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Journal articles on the topic 'Mawangdui'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Kalinowski, Marc, and Phyllis Brooks. "TheXingdeTexts from Mawangdui." Early China 23 (1998): 125–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800000973.

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The present article is a preliminary study of the hemerological system described in the manuscript entitledXingde yipian(XingdeB) from Mawangdui tomb three (burial dated 168b.c.), which is one of several manuscripts assigned the titleXingdeby the Chinese scholars responsible for editing the Mawangdui manuscripts. TheXingdemanuscripts are among a group of Mawangdui manuscripts whose contents are extremely important for the study of calendrical astrology at the end of the Warring States and beginning of the Han. The Xing-De method, which is based on the annual and daily motion of two mantic functions called Xing(Punishment) and De(Virtue) in relation to the sixty binoms of the sexagenary cycle, is attested in the astrological treatise of theHuainanzi. XingdeB not only provides the key to better understanding the very brief description of the Xing-De method in theHuainanzi, but also includes two diagrams that illustrate the motions of Xing and De in space and time.

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2

Wagner, Rudolf G. "The Wang Bi Recension of theLaozi." Early China 14 (1989): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800002583.

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There are seventy-nine places in Wang Bi'sLaozi zhuwhere the text of theLaozitransmitted over this commentary differs from quotations of it contained within the commentary. Building on the textual studies of Professor Shima Kunio, this essay demonstrates that the readings given in the commentary are supported in practically every case by a series of early quotations and texts of theLaozi,such as the Mawangdui manuscripts and the “Old Manuscripts” that form the basis of Fu Yi and Fan Yingyuan's editions. A comparison of all of these differences shows that Wang Bi's original text must have belonged to the same broad textual family as these early manuscripts, being most closely linked to the two “Old Manuscripts” and less directly related to the Mawangdui manuscripts. In most of the these cases, thetextus receptushas been supplanted by the reading transmitted through the Heshang Gong commentary. Consequently, it is now necessary to replace thetextus receptusof Wang Bi'sLaoziwith a conflated version of the two “Old Manuscripts” and, in some cases, the Mawangdui manuscripts.

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3

Hung, Wu. "Art in a Ritual Context: Rethinking Mawangdui." Early China 17 (1992): 111–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003692.

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This paper reexamines the famous painting from Mawangdui Tomb number 1. Instead of approaching it as an independent “work” and matching its images with fragmentary textual references, I explore its relationship with other buried objects, the tomb's structure and symbolism, and the ritual process during which the tomb was constructed. Based on ancient ritual canons, I reject the popular opinion that the painting served to summon the departed soul or to guide the soul to Heaven. Rather, the painting formed part of the jiu-group (“the body in its long home”) at the center of the burial, and enclosed by the guan-coffins decorated with images of protection and immortality, and again by the guo-casket, a replica of the deceased's household (zhai). The painting's meaning and function must be comprehended within this architectural-ritual context. Moreover, neither the painting nor the whole tomb represents a coherent conception of the afterlife. This feature separates this tomb from those constructed earlier and later, and represents a transitional period in the history of early Chinese art and religion.

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4

Tsung-I, Jao. "Note sur les « Principes » du Yijing de Mawangdui." Études chinoises 18, no. 1 (1999): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/etchi.1999.1281.

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5

Lai, Guolong. "The Diagram of the Mourning System from Mawangdui." Early China 28 (2003): 43–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800000663.

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This article is a preliminary study of the silk diagram of the mourning system excavated from Mawangdui tomb three (dated to 168 b.c.e.) in 1973. Although it is the earliest precisely dated document of one of the most enduring social institutions in Chinese history, this mourning diagram has received little scholarly attention. Through analyzing its structure, inscriptions, kinship terms, and cosmological symbolism, and comparing it with relevant Warring States and contemporary Han sources, the author has reconstructed the diagram based strictly on evidence internal to the diagram itself. The author then explains the cosmological and numerological significance of the Mawangdui mourning system, and, through rereading passages in Lun yu 17/21, the “Sannian wen” chapter in the Li ji, the “Li lun” in the Xunzi, and the testamentary decree of Emperor Wen (d. 157 b.c.e.), he discusses the multiple ways of justifying mourning practices during the Warring States and early Han periods and the changing interpretations of the cosmological/numerological basis of the mourning system by later text-based scholars, such as Zheng Xuan and Wang Su. Finally, the author discusses the nature and function of the diagram as the source of ritual diagrams illustrating a text in the Chinese classical exegetical tradition. This Mawangdui diagram is a schematic representation of the mourning system with its basic numerological principles and cosmological significance. As a kinship chart, it illustrates the five degrees of mourning, which characterize the scope of close kinship in early Han China. It depicts a mourning tradition similar to those recorded in the Yi li and the Li ji, but represents differently in degrees of mourning that people, especially married-out daughters and their children, were obligated to observe for the death of a relative. It is thus invaluable for us to understand the historical formation of the Chinese mourning tradition and subsequent ritual manuals and legal codes, and it provides new materials for the sociological study of issues concerning Han family structure, the nature of descent groups, women's position, and patrilinealism.

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6

Edward L. Shaughnessy. "A First Reading of the Mawangdui Yijing Manuscript." Early China 19 (1994): 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003552.

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Among the texts discovered in December, 1973, at Mawangdui in Changsha, Hunan, was by far the earliest manuscript text (copied about 175 B.C.) of the Zhouyi or Zhou Changes, together with various commentaries, some known—such as the “Xici” or “Appended Statements”— and others —”Ersanzi Wen” or “The Two or Three Disciples Ask,” “Yi zhi Yi” or “The Propriety of the Changes,” and “Yao” or “Essentials”—not heretofore known. Despite the great anticipation with which scholars learned of this discovery, it was not until twenty years later, 1993, that this manuscript was finally published, and even at that only incompletely. In this comte rendu, the author introduces the state and contents of the manuscript, including especially how it varies from the received text, and some of the debate that these variora have already engendered among historians of Chinese thought.

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7

Park, J. "Early Chinese Medical Literature. The Mawangdui Medical Manuscript." Focus on Alternative and Complementary Therapies 5, no. 4 (2010): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2042-7166.2000.tb02677.x.

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8

Liu, Chunyu. "Review on the Studies of Unearthed Mawangdui Medical Books." Chinese Studies 05, no. 01 (2016): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/chnstd.2016.51002.

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9

Raphals, Lisa Ann. "Early Chinese Medical Literature: The Mawangdui Medical Manuscripts (review)." China Review International 7, no. 2 (2000): 463–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2000.0099.

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10

Hinrichs, T. J. "Early Chinese Medical Literature: The Mawangdui Medical Manuscripts (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 75, no. 1 (2001): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2001.0021.

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11

Ling, Li, and Keith McMahon. "The Contents and Terminology of the Mawangdui Texts on the Arts of the Bedchamber." Early China 17 (1992): 145–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003709.

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In the Han, the art of the bedchamber belonged to the disciplines called “prescriptions and techniques,” which also included various medical arts such as nutrition, internal conduction, and associated incantations and spells. This essay investigates the Mawangdui art of the bedchamber texts with special emphasis on their terminology, and briefly addresses the importance of these texts in studying ancient Chinese culture.Seven texts are examined: “Prescriptions for nourishing life,” “Prescriptions for miscellaneous cures,” “Book of childbirth,” “Ten questions,” ’Joining yin and yang” “Prescriptions for miscellaneous spells,” and “Talks on the loftiest ways under heaven.” The terminology found in these works is organized into the following categories: male and female genitals, the steps of foreplay, positions and methods of intercourse, the benefits and harms of intercourse, techniques of ejaculation control, and male and female sexual reactions. The terminology and topical categories of later bedchamber texts are highly consistent with the Mawangdui texts, especially regarding the following three most influential concepts: “the method of nine shallow and one deep,” “ride many young women, but ejaculate rarely,” and “returning jing to supplement the brain.”

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12

來, 陳. "《五行》經說分別為子思、孟子所作論: ——兼論郭店楚簡《五行》篇出土的歷史意義". Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, № 1-2 (2014): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0410102013.

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This article first of all reviews and evaluates the previous studies on the “Five Virtues” chapter (Wuxing Pian《五行篇》) of the Mawangdui Boshu 馬王堆帛書 (the Mawangdui Silk Manuscripts) since the text was excavated in 1973. Based on this effort, the present discussion points out and diagnoses the weaknesses existing in these early studies. Meanwhile, through examination of the newer research on the unearthed Guodian Zhujian 郭店竹簡 (the Guodian Bamboo Strips), the current writing proposes that the textual section (Jingbu〈經部〉) of the Wuxing was written by Zi Si 子思, and the commentary section of it was written by Meng Zi 孟子. Accordingly, the conclusion of this article comes to a suggestion that corresponds to the idea of Xun Zi 荀子who takes that Meng Zi is a follower and advocate of Zi Si, so-called “Zi Si chang zhi, Meng Ke he zhi.子思唱之, 孟軻和之。” (Zi Si starts to sing a song, while Meng Zi joins in it promptly.)

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13

Holloway, Kenneth. "“The Five Aspects of Conduct” Introduction and Translation." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 15, no. 2 (2005): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305004992.

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AbstractIn 1973 a cache of silk manuscripts was discovered in Mawangdui tomb number three in Hunan province. This was the first extensive collection of silk manuscripts unearthed from such an early period: 168 BCE, during the Han dynasty (202 BCE – 202 CE). Guodian village in the province of Hubei was the site of another exciting discovery in October of 1993. Here archaeologists uncovered a tomb they labelled M1 from 300 BCE in the pre-Qin state of Chu that contained texts written on 804 bamboo strips. These two tombs are separated by one of the most significant period-defining events in ancient history, Qin Shihuang's unification of China. Excavated manuscripts now bridge this historic divide. Some are early editions of major works known from the received tradition. Others were previously unknown having been lost for over two millennia. Of the received texts, the Daodejing has been translated into English based on each of the editions found in Mawangdui and Guodian. The only other text that appears in both of these tombs is “The Five Aspects of Conduct”, which will be made widely available to an English speaking audience for the first time at the end of this article.

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14

Waring, Luke. "INTRODUCING THE *WU ZE YOU XING TU MANUSCRIPT FROM MAWANGDUI." Early China 43 (July 27, 2020): 123–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2020.3.

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AbstractThe *Wu ze you xing tu 物則有形圖 silk manuscript was discovered inside a lacquer case in Mawangdui Tomb 3. This little-known manuscript of unusual design contains a philosophical text on the relationships between things (wu 物), forms (xing 形), names (ming 名), and speech (yan 言), and the text is arranged on the surface of the silk in the form of a densely clustered spiral within a ring inside a square. The writing on the manuscript is also accompanied by colors and shapes that represent a domed Heaven (tian 天) above a square Earth (di 地). Since it was first catalogued in 2004, just a few studies of the *Wu ze you xing tu have been published in Chinese, and the manuscript is almost entirely absent from Western scholarship. This article aims to remedy this situation by providing a detailed description of the manuscript, transcriptions and translations of its contents, a consideration of its philosophical context, and an analysis of its design. In the process, I show that this silk document functioned not just as a convenient surface or carrier for an important philosophical text, but as a material artifact in its own right, one that was designed to have a powerful impact on its viewers, readers, and users, forcing them to move their eyes and bodies in ways that reinforced its central philosophical message.

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15

Harper, Donald. "Ancient and Medieval Chinese Recipes for Aphrodisiacs and Philters." Asian Medicine 1, no. 1 (2005): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342105777996764.

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This article surveys recipes for aphrodisiacs and philters from the medical manuscripts discovered in Mawangdui tomb 3 (burial dated 168 BCE) and Dunhuang manuscripts (seventh to tenth centuries CE). Despite medical views that defined sex as a form of physiological and spiritual cultivation, and that criticised se 'lust,' the aphrodisiac and philter recipes reveal elements of eroticism in ancient and medieval Chinese views of sex.

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16

Zhiguo, He, and Vivienne Lo. "The Channels: A Preliminary Examination of a Lacquered Figurine from the Western Han Period." Early China 21 (1996): 81–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003412.

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Excavations of a Western Han tomb at Shuangbaoshan in the vicinity of Mianyang, Sichuan, in 1993 have uncovered a black lacquered wooden carving of the human body. Naked, hairless, and roughly anatomical in character, the figurine is understood to be the earliest extant three-dimensional medical model in Chinese culture.Ten red lines are drawn on the figurine. This article undertakes a preliminary examination of the figurine and offers an interpretation of the lines from two different perspectives. Firstly, the authors compare and contrast the lines with the eleven anatomical pathways of the mai “channels” as described in the medical manuscripts excavated at Mawangdui and Zhangjiashan. From this point of view the figurine adds to the sources that bear upon the early development of theories of pathological physiology which were first formulated in Han times and eventually became central to classical acumoxa theory. Secondly, the lines on the figurine are considered in their relationship to yangsheng “nurturing life” practices popular in elite society of this period. Certain features of the figurine that set it apart from ideas of pathological physiology seem better clarified by reference to contemporary texts, also excavated from the Mawangdui and Zhangjiashan tombs, that treat of yangsheng practices such as massage, therapeutic gymnastics, and breath cultivation.

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17

Youzu, He. "An Ancient Medical Formula on the Liye Qin Slips and the Detoxification Recipe of dijiangshui 地漿水 (“Earth Elixir”) from the Later Ages". Bamboo and Silk 3, № 2 (2020): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689246-00302004.

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This article explains the words zhu （煮）, zhi chuan di 之穿地, and ke 可 on the slips 8-1369 and 8-1937, pointing out the connection between this detoxification formula with a similar record in the Mawangdui silk edition of the *Wushi’er Bingfang. By sorting out the handing down of tujiang and similar detoxification recipes in literature through ages and making a comparison with the formula on the sequence 8-1369+8-1937, we can observe how the recipe has been transmitted.

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18

Blanford, Yumiko F. "Discovery of Lost Eloquence: New Insight from the Mawangdui "Zhanguo zonghengjia shu"." Journal of the American Oriental Society 114, no. 1 (1994): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604954.

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19

Shin, Dong Hoon, Raffaella Bianucci, Hisashi Fujita, and Jong Ha Hong. "Mummification in Korea and China: Mawangdui, Song, Ming and Joseon Dynasty Mummies." BioMed Research International 2018 (September 13, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/6215025.

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Over the decades, mummy studies have expanded to reconstruct a multifaceted knowledge about the ancient populations’ living conditions, pathologies, and possible cause of death in different spatiotemporal contexts. Mainly due to linguistic barriers, however, the international knowledge of East Asian mummies has remained sketchy until recently. We thus analyse and summarize the outcomes of the studies so far performed in Korea and China in order to provide mummy experts with little-known data on East Asian mummies. In this report, similarities and differences in the mummification processes and funerary rituals in Korea and China are highlighted. Although the historical periods, the region of excavation, and the structures of the graves differ, the cultural aspects, the mechanisms of mummification, and biological evidence appear to be essentially similar to each other. Independently from the way they are called locally, the Korean and Chinese mummies belong to the same group with a shared cultural background.

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20

Wang, Hui, Jian-Ming Chen, Xiao-Sheng Wang, et al. "Reappraisal of the Mawangdui Han Tomb Cadaver Thirty Years After Its Unearthing." Biopreservation and Biobanking 17, no. 2 (2019): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/bio.2019.0002.

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21

Yates, Robin D. S. "The Yin-Yang Texts from Yinqueshan: An Introduction and Partial Reconstruction, with Notes on their Significance in Relation to Huang-Lao Daoism." Early China 19 (1994): 75–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003564.

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The 1970's was a decade of extraordinary discoveries of texts that transformed scholarly understanding of late Warring States, Qin, and early Han philosophy, society, and culture. This article is devoted to the least well-known of these finds, made in 1972 at Yinqueshan, Linyi, Shandong. Specifically, it provides for the first time in a Western language an introduction to the Yin-Yang texts recovered from this Western Han tomb, probably dated to the early years of the reign of Han Wudi (r. 140-87 B.C.). Based on the only transcription yet published (in 1985 by Wu Jiulong), the article provides a transcription, reorganization, and full translation of three of the texts, and fragments of a fourth, together with supplementary notes on the approximately seventeen other essays and a discussion of their significance within the context of late pre-imperial and early imperial thought. The essays are found to be of immense importance in understanding the various dimensions of Yin-Yang theorizing prior to Dong Zhongshu's development of new text Confucianism. Of special interest is the author's conclusion that the texts throw considerable light on those of the Mawangdui silk manuscripts that have been categorized by most scholars as belonging to the Huang-Lao school, the so-called Huangdi sijing (Four Classics of the Yellow Emperor). The author concludes, on the basis of his analysis of the form, language, and philosophical content of the Yinqueshan Yin-Yang texts, that many of the Mawangdui silk manuscripts are products of Yin-Yang specialists and may well not belong to the Huang-Lao tradition.

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22

Chen, Dezhi. "Effect of Health Qigong Mawangdui Daoyinshu on Blood Pressure of Individuals with Essential Hypertension." Journal of the American Geriatrics Society 64, no. 7 (2016): 1513–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jgs.14218.

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23

Wang, Xiao-Sheng, Dan Chen, Hui Wang, et al. "Mawangdui-Type Ancient Human Cadavers in China and Strategies for Their Long-Term Preservation." Biopreservation and Biobanking 17, no. 2 (2019): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/bio.2019.0018.

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24

Peerenboom, R. P. "Heguanzi and Huang-Lao Thought." Early China 16 (1991): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003850.

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The Heguanzi, an eclectic, composite work arguably of the late Warring States to Han period, has long been associated with a school of thought known as Huang-Lao. Unfortunately, little was known about the school until the recent Mawangdui discovery of four ancient treatises commonly referred to as the Silk Manuscripts of Huang-Lao (Huang-Lao Boshu). This article examines the relation between the Heguanzi and Huang-Lao thought as represented in the Silk Manuscripts. The author argues that many of the chapters of the Heguanzi display key features of Huang-Lao thought, most notably a commitment to foundational naturalism and natural law that is first articulated in mature form in the Silk Manuscripts.

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Zhang, Yan, and Long Di Cheng. "Initial Analyses of Mashan No.1 Chu Tomb One-Piece Clothes in Jiangling." Advanced Materials Research 821-822 (September 2013): 708–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.821-822.708.

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Through the analysis of the shape structure and wearing form of Mashan No. 1 Chu-state tomb one-piece clothes in Jingzhou, Hubei, it can be discovered that the shape of Mashan No. 1 Chu-state tomb one-piece clothes is extremely wide and long; Also, the unique wearing method enables this sort of clothes to be flattened to be curving lower hem circling around body after wearing straight lower hem. This coincides completely with the wearing form lacquer painting, silk painting and wooden warriors wearing being unearthed from Chu-state tomb at the same period of time, which impacts the formation and development of curving lower hem clothes that is unearthed from Mawangdui Han tomb, belonging to Chu culture system as well.

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Kim Ae Young. "A Study of the Varient Characters between Zhangjiashan Hanjian Maishu and Mawangdui Boshu Medical books." Journal of Study on Language and Culture of Korea and China ll, no. 42 (2016): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.16874/jslckc.2016..42.001.

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Zhao, Jie, Zhe Li, Pei Zhao, and Zhong Feng Zhang. "Research on the Huxiang Culture Elements Applied in the Smoked Bamboo Furniture Design." Applied Mechanics and Materials 464 (November 2013): 450–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.464.450.

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The green environmental protection furniture products with local characteristics are increasingly attached attention.Smoked bamboo, a kind of new green material, has the potential to make furniture, and the Huxiang Culture which is rich in human and unique in its own region. The combination of these two can create new furniture. Based on design material of Smoked Bamboo, it researched how to apply Huxiang Culture elements into the design of Smoked Bamboo furniture to create new furniture with flavor of Huxiang regional culture from the three aspects of Xiangxi tujia brocade, Mawangdui lacquer ware and Xiangxi Diaojiao building. This Research in this field can vary the species of furniture products to meet the people's different needs and offer reference for other regional characteristic culture elements applied in furniture design.

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Zhao, Jie, Zhe Li, Pei Zhao, and Zhong Feng Zhang. "Study on Design of Huxiang Smoked Bamboo Furniture." Applied Mechanics and Materials 496-500 (January 2014): 2603–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.496-500.2603.

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Nowadays, furniture products with local characteristics and furniture designing based on "nature" is becoming more and more popular. Black bamboo, a kind of new green materials, has the potential of being made into furniture and the Huxiang Culture which is rich in human and unique in its own region.Aim:The combination of these two can create new furniture. Methods:Based on design material of Smoked Bamboo, the paper researches the extraction of Hunan culture element method, and sums up the principles of appling Huxiang culture elements into the design of Smoked Bamboo furniture to create new furniture with flavor of Huxiang regional culture through Xiangxi tujia brocade, Mawangdui lacquer and Xiangxi diaojiao building. Result:The exploration in this field varies the species of furniture products, and meets the people’s different needs, offering reference for other regional characteristic furniture design at the same time.

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Pirazzoli‐t'Serstevens, Michèle. "The art of dining in the han period: Food vessels from tomb no. 1 at Mawangdui." Food and Foodways 4, no. 3-4 (1991): 209–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07409710.1991.9961982.

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Waring, Luke. "What the Single Bamboo Slip Found in Mawangdui Tomb M2 Tells Us about Text and Ritual in Early China." T’oung Pao 106, no. 1-2 (2020): 56–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10612p03.

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Abstract A single bamboo slip was found at Mawangdui tomb M2 inside the passageway leading to the pit where Li Cang (d. ca. 186 BCE), the Marquis of Dai and Prime Minister of Changsha, was buried. Though almost entirely unnoticed in previous scholarship, the M2 slip has much to tell us about the overlapping textual, ritual, administrative, and funerary practices of early Western Han China. I offer a description of the slip, translations of its contents, a consideration of how it was used at the tomb site, and an analysis of what its archaeological context tells us about the use of talismans in Western Han burials. Specifically, I show that the slip originally formed part of a multi-piece tomb inventory manuscript, and that it was removed and ritually deposited inside the passageway in order to protect the tomb from robbers and malevolent spirits.

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31

Xiang, Liu. "A Research Review on the Silk Book Entitled Huangdi shu from a Han Dynasty Tomb at Mawangdui." Chinese Studies in Philosophy 20, no. 4 (1989): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csp1097-1467200472.

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32

Wen, Jiang. "To Turn Soybeans into Gold: a Case Study of Mortuary Documents from Ancient China." Bamboo and Silk 2, no. 1 (2019): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689246-00201003.

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The Eastern Han period tomb-quelling text of Zhang Shujing 張叔敬, which dates to 173 CE, confirms that living people believed the dead could use soybeans and melon seeds (huangdou guazi 黃豆瓜子) to pay taxes in the underworld. The knowledge of this only came to light with the discovery of the tablet Taiyuan Has a Dead Man (*Taiyuan you sizhe 泰原有死者), which reveals a previously unknown Qin-Han belief that the dead regarded soybeans as gold. I suggest a direct association between the above two beliefs: soybeans and melon seeds were used as substitutes for small natural gold nuggets to pay taxes in the underworld because of their resemblance in shape and color. Furthermore, a huge quantity of painted clay balls shaped like large soybeans (dashu 大菽) are recorded in the Mawangdui 馬王堆 tomb inventories (qiance 遣策), which indirectly supports this interpretation.

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Bush, Elizabeth. "At Home in Her Tomb: Lady Dai and the Ancient Chinese Treasures of Mawangdui by Christine Liu-Perkins." Bulletin of the Center for Children's Books 67, no. 9 (2014): 465–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcc.2014.0362.

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Chen, Dan, Ju-Fang Huang, Jian-Ming Chen, et al. "Autopsy and Forensic Study on a Rare Human Corpse Preserved Over Two Thousand Years: The Mawangdui Ancient Cadaver." Biopreservation and Biobanking 17, no. 2 (2019): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/bio.2019.0001.

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Huang, Chang, Jiankang Liang, Li Han, Juntian Liu, Mengyun Yu, and Baixiao Zhao. "Moxibustion in Early Chinese Medicine and Its Relation to the Origin of Meridians: A Study on the Unearthed Literatures." Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine 2017 (2017): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2017/8242136.

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Moxibustion is an integral part of Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM). It achieved higher level of recognition and had more general application in ancient times than in contemporary life. As the vital historical sources, the records of unearthed literatures offered precious insights to Chinese social life pattern and medical practice in Qin and Han dynasties (221 BC–220 AD). There was no surprise that the bamboo and silk documents excavated from Mawangdui (马王堆) tomb, Hantanpo (旱滩坡) tomb, and other relics had a large amount of texts relevant to moxibustion. This research sorted moxibustion recordings from seven unearthed literatures and discovered that moxibustion had been developed into different modalities and utilized to treat many diseases at that time. In addition, the indications, contraindications of moxibustion, and the method of postmoxibustion care were also discussed. On this basis, some hints were provided to support the hypothesis that the practice of moxibustion led to the discovery of meridians. All our preliminary results in the research have drawn attention for this old therapy and given a new source for its application in clinic and scientific research.

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Wilms, Sabine. "The Transmission of Medical Knowledge on ̒Nurturing the Fetus̓ in Early China." Asian Medicine 1, no. 2 (2005): 276–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342105777996584.

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Early and medieval Chinese medical authors produced, preserved, and transmitted medical information on ̒nurturing the fetus̓ as an important aspect of literature on ̒nurturing life̓ and ensuring the continuation of the family lineage. This article demonstrates the origin and development of a textual tradition from the Mawangdui manuscripts in the early second century BCE to early medieval formularies such as the Beiji qianjin yaofang and material found in the Japanese compendium lshimpiō. In this process, early descriptions of the month-by-month development of the fetus and corresponding instructions for the mother were preserved almost literally, but gradually supplemented with elements that reflected developments in medical theory and practice. These include correlations between months, five phases, and internal organs according to the theory of systematic correspondences; detailed descriptions of acupuncture channels and points prohibited during each month of pregnancy; medicinal formulas for the prevention and treatment of disorders of pregnancy; and, lastly, ten line drawings that depict the monthly changes in the naked body of a pregnant woman and her fetus, as well as prohibited acupuncture channels and points. Texts on ̒nurturing the fetus̓ thus show the influence of cosmology and yin-yang theory, formulary literature, acumoxa charts and prohibitions, and vessel and visceral theory, but most importantly, a growing attention to the genderspecific medical needs of female bodies in the context of ̒formulas for women.̓

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NAWA, Toshimitsu. "Proofing and Transcription of the First Half of Chapter One Zhu Shen Ji Xiong of Mawangdui Han Tomb Silk Manuscripts Yin Yang Wu Xing by piecing together." Journal of Chinese Characters 15 (June 30, 2016): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14772/cscck.2016.15.33.

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Xueqin, Li. "Basic Considerations on the Commentaries of the Silk Manuscript Book of Changes." Early China 20 (1995): 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800004545.

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The silk manuscript texts of the Yijing and Comtnentatires — “Xici” “Yi-zhiyi,” “Yao,” and “Ersanzi Wen” — though excavated more than twenty years ago were published, albeit incompletely, for the first time in 1993. The physical state and the organization of these versions of the classic and commentaries were described by Edward Shaughnessy in Early China 19 (“A First Reading of the Mawangdui Yijing Manuscript”), and it is my intention in this article to begin to explore in some depth the differences between the silk manuscript Commentaries and the received text of the Xici to determine what they tell us about our understanding of the Zhou yi tradition. Even with our partial scholarly understanding of these texts it is possible to venture some preliminary judgments on the structure of the Commentaries, on the differing content of the silk manuscript version, on the enigma of the recurring phase “Zi yue” and on the date of its composition. Three main differences can be identified: discrepancies in characters, in sentences, and in chapter sequence. Nevertheless, the structure of the silk manuscript Xici and that of the received Commentaries are largely in agreement and what differences are in evidence, such as the scattering of certain parts of the received Xici in the heretofore unknown Yizhi Yi and Yao commentaries, may be explained by Qin discrimination against ru tradition following the conquest of Chu in 278 B.C. One of the principal discoveries resulting from comparison of the excavated and received texts is the presence of numerous loan graphs in the silk manuscript text, and it is through a better understanding of the function of such loans that a satisfactory explanation of the age-old enigma of “Zi yue” that occurs frequently and in the same places in both texts may be obtained.

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Bumbacher, Stephan Peter. "Early Chinese Medical Literature: The Mawangdui Medical Manuscripts. Translation and study by Donald J. Harper. London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1998. ii, 549 pp., 17 figures." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 19, no. 1 (2002): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-01901012.

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Selbitschka, Armin. "SACRIFICE VS. SUSTENANCE: FOOD AS A BURIAL GOOD IN LATE PRE-IMPERIAL AND EARLY IMPERIAL CHINESE TOMBS AND ITS RELATION FUNERARY RITES." Early China 41 (2018): 179–243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2018.7.

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AbstractOne of the medical manuscripts recovered from Tomb No. 3 at Mawangdui (dated 186 b.c.e.) states that, “When a person is born there are two things that need not to be learned: the first is to breathe and the second is to eat.” Of course it is true that all healthy newborn human beings possess the reflexes to breathe and eat. Yet, the implications of death should have been just as obvious to the ancient Chinese. Once the human brain ceases to function, there is no longer a biological need for oxygen and nourishment. Nevertheless, a large number of people in late pre-imperial and early imperial China insisted on burying food and drink with the dead. Most modern commentators take the deposition of food and drink as burial goods to be a rather trite phenomenon that warrants little reflection. To their minds both kinds of deposits were either intended to sustain the spirit of the deceased in the hereafter or simply a sacrifice to the spirit of the deceased. Yet, a closer look at the archaeological evidence suggests otherwise. By tracking the exact location of food and drink containers in late pre-imperial and early imperial tombs and by comprehensively analyzing inscriptions on such vessels in addition to finds of actual food, the article demonstrates that reality was more complicated than this simple either/or dichotomy. Some tombs indicate that the idea of continued sustenance coincided with occasional sacrifices. Moreover, this article will introduce evidence of a third kind of sacrifice that, so far, has gone unnoticed by scholarship. Such data confirms that sacrifices to spirits other than the one of the deceased sometimes were also part of funerary rituals. By paying close attention to food and drink as burial goods the article will put forth a more nuanced understanding of early Chinese burial practices and associated notions of the afterlife.

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Lo, Vivienne. "East Asia - Donald John Harper (tr.): Early Chinese medical literature: the Mawangdui medical manuscripts. (The Sir Henry Wellcome Asian Series.) xi, 549 pp. London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1998. £85, $144.50." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 1 (2000): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0000687x.

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Moeller, Hans-Georg. "The Old Master. A Syncretic Reading of theLaozifrom Mawangdui Text A Onward. By Hongkyung Kim. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2012. vii, 310 Pp. Hardback, ISBN-10: 1438440111, ISBN-13: 978-1438440118.)." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 40, no. 1 (2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6253.12019.

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Moeller, Hans-Georg. "The Old Master. A Syncretic Reading of the Laozi from Mawangdui Text A Onward. By Hongkyung Kim. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2012. vii, 310 Pp. Hardback, ISBN-10: 1438440111, ISBN-13: 978-1438440118.)." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 40, no. 1 (2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-04001015.

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Sou, Daniel Sungbin. "The Old Master: A Syncretic Reading of the Laozi from Mawangdui Text A Onward. By Hongkyung Kim. SUNY Series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2012. Pp. vii + 310. Cloth, $75.00; paper, $26.95." Religious Studies Review 42, no. 2 (2016): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.12503.

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CHO, Yongjun. "A Research on the Shamanistic Medical Activities as Seen in the Recipes for Fifty-two Ailments (五十二病方) Written in the Mawangdui (馬王堆) Silk Manuscript". Korean Journal of Medical History 28, № 3 (2019): 755–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2019.28.755.

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Harper (夏德安), Donald. "The Zhoujiatai Occult Manuscripts (周家臺的數術簡)". Bamboo and Silk 1, № 1 (2018): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689246-00101003.

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Bamboo-slip manuscripts from Zhoujiatai tomb 30, Hubei (burial dated ca. 209 b.c.e.), provide important evidence of ancient Chinese occult manuscripts belonging to a man of modest status. One manuscript, identified as a rishu “day book” by the modern editors of the Zhoujiatai manuscripts, treats of hemerology and astrology and is the focus of this study. The bamboo slips of a calendar for years corresponding to 211–210 b.c.e. can be associated with the rishu and may have formed one manuscript unit. The contents of the rishu include two large-size diagrams related to hemerological and astro-calendrical systems. The first diagram involves calculations based on the position of the handle of the Dipper constellation and the second diagram is notable for reference to one of the years (211 b.c.e.) of the associated calendar. A third diagram, for which the title rong liri “rong calendar day [divination]” is written on the manuscript, has a slightly different form in a second occurrence on the manuscript. Both forms of the diagram show thirty lines arranged in a vertical column, corresponding to the thirty days of the ideal month, with some lines enclosed in boxes. Days of the month are counted in the sequence of lines on the diagram in order to determine the lucky and unlucky aspects of a given day. A related hemerological system is attested in a manuscript from Mawangdui tomb 3, Hunan (burial dated 168 b.c.e.), and in medieval occult manuscripts from Dunhuang. 湖北省周家臺30號墓簡(約公元前209年)提供了關於古代中國一名低級官吏所擁有的數術簡的寶貴資料。本文主要研究其中由整理者认定为《日書》的簡文及其涉及的擇日、星象等內容。同墓出土的暦譜(公元前211–210年)與《日書》相關,可能本來屬於同一卷簡冊。《日書》包括兩幅大圖,一個與擇日有關,一個與星象曆法體系有關。第一圖講基於北斗七星斗柄指向的算法,第二圖因爲涉及到暦譜記載公元前211年的內容而受到矚目。另外第三幅圖簡文記述其名曰“戎磿日”,存在兩個稍微不同的版本。兩個版本的圖都是由縱向排列的三十條橫綫構成,代表一个月的理想天数三十,並和周圍的綫條組成方框。按照圖中橫綫的順序判斷每個月中相應的那一天是否吉利。與此相關的擇日法也在湖南馬王堆3號墓(約公元前168年)與中古時期敦煌的數術文獻中出現。

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HUANG, Ruixin, Jie ZHUANG, Qichen HU, and Xianxaing SOONG. "A Study on the Body-Building Values of Daoyin Illustration in Light of Neurophysiology." Asian Journal of Physical Education & Recreation 5, no. 1 (1999): 16–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ajper.51216.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract also in Chinese.Daoyin Illustration, with 44 Daoyin postures unearthed from the Western Han Dynasty Tomb III at Mawangdui in Hunan Province, China, is the earliest body-building Illustration found by Chinese archaeologists. Other ancient Chinese sports of DaoyinShu, such as Wuqinxi, Baduanjin, Yijinjing and Taijiquan, were the results of evolution and development of Daoyin Illustration according to their dates of appearance and movements. The people in ancient times practised them, combining the movements of body and limbs with breathing and therapeutic treatment with keeping fit and motion with tranquility in order to keep the harmony between Yin and Yan. From the viewpoint of neurophysiology, the central nervous system (CNS) receives the inputs from all of the organs and tissues, which bring the information of changes in the external and internal environments. The information from contractions and stretches of muscles and tendons inputted by thicker afferent fibers can inhibit and adjust the activities of internal organs controlled by thinner nervous fibers. All inputs interact with the changes in external and internal environments and be in harmony with them. This is the process of the central integration. The value of Daoyin Illustration in building up health is to maintain the internal homeostasis through moderate movements of the body and limbs to affect the activities of the internal organs.馬王堆漢墓是我國考古發現中時代最早的健身圖譜，共有四十四個術勢。從出現年代和動作結構分析，它的導引術如五禽戲、八段錦、易筋經、太極拳等是從繼承和演化而來。古人操練這些動作是通過肢體運動與呼吸結合，治療與健身結合，動靜相結合以求陰陽平衡。從神經生理學觀點來看，中樞神經系統接受來自所有組織與器官發來的衝動，這些衝動帶來了關於外環境變化和自體機能狀態即內環境變化的信息。體表下軟組織(特別是肌肉與肌腱的收縮和牽張所引起的)由較粗神經纖維的傳入電衝動，對於較細神經纖維所支配的內臟器官的活動有某種抑制與調節作用。各種信息在中樞神經系統內相互作用，相互制約，以確定最後的反射活動，使有機體適應體內外所發生的變化，以維持有機體與環境的平衡，這就是中樞整合過程。馬王堆漢墓所體現的健身價値就在於通過適當的肢體運動以影響內臟活動，調理機體內環境的穩定平衡。

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"Waterproofing technology of the Han dynasty tomb No. 1 in Mawangdui." International Journal of Rock Mechanics and Mining Sciences & Geomechanics Abstracts 27, no. 5 (1990): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0148-9062(90)92859-d.

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"Outward Form (xing 形) and Inward Qi 氣: The “Sentimental Body” in Early Chinese Medicine". Early China 32 (2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800000080.

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What did the early Chinese medical body look like before it was inhabited by the five viscera and before canonical medical rationale was framed in terms of the five agents (wuxing 五行)? This article makes the case for a body with an outwardly visible ‘form’ (xing 形) that housed invisible qi 氣 internally. The qi contained in this body was not the universal qi and all-pervasive stuff that we encounter in later medical texts. Nor can it be limited to the ‘breath’ referred to in the context of meditation techniques, since the term referred also to a moral dimension, thoughts and feelings. In the body's upper spheres, qi took on yang 陽 qualities and was associated with feelings of grief or joy; in its lower ones, it took on yin 陰 qualities and was associated with anger. Since this body was primarily a function of emotional and moral aetiologies, it is in what follows called a ‘sentimental body’, and is contrasted with the canonical ‘body ecologic’ which was most importantly a function of the seasons.The textual material presented in this article suggests that the ‘sentimental body’ with its two yinyang spheres was an early Chinese medical body conception. From an extensive computer search that systematically compared passages on xing and qi in the Yellow Emperor's Inner Canon with texts in the early medical manuscripts from Mawangdui and Zhangjiashan, it emerged as a distinctive body. While the canonical ‘body ecologic’, framed in a pentic numerology, became prominent in medical reasoning during to the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.), the ‘sentimental body’, which alludes to yinyang cosmologies, dates to the Warring States period (475–221 B.C.E.).

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