located in the field of transitional justice, more specifically, the Truth Commissions (TC), the Social Representations and Human Rights (HR). More broadly, this work is the inclusion of Brazil in a survey of Latin American countries that have established TCs, such as Chile, Argentina, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay. The TC is a form of transitional justice, installed after repressive regimes or armed conflict, contributing to the democratic transition of the country. Some objectives of these committees are: knowledge of the truth about what happened, building a collective memory and search for justice from the victims. Introduced in March 2012, the National Truth Commission (NTC) extended its activities by December 2014. Despite the creation of NTC constitute a milestone in the Brazilian history and democracy, psychology as a science and socio-political knowledge has contributed little to the discussion about serious violations of HR occurred in Brazil. This deficit reflects the low production on the subject. Brazil features as one of the last countries in Latin America to set up a TC, considering the time interval between the end of the dictatorship and the establishment of the commission. From the military dictatorship (1964-1985) to the creation of NTC it took 27 years. These data and little social impact of NTC demonstrate the difficulty of Brazilian people in dealing with the past. In the present study, we sought to verify the social representations of College students on the NTC and how these representations were related to corresponding variables to force ideas. Specifically, we sought to investigate the relationship between variables related to forceideas; analyze the relationship between variables corresponding to the Military Dictatorship (MD); check the relationship between strength and ideas variables related to MD; examine the relationship between force-ideas and related variables and NTC; investigate the relationship between variables corresponding to the MD and variables related to NTC. Participants were 252 students of the Center for Humanities of UFPB, located in the Campus I, in João Pessoa/PB, Brazil. The instrument used for data collection consisted of a questionnaire composed of different thematic scales (Degree of exposure to violence; Predisposition to review the past, social sharing on MD and NTC, rating of the work of NTC; violence usage compliance indicators, degree of post-conventionality; Attitudes to HR, institutional trust; basic principles of equality and tolerance, political orientation, etc.), was developed and implemented in other countries (Chile, Argentina, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay), translated from Spanish to Portuguese and validated semantically. Data analyses were performed using SPSS software. Descriptive analysis, correlation analysis, factor analysis and multiple linear regressions were performed. Among the results we observed that the forceideas - political, ideological and moral aspects -, concepts for Doise, anchored the social representations of NTC and to the approval of the NTC work and positive predisposition to the last review are consistent with the positive attitudes to HR.
A presente dissertação de mestrado é fruto de um estudo empírico situado no campo da Justiça transicional, mais especificamente, das Comissões da Verdade (CV), das Representações Sociais e dos Direitos Humanos. De modo mais amplo, este trabalho constitui a inserção do Brasil numa pesquisa sobre países latinoamericanos que instauraram CVs, como o Chile, Argentina, Equador, Paraguai, Peru e Uruguai. A CV é uma modalidade de justiça transicional, instalada após regimes repressivos ou conflitos armados, que contribui para a transição democrática dos países. Dentre os objetivos dessas comissões estão: conhecimento da verdade sobre o ocorrido, construção de uma memória coletiva e busca por justiça junto às vítimas. Implantada em março de 2012, a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) estendeu suas atividades até dezembro de 2014. Apesar da criação da CNV constituir um marco para a história e democracia brasileiras, a psicologia, enquanto ciência e conhecimento sociopolítico, pouco tem contribuído com a discussão das graves violações dos DH ocorridas no Brasil. Esse déficit reflete na baixa produção sobre o tema. O Brasil figura como um dos últimos países da América Latina a instalar uma CV, considerando o intervalo de tempo entre o fim do regime ditatorial e a implantação da comissão. Da Ditadura Militar (1964-1985) à criação da CNV passaram-se 27 anos. Esses dados e o impacto pouco expressivo da CNV demonstram a dificuldade do brasileiro em lidar com o passado. No presente estudo, buscouse verificar as representações sociais de universitários sobre a CNV e como essas representações relacionavam-se com variáveis correspondentes às ideias força. Especificamente, pretendeu-se investigar a relação entre variáveis referentes às ideias força; analisar a relação entre variáveis correspondentes à Ditadura Militar (DM); verificar a relação entre ideias força e variáveis referentes à DM; examinar a relação entre ideias força e variáveis relativas à CNV; e investigar a relação entre variáveis correspondentes à DM e variáveis relativas à CNV. Este estudo tem caráter transversal e contou com a participação de 252 universitários do Centro de Ciências Humanas e Letras da UFPB, localizado no Campus I, em João Pessoa/PB. O instrumento utilizado para a coleta de dados consistiu num questionário, composto por diferentes escalas temáticas (Grau de exposição à violência, Predisposição para rever o passado, Compartilhamento social sobre a DM e a CNV, Avaliação do trabalho da CNV, Indicadores de concordância com o uso da violência, Grau de pós-convencionalismo, Atitudes frente aos DH, Confiança institucional, Princípios básicos de igualdade e tolerância, Orientação política, etc.), já elaborado e aplicado em outros países (Chile, Argentina, Equador, Paraguai, Peru e Uruguai), traduzido do espanhol para o português e validado semanticamente. Para a análise de dados, foi utilizado o software SPSS. Realizaram-se análises descritivas, análises de correlação, análises fatoriais e regressões lineares múltiplas. Dentre os resultados, foi possível verificar que as ideias força – aspectos políticos, ideológicos e morais –, conceituadas por Doise, ancoraram as representações sociais da CNV e que a aprovação do trabalho da CNV e a predisposição positiva para a revisão do passado são coerentes com as atitudes positivas frente aos DH.
32
Kamugisha, Yvonne. "L’influence américaine et la fonction du religieux dans les mécanismes de réconciliation et de prévention contre le génocide : quel modèle de réconciliation pour le cas du Burundi ?" Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BOR30021.
Full textAbstract:
Tandis que le Burundi entame une phase clé dans la réconciliation nationale, l’immense travail de la mémoire collective initié par la signature des Accords de Paix d’Arusha en août 2000 offre une opportunité à la pénétration américaine de s’affirmer dans la Consolidation de la Paix dans la sous Région. L'erreur serait de voir l’investissement américain dans la Communauté de l'Afrique de l'Est comme un phénomène récent. Or, depuis l'ère postcoloniale jusqu'à la phase actuelle de la mise en place des mécanismes de réconciliation et prévention contre le génocide, la présence américaine en matière de politique africaine remonte bien plus loin ainsi que le prouve son entreprise missionnaire en Afrique. Beaucoup de travaux ont traité de la question des relations géopolitiques entre colonisateurs et colonisés en Afrique sub-saharienne. Cependant, peu d'études ont relevé l’importance ou l’ancienneté des rapports religieux et de leur influence dans les affaires politiques et sociales dans les pays de l'Afrique de l'Est tels que le Burundi ou le Rwanda. Expliquer la Politique Etrangère américaine en la rattachant à son investissement religieux dans la sous Région permet d'éviter une simplification erronée des intérêts américains. Notre étude du rôle des missions américaines et de leurs rapports complexes avec les missions chrétiennes des anciennes puissances coloniales nous permet de saisir sous un regard neuf les dynamiques politiques des Etats-Unis dans la région des Grands Lacs en Afrique de l’Est. L’enjeu du projet de la Commission Verite et Réconciliation au Burundi offre un espace politique et religieux unique pour une étude à la rencontre de ces différents acteurs religieux. L’instrumentalisation de la justice transitionnelle au Burundi souligne non seulement l’affrontement des processus de justice et de pardon en période post-conflit mais elle relève la difficile négociation des mémoires plurielles sous fond d’intérêts géopolitiquesAs Burundi begins a key phase in national reconciliation, the vast work of collective memory initiated by the Arusha Peace Accords in August 2000 offers an opportunity to the US to penetrate and strategically position them in the Great Lakes’ Region Peacebuilding. A mistake would be to see such U.S. involvement in the East Africa Community as a recent phenomenon. Since the postcolonial era until the current phase of reconciliation mechanisms and genocide prevention, the American visibility in African politics goes back in time as its missionary activities prove it. Many studies explored the question on geopolitical relations between former colonial countries and colonial powers in sub-Sahara Africa. Yet, few pointed out the relevance or the deep religious relationships and their influence in sociopolitical events in East African countries such as Burundi or Rwanda. To explain the U.S. Foreign Policy linking it to its religious investment in the Great Lake prevents a misleading simplification of U.S. interests. Our study of the role of American missions and their complex relations with Christian missions of former colonial powers offers us a new look at the U.S. political dynamics in the Great Lakes’ Region in East Africa. The challenge of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission provides a unique political and religious space for a study of these different religious actors. The use of the transitional justice in Burundi underlines not only the confrontation of processes of justice and forgiveness in post-conflict periods, but it underlines the difficult negotiation of collective memories along with geopolitical interests
33
Pereira, Bruna Ferrari. "Comissão Nacional da Verdade : limites e desafios." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2016. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/8080.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Caroline Periotto (carol@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-10T18:06:39Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T19:51:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T19:51:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-20T19:51:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissBFP.pdf: 1323789 bytes, checksum: 4c1e642def0656d7b31c327838e6bf7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-18
Não recebi financiamento
In this research we conducted a rigorous study of the final report of the National Truth Commission, seeking to understand how the current political and social situation in the country was limited and overshadowed the gains brought by this Commission. This research had as material beyond the final report, the military's statements given to the Commission, the newspaper reports on the subject and a vast literature on the subject. From this material, the main objective of this research was to analyze how civil-military relations during the work of CNV are directly related to the permanence of the dictatorial legacy in our current democracy.
Nesta pesquisa realizamos um estudo rigoroso do relatório final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade e buscou compreender como a atual conjuntura política e social do país limitou e obscureceu os ganhos trazidos por esta Comissão. Esta pesquisa teve como material além do relatório final, que foi resultado dos trinta e um meses de trabalho da Comissão, os depoimentos de militares prestados à CNV, as notícias de jornais sobre o assunto e uma vasta pesquisa bibliográfica acerca do tema. A partir deste material, o principal objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar a forma como as relações civismilitares durante os trabalhos da CNV estão diretamente relacionadas à permanência do legado ditatorial em nossa democracia atual.
34
Motta, Diego Airoso. "Ditadura, direitos humanos e dilemas da justiça de transição : representações sociais e discursos sobre a Comissão Nacional da Verdade nas revistas semanais de informação geral." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/182719.
Full textAbstract:
A pesquisa analisa os discursos e as representações sociais mobilizadas na abordagem de certo segmento midiático brasileiro – as revistas semanais de informação geral CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ e Veja – às atividades da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), entre maio de 2012 e dezembro de 2014. Essas publicações alinham-se a diferentes posicionamentos político-ideológicos e ao mesmo tempo influenciam e reproduzem, em maior ou menor grau, o debate político nacional dentro e fora das instituições oficiais. O objetivo é discutir a temática dos direitos humanos a partir da questão da memória e da verdade, operada mediante mecanismos de justiça de transição engendrados após traumas políticos como a ditadura brasileira 1964-1985 – regime para o qual parte da mídia nacional prestou apoio. Além de um exame panorâmico do corpus de 240 textos que tratam da CNV (temas orbitais abordados, distribuição dos textos no tempo e sob as diferentes coordenações do colegiado, comparação com a cobertura da mídia em geral), utiliza-se o instrumental teórico-metodológico das representações sociais e da análise de discurso de matriz francesa, com especial atenção à noção de formação discursiva e à construção do discurso midiático, para esmiuçar uma amostra de 20 matérias ilustrativas das diferentes fases narrativas da cobertura das revistas. Observa-se nesse recorte uma marcada dicotomização das representações sobre a questão da memória e da verdade. Essas representações expressam posicionamentos divergentes quanto à relação entre verdade e justiça dentro do processo justransicional brasileiro, com reflexos diretos sobre as possibilidades de alcance da reconciliação nacional – um dos objetivos expressos pelo Estado com a criação da Comissão. Essa divisão remete também a debates travados internacionalmente no campo da justiça de transição, em que se contrapThe research analyzes discourses and social representations mobilized in the approach of certain Brazilian media segment – such as weekly magazines of general information CartaCapital, Época, IstoÉ and Veja – over the activities of the National Commission of Truth (CNV, in Portuguese), between May 2012 and December 2014. These publications are in line with different political-ideological positions and at once influence to and reproduce the political debate inside and outside the official institutions. The objective is to discuss human rights based on the issue of memory and truth, operated through transitional justice mechanisms engendered to deal with consequences of political traumas such as the Brazilian dictatorship 1964-1985 – a regime for which part of the national media provided support. In addition to a panoramic examination of the corpus of 240 texts referring CNV (orbital themes covered, temporal distribution of the texts, comparison with media coverage in general), it is analysed a sample of 20 texts representing the different narrative phases of magazine coverage, for what is fundamental the theoretical and methodological contribution from social representations theory and French discourse analysis, specially the notion of discursive formation and the construction of the media discourse. In this setting of texts is observed a remarkable dichotomization of representations on the issue of memory and truth. These representations express divergent positions regarding the relationship between truth and justice in the Brazilian Transitional Justice, with direct effects on the possibilities of national reconciliation – one of the CNV‟s objectives. This division: also refers to debates in the field of transitional justice around the world, in which an idealist, universalizing, punitive, and another realist, contextualizing, appeasing, positions are opposed; is intensified by ideological disputes
35
Silva, Marina Ribeiro da. "Justiça de Transição e Poder Judiciário : o relatório da Comissão Nacional da Verdade e a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal entre 1964 e 1969 /." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/157224.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Marina Ribeiro da Silva (ma_ribeiros@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-03T00:47:05Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação - Marina Ribeiro da Silva.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5)Rejected by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br), reason: Bom dia, solicitamos que realize correções na submissão seguindo as orientações abaixo: 1. O título em inglês no repositório está diferente que no trabalho Abstract. 2. A data de defesa e do trabalho estão corretos? 2017 ? Se sim ignore a pergunta. Att Jacqueline. on 2018-10-03T13:18:51Z (GMT)
Submitted by Marina Ribeiro da Silva (ma_ribeiros@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-03T17:16:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Marina Ribeiro da Silva.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-10-03T18:11:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_MR_me_fran.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-03T18:11:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_MR_me_fran.pdf: 1583726 bytes, checksum: 5b1bd9434eae2dc9dcae224d80f9834b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-28
Esta pesquisa pretende analisar a percepção expressa pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade acerca da atividade jurisdicional desenvolvida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, durante os anos da Ditadura Militar brasileira. Órgão de cúpula do Judiciário, o Supremo Tribunal Federal foi profundamente afetado pelos Atos Institucionais editados pelo Poder Executivo militarizado. A investigação, à semelhança daquela realizada pela comissão de verdade, tomará o interregno compreendido entre 1964 e 1969 como marco temporal, e se preocupará com o estudo dos habeas corpus de caráter político que chegaram ao Tribunal nestes primeiros anos da ditadura militar. Objetivando descortinar os critérios utilizados pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade, em seu relatório final, ao vaticinar que o Supremo Tribunal Federal, em consonância com todo o Poder Judiciário brasileiro, compactuou com as arbitrariedades e graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas pelo Regime Militar, adotaremos uma abordagem multimétodo. Em um primeiro momento, serão levantadas fontes jurídico-históricas referentes à utilização da garantia do habeas corpus no Brasil e ao impacto que os Atos Institucionais editados durante a Ditadura Militar tiveram sobre o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Posteriormente, na segunda parte da pesquisa, buscaremos apreender o que é uma comissão de verdade, ferramenta de Justiça Transicional, e como a Comissão Nacional da Verdade, utilizando-se de métodos e materiais próprios, entendeu o funcionamento do Supremo Tribunal Federal nos primeiros anos do período de exceção brasileiro.
This research aims to analyze the perception expressed by the National Truth Commission on the judicial activity of the Supreme Federal Court, during the years of dictatorship the Brazilian military. Judiciary umbrella body, the Supreme Court was deeply affected by the Institutional Acts issued by the Executive Branch militarized. The research, like that carried out by the truth commission, will take the interregnum between 1964 and 1969 as a timeframe, and be concerned with the study of the political nature of habeas corpus which reached the Court in these early years of the military dictatorship. Aiming to uncover the criteria used by the National Truth Commission in its final report to predict that the Supreme Court, in line with all the Brazilian Judiciary, agreed with arbitrariness and serious human rights violations perpetrated by the military regime, adopt one multi-method approach. At first, legal and historical sources referring will be raised to the use of the habeas corpus guarantee in Brazil and the impact that the Acts Institutional edited during the military dictatorship had on the Supreme Court. Later, in the second part of the study, we seek to grasp what a truth commission, transitional justice tool, and as the National Truth Commission, using methods and materials themselves, understand the functioning of the Supreme Court in the early years Brazilian exception period.
36
Guematcha, Emmanuel. "Les commissions vérité et les violations droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire." Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100202.
Full textAbstract:
Après la commission de violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire et dans le cadre parfois d’une transition ou d’une situation post conflictuelle difficile, les Commissions vérité ont été de plus en plus créées au sein des Etats. Parce qu’elles sont destinées à l’examen de violations de règles établies en droit international, se pose la question de leur rapport avec ce droit. Par leurs spécificités formelles et la flexibilité de leurs règles, leur utilisation du droit international et leur prise en compte des victimes, elles constituent un cadre particulièrement novateur dédié à l’examen des violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire. Cependant, instances non judiciaires et eu égard aux évolutions du droit international, elles conduisent à s’interroger sur la responsabilité pour ces violations et des obligations internationales de l’Etat à cet égard, et à exiger la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité pénale pour la commission des violations les plus graves qu’elles ont constatéesIn time of transition or in post conflict situations, many truth Commissions have been increasingly created within many States to deal with a past caracterised by many human rights and international humanitarian law violations. Because they are dedicated to investigate violations of established rules of international law, the question emerge on their relationships with international law. Their formal characteristics and their flexibility, their use of international law and the focus and attention they give to the victims of these violations, make them appear to be an innovative mean allowing specific review of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. However, because there are non-judicial bodies and taking into consideration the developments of international law, they raise questions about responsibility for these violations and international obligations of the State in this regard, and lead to the requirement of prosecution and the implementation of criminal liability for the serious violations they reported
37
Lefranc, Sandrine. "Politique du pardon : amnistie et transitions démocratiques : une approche comparative." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000IEPP0033.
Full textAbstract:
Dans le contexte des processus de démocratisation engages dans les années 1980 et 1990 dans le Cône sud latino-américain (Argentine, Uruguay et Chili) et en Afrique du sud, les gouvernements ont du faire face à la question des crimes commis par les agents et responsables du régime autoritaire. Ils y ont répondu par des mesures de rémission juridique, et notamment par l'amnistie. La justice de transition est donc le plus souvent une «injustice ». La comparaison de ces cas révèle une autre caractéristique saillante de ces processus : le déploiement par les gouvernants d'une rhétorique du pardon et de la réconciliation nationale. Ce registre de discours vise bien entendu à légitimer l'interruption du « cours normal » de la justice. Néanmoins, il devient rapidement l'un des principaux fils directeurs des débats entre les acteurs impliqués. Même lorsque la figure du pardon est rejetée par les membres de ces deux derniers groupes, elle devient une référence récurrente dans leurs discours. Les réflexions philosophiques et sociologiques sur la notion de pardon (parmi lesquelles celles de H. Arendt, V. Jankélévitch, Paul Ricoeur et Luc Boltanski) permettent de mieux cerner ces politiques du pardon. Ressource de légitimation, la figure du pardon est l'un des éléments du débat sur la justice de transition : elle pose la question de la criminalité bureaucratique, c'est-à-dire d'une violence d'Etat que les mécanismes juridiques et politiques d'imputation de la responsabilité ne sont pas en mesure d'administrer. Bien qu'elle ne traduise pas l'existence d'un « pardon politique », la rhétorique du pardon produit des effets sur le débat : les victimes parviennent à se réapproprier ce discours qui devait permettre de mettre un « point final » à la question, et à en faire le support d'une exigence de justice. La notion de pardon permet de mieux cerner les enjeux de la justice de transition et, plus largement de la démocratisation.
38
Burn, Geoffrey Livingston. "Land and reconciliation in Australia : a theological approach." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/117230.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a work of Christian theology. Its purpose is twofold: firstly to develop an adequate understanding of reconciliation at the level of peoples and nations; and secondly to make a practical contribution to resolving the problems in Australia for the welfare of all the peoples, and of the land itself. The history of the relationships between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia has left many problems, and no matter what the non-Indigenous people try to do, the Indigenous peoples of Australia continue to experience themselves as being in a state of siege. Trying to understand what is happening, and what can be done to resolve the problems for the peoples of Australia and the land, have been the implicit drivers for the theological development in this thesis. This thesis argues that the present generation in any trans-generational dispute is likely to continue to sin in ways that are shaped by the sins of the past, which explains why Indigenous peoples in Australia find themselves in a stage of siege, even when the non-Indigenous peoples are trying to pursue policies which they believe are for the welfare of all. The only way to resolve this is for the peoples of Australia to seek reconciliation. In particular, the non-Indigenous peoples need to repent, both of their own sins, and the sins of their forebears. Reconciliation processes have become part of the international political landscape. However, there are real concerns about the justice of pursuing reconciliation. An important part of the theological development of this thesis is therefore to show that pursuing reconciliation establishes justice. It is shown that the nature of justice, and of repentance, can only be established by pursuing reconciliation. Reconciliation is possible because God has made it possible, and is working in the world to bring reconciliation. Because land is an essential part of Indigenous identity in Australia, the history of land in court cases and legislation in Australia over the past half century forms an important case study in this work. It is shown that, although there was significant repentance within the non-Indigenous legal system in Australia, the degree of repentance available through that legal system is inherently limited, and so a more radical approach is needed in order to seek reconciliation in Australia. A final chapter considers what the non-Indigenous people of Australia need to do in order to repent.
39
Spiers, Kimberly. "Restorative justice in South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/20936.
Full text
40
George, Rachel. "Let us not drift: Indigenous justice in an age of reconciliation." Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/13375.
Full textAbstract:
At the turn of the 21st century, truth commissions arose as a new possibility to address the violence and trauma of removing Indigenous children from their families and nations in what is now known as North America. The creation of two truth and reconciliation commissions in Canada and Maine marked an important step in addressing Indigenous demands for justice and the end of harm, alongside Indigenous calls for truth-telling. Holding Indigenous conceptions of justice at its core, this dissertation offers a comparative tracing of the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2009-2015) and the Maine Wabanaki-State Child Welfare Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2013-2015) as they investigated state practices of removing Indigenous children from their homes and nations. More specifically, this dissertation examines the ways these truth commissions have intersected with Indigenous stories and how Indigenous stories can inform how we understand the work of truth and reconciliation commissions as they move to provide a form of justice for our communities. Within both commission processes, stories of Indigenous experiences in residential schools and the child welfare system were drawn from the perceived margins of settler colonial society in an effort to move towards truth, healing, reconciliation and justice. Despite this attempted inclusion of stories of Indigenous life experiences, I argue that deeply listening to Indigenous stories ¬¬in their various forms—life/ experiential stories, and traditional stories—illuminates the ways that the practice of reconciliation has become disconnected from Indigenous understandings of justice. As such, I argue that listening to Indigenous stories, not just hearing the words but instead taking them to heart, engaging with them and allowing them to guide us, moves toward more informed understandings of what justice looks like for Indigenous communities.Graduate
2022-08-30
41
James-Lomax, Alison. "The truth must dazzle gradually: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the ongoing practice of ignorance in South Africa." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4583.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the long term effects of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Building on existing critique of the TRC’s narrow mandate and sociologist Melissa Steyn’s argument that apartheid was predicated on an ignorance contract amongst South African citizenry, this thesis asks if the mandate of a truth commission can actually serve to entrench ignorances and divisions. More specifically, this thesis asks in what ways can the ignorance contract be seen in South African society now? It identifies key discourses that represent ongoing ignorances in South Africa: non-acknowledgement, denial, misrecognition and truth and ignorance. Looking at the performance of memory and the areas of immigration, emigration, and gender, this thesis finds that the TRC’s mandate has led to ongoing ignorance about apartheid in South Africa.Graduate
0615
0331
alisonj@uvic.ca
42
King, Caelin. "Truth, justice, and reconciliation: a comparison of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Rwandan Gacaca Court System." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3486.
Full text
43
Shiota, Takuto. "Rethinking reconciliation: the missing link between TRCs and the constructive participation of perpetrators." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3367.
Full textAbstract:
Martha Minow argues that among the goals that a transitional justice system should
pursue, reconciliation is equally as important as truth and justice. This is why in her view
– and others who have argued similar lines – Truth and Reconciliation Commissions are
not a “second best option” to trials. I argue that if we are to accept that reconciliation is a
valuable goal, then the practical reality of pursuing reconciliation dictates a need to
understand perpetrators in greater depth. This is because unlike truth and justice,
reconciliation cannot be forced. Constructive participation is the only way that
reconciliation can be achieved. In order to promote constructive participation, I argue
that theorists need to do further research into what I call “perpetrator requirements”: the
requirements that make perpetrators participate, and participate constructively. To do so,
theorists should use an interdisciplinary approach, utilizing research from psychology,
anthropology, political science, philosophy, and law.Graduate
44
Kisiangani, Emmanuel Nalianya. "Transitional justice and conflict transformation: a tenable nexus? the case of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/6783.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has been widely hailed
as unprecedented and exemplary. It has motivated efforts to establish truth commissions
in various other parts of the world. Inherent in the normative treatment of the South
African TRC as a paradigm to be followed, is the assumed correlation between its
objectives and those of conflict transformation. This assumption, while prominent in a
number of contexts especially outside South Africa, has often passed with little
interrogation. The primary aim of this study is to assess the assumed correlation by
formulating the South African TRC within conflict transformation theory. A secondary
goal which should be seen in context of the study’s primary objective is to assess whether
the South African TRC constitutes a paradigm to be followed by other relevant contexts.
The research philosophy and methodology deemed appropriate for the study is the
reflective mode of inquiry which is once in a while supplemented by primary data. The
aim is to delineate the instrumental and practical value of those constructs that treat the
South African TRC as a transformative framework. Eventually the study substantiates
these assertions and makes analytical judgments on the relationship between the TRC and
conflict transformation.
The broad conclusion of the study is that the biggest role played by the South
African TRC was to engage the society in discourse with its past. It symbolically
underscored the need to build right relationships and social structures that promote peace
and the rule of law. The study, however, argues that the exercise of engaging in
constructive relational and structural change needed to transcend symbolism and address
the underlying structures and human relationships at various levels, politically, socially
and economically. Other than making recommendations, the long term relational and
structural transformation was well beyond the TRC’s mandate. On the tendency of other
countries to treat the South African TRC as the standard practice and paradigm to be
borrowed, the study maintains that the TRC may have been unique and anomalous with
its provision for conditional amnesty and public hearings, but it sometimes
inappropriately skews the views of many in other distinctively different contexts, in a
way that needs to be reconsidered.
45
Lillie, Christine. "Micro and macro justice in the context of truth and reconciliation commissions." 2006. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2442.
Full text
46
Petoukhov, Konstantin. "An evaluation of Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) through the lens of restorative justice and the theory of recognition." 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/4879.
Full textAbstract:
Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established as one of the responses seeking to address the harm done by the Indian residential school system. While the main goals of the TRC include discovering truth and promoting healing and reconciliation, it is necessary to critically interrogate its design and activities in order to gain insight into its potential to allow Canada to move beyond trauma and build a just future. To accomplish this challenging task, my thesis employs qualitative research design and applies the conceptual framework of restorative justice, Charles Taylor’s theory of recognition, and Nancy Fraser’s tripartite theory of social justice in an attempt to assess the TRC’s restorative and recognitive potential. The main finding of this thesis is that the TRC is not fully restorative and possesses limited potential to contribute to the decolonization of Canada.
47
Motlhoki, Stephina Modiegi. "The effectiveness of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the contect of the five pillars of transitional justice." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23302.
Full textAbstract:
This study evaluated the effectiveness of the South African Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (SATRC), using the theoretical and conceptual framework of the five
pillars of transitional justice. Chitsike (2012) identified the five Pillars of Transitional
Justice that the study uses. For that reason, Truth-Seeking and Truth-Telling, Trials
and Tribunals, Reparations, Institutional Reform and Memorialisation are the Five
Pillars of Transitional Justice that this study elected to use as the conceptual and
theoretical framework. The Five Pillars of Transitional Justice that were delineated by
Boraine (2005) are referred to for analytical purposes in the study. Methodologically,
the study assumes a qualitative posture. Literature study through content analysis that
uses description and exploration is deployed to make interpretation of the used
literature.
This study notes that each one of the pillars of transitional justice has its
recommendations and limitations, and the pillars are much more enriched and
enriching when applied in complementarity to each other rather than in isolation. The
SATRC process also had its achievements and limitations, and its popularity was
based on political impressions rather than concrete transitional justice achievements
on the ground, in the view of the present study. Furthermore, it appears to the present
study that more time is needed for much more reliable evaluations of the effectiveness
of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to be made, some of its successes
and limitations will take many years and or even decades to manifest because at the
end of the day, TRCs are historical process and not events.Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)
48
多日帝, 室仁, and David Muroni. "Post-election violence and governance in Kenya : the rise and fall of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC)." Thesis, 2009. http://id.nii.ac.jp/1707/00027639/.
Full text
49
Tobbia, Mariangela. "La mémoire collective aux temps de la justice transitionnelle." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18479.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur le processus de la mémoire collective dans le cadre
d’un pays en période de transition. Nous y développons une conception de la construction de
la mémoire collective et en particulier de son rôle pour la réussite de la transition vers une
démocratie stable et durable dans un pays en voie de transition. Plus précisément, notre
recherche porte sur les apports et bénéfices de la mémoire collective dans le contexte de la
justice transitionnelle (JT). Pour plusieurs pays, la JT a été la réponse adoptée en vue du
passage d’un conflit interne et/ou d’une dictature à l’institution d’une nouvelle démocratie,
c’est-à-dire un système basé sur le respect des droits de l’homme et de l’État de droit. Il s’agit
donc d’un processus complexe, qui se compose de plusieurs phases, mécanismes et catégories
d’action.
Fondamentalement, la JT vise à (re)construire une société suffisamment juste pour
garantir une certaine stabilité et suffisamment stable pour garantir une certaine justice. Deux
approches générales sont alors possibles pour mettre en place la JT et tenir compte de ses
nombreux défis : l’approche holiste (de Grieff) et celle que nous nommerons, faute de mieux,
« atomiste » (Elster). En général, ceux qui soutiennent la vision atomiste voient dans les divers
mécanismes de la JT des éléments séparés et indépendants les uns des autres, ce qui peut
conduire à prioriser hiérarchiquement certains mécanismes et à en rejeter parfois d’autres qui
semblent moins importants. Nous entendons plutôt défendre la thèse selon laquelle, puisque
les différents aspects de la transition sont toujours en relation les uns avec les autres, il vaut
mieux réfléchir quant à savoir comment combiner les éléments plutôt que les isoler.
Nous présentons en ce sens la mémoire collective comme étant le domaine où peut se
penser cette relation entre les diverses composantes de la JT. La question de la mémoire
collective a donc une double fonction dans cette thèse : elle est certes un élément parmi
d’autres de la justice transitionnelle, mais elle est également le cadre qui permet de penser les
interactions entre les différentes composantes de la JT. La question qui dirige nos réflexions
est donc : comment la mémoire collective peut-elle aider une société en devenir à régler ses
comptes avec son passé ? Deux alternatives se présentent dans la littérature sur cette question :
la stratégie du « forgive and forget », qui consiste essentiellement à oublier le passé et à
ii
repartir à zéro comme si rien n’était survenu, ou celle du « revealing is healing », qui consiste
à analyser toutes les responsabilités passées (individuelles et collectives), à reconnaître le rôle
des acteurs (victimes, coupables, profiteurs, neutres, etc.) et à travailler sur un passé encore
présent.This thesis focuses on the role of collective memory in transition countries. We aim to provide a clear understanding of the construction of collective memory and its specific function towards national identity in transition countries (especially Tunisia, Libya and South Africa). The construction of collective memory seems to result in a more efficient and sustainable political, social and economic transition. More specifically, our research focuses on the benefits of collective memory in the context of transitional justice (TJ). For many countries, TJ was the answer to ensure the transition from an internal conflict or a dictatorship towards a new democracy, that is to say, a system based on respect of human rights and the rule of law. TJ is therefore a complex process, which consists of several phases and mechanisms of action. From a broad perspective, TJ aims to build or rebuild a society and institutions that are just enough to ensure stability and stable enough to ensure justice. Two general approaches are possible to establish TJ while gauging its many challenges: the holistic approach (De Grieff) and an approach that we will call, for lack of a better term, "atomistic" (Elster). In general, those who support the atomistic conception of TJ see in the various mechanisms of TJ distinct and independent elements, which can lead to prioritize certain mechanisms over others and sometimes reject those who seem less important. Since the different aspects of transition are in relationship with each other, we intend to defend that it is better to think about the how to combine the elements, rather than how to isolate them. Hence, we present collective memory as the way by which the different components of TJ can effectively be related and integrated to one another. The question of collective memory therefore has a dual role in this project: at first we will describe it as one of the elements of TJ, but it will also turn out to be the sphere where the different mechanisms of TJ interact. Our question therefore is: how can collective memory help a society to come to terms with its past? Two alternatives are presented in the literature on this question: the strategy of "forgive and forget", which consists in forgetting the past and starting from scratch as if nothing happened, and that of "revealing is healing," which consists in determining all past responsibilities iv (individual and collective), recognizing the role of everyone (victims, perpetrators, opportunists, etc.) and work on a past that is still present.
50
Stanton, Kim Pamela. "Truth Commissions and Public Inquiries: Addressing Historical Injustices in Established Democracies." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/24886.
Full textAbstract:
In recent decades, the truth commission has become a mechanism used by states to address historical injustices. However, truth commissions are rarely used in established democracies, where the commission of inquiry model is favoured. I argue that established democracies may be more amenable to addressing historical injustices that continue to divide their populations if they see the truth commission mechanism not as a unique mechanism particular to the transitional justice setting, but as a specialized form of a familiar mechanism, the commission of inquiry. In this framework, truth commissions are distinguished from other commissions of inquiry by their symbolic acknowledgement of historical injustices, and their explicit “social function” to educate the public about those injustices in order to prevent their recurrence. Given that Canada has established a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) on the Indian Residential Schools legacy, I consider the TRC’s mandate, structure and ability to fulfill its social function, particularly the daunting challenge of engaging the non-indigenous public in its work. I also provide a legal history of a landmark Canadian public inquiry, the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, run by Tom Berger. As his Inquiry demonstrated, with visionary leadership and an effective process, a public inquiry can be a pedagogical tool that promotes social accountability for historical injustices. Conceiving of the truth commission as a form of public inquiry provides a way to consider the transitional justice literature on truth commissions internationally along with the experiences of domestic commissions of inquiry to assemble strategies that may assist the current TRC in its journey.