Journal articles on the topic 'Max hamburgare'

The aim of the research was to analyze whether Hamburger strategy was effective to be used in teaching writing recount text at the first grade of MAN 4 Kediri. This research was quantitative research approach, whereas the research design used was posttest-only control-design. This research used two classes which became experimental group (X MIA 2) and control group (X MIA 1). In experimental group was taught by using Hmaburger strategy, whereas control group was taught without Hamburger strategy. The instruments used in the research was written test. The procedure lasted 6 meetings and 1 meeting to do test. The result of t-test showed that: the mean score of experimental group (M = 74.1) was higher than control group (M = 69.12), and independent-samples t-test which values of the sig. 2-tailed was 0.3% or 0.003 and 0.003 < 0,05. Thus, it could be concluded that Hamburger strategy was effective in teaching and learning of English writing recount text. This result suggests that the writing aspects which the students significantly outperformed were content, organization, vocabulary, language use, and mechanics.

Gängige Exergames, wie man sie aus dem Sport kennt, eignen sich selten für therapeutische Zwecke. Das interdisziplinäre Team eines Hamburger Entwicklungsstudios hat daher das Exergame „Mister Postman“ entwickelt, das speziell auf die Anforderung der Parkinson-Therapie zugeschnitten ist. Ein Paradebeispiel dafür, wie sich therapeutische Ansätze zielführend in der Spieleentwicklung einbringen lassen.

The role of Mycobacterium avium subsp. paratuberculosis (MAP) in Crohn's disease in humans has been debated for many years. Milk and milk products have been suggested as possible vectors for transmission since the beginning of this debate, whereas recent publications show that slaughtered cattle and their carcasses, meat, and organs can also serve as reservoirs for MAP transmission. The objective of this study was to generate heat-inactivation data for MAP during the cooking of hamburger patties. Hamburger patties of lean ground beef weighing 70 and 50 g were cooked for 6, 5, 4, 3, and 2 min, which were sterilized by irradiation and spiked with three different MAP strains at levels between 102 and 106 CFU/ml. Single-sided cooking with one flip was applied, and the temperatures within the patties were recorded by seven thermocouples. Counting of the surviving bacteria was performed by direct plating onto Herrold's egg yolk medium and a three-vial most-probable-number method by using modified Dubos medium. There was considerable variability in temperature throughout the patties during frying. In addition, the log reduction in MAP numbers showed strong variations. In patties weighing 70 g, considerable bacterial reduction of 4 log or larger could only be achieved after 6 min of cooking. For all other cooking times, the bacterial reduction was less than 2 log. Patties weighing 50 g showed a 5-log or larger reduction after cooking times of 5 and 6 min. To determine the inactivation kinetics, a log-linear regression model was used, showing a constant decrease of MAP numbers over cooking time.

Am 12. und 13. Februar fanden zum 18. Mal die Hamburger Logistiktage statt. Im Cruise Center Altona boten die Veranstalter Jörg Hermsmeier und Dirk Lange (LMS/HLT) mit ihrem Event wieder eine Plattform für Informationen und Austausch. Unter dem Motto „Was bewegt die Logistik?“ wurden Erfolgsbeispiele, Zukunftstrends und Visionen in hochkarätigen Vorträgen und interessanten Gesprächen erörtert.

ABSTRACT Unravelling the three-dimensional physical structure, the temperature and density distribution, of protoplanetary discs is an essential step if we are to confront simulations of embedded planets or dynamical instabilities. In this paper, we focus on submillimeter array observations of the edge-on source, Gomez’s Hamburger, believed to host an overdensity hypothesized to be a product of gravitational instability in the disc, GoHam b. We demonstrate that, by leveraging the well-characterized rotation of a Keplerian disc to deproject observations of molecular lines in position-position-velocity space into disc-centric coordinates, we are able to map out the emission distribution in the $(r,\, z)$ plane and ($x,\, |y|,\, z)$ space. We show that 12CO traces an elevated layer of $z\, /\, r \sim 0.3$, while 13CO traces deeper in the disc at $z\, /\, r \lesssim 0.2$. We identify an azimuthal asymmetry in the deprojected 13CO emission coincident with GoHam b at a polar angle of ≈30○. At the spatial resolution of ∼1.5 arcsec, GoHam b is spatially unresolved, with an upper limit to its radius of <190 au.

Für die Einkäufer der Kliniken werden einheitliche Umweltinformationen für medizinische Geräte immer wichtiger. „Ökologische Produktinformationen zeigen einen großen Teil der Folgekosten auf, zum Beispiel was den Energieverbrauch oder die Verschleißteile betrifft“, sagt Nikolaus Mohr, Leiter der Medizintechnik am Hamburger Kinderkrankenhaus Wilhelmstift. Die meis­ten Daten sind bei den Anbietern auch vorhanden. Nur nutzt es wenig, wenn man sie nicht auf einen Blick vergleichen kann. „Dabei sind Umweltdaten und deren Kosten eine wichtige Entscheidungshilfe beim Kauf eines neuen Geräts“, sagt Mohr.

This article highlights about getting more out of information technology, from online services to digital databases, in order to make plants more flexible, to improve product development, or to let people at far-flung sites cooperate more closely. There are industry-led groups namely the Consortium for Advanced Manufacturing-International, which has an office in Bedford, TX, and Intelligent Manufacturing Systems, headquartered in Tokyo. These organizations address concerns ranging from budgeting to the best practices for designing a plant floor. The Consortium for Advanced Manufacturing and Intelligent Manufacturing Systems support a research initiative called Next Generation Manufacturing Systems (NIST). NIST also operates the Manufacturing Engineering Laboratory, where a variety of projects are being run. In another part of NIST—the physics lab, to be specific—Marc Desrosiers, a research chemist, has led an effort to cut the time and cost of certifying the calibration of irradiation equipment, which can be used to cure materials and coatings, or to kill bacteria on products ranging from medical devices to hamburger.

Zusammenfassung Die Innsbrucker Kinderklinik zog erst 1901 unter ihrem ersten Vorstand Johann Loos in eigenständige Räumlichkeiten; entsprechend prägte Aufbauarbeit die folgenden Jahrzehnte. Auch Loos’ Nachfolger Richard Priesel, vormals Schüler zunächst Pirquets und später Hamburgers an der Wiener Kinderklinik, leitete die junge Kinderklinik ab 1935 unter großen organisatorischen und finanziellen Mühen. Der Zweite Weltkrieg verbesserte diese Situation sicherlich nicht. Inwieweit die gemeinsamen Wurzeln an der Wiener Kinderklinik Hans Asperger bei der Berufung als Priesels Nachfolger unterstützten, bleibt unklar. Jedenfalls trat Asperger 1957 als Letztgereihter im Berufungsvorschlag die Nachfolge an. Die Quellenlage für Aspergers fünf Innsbrucker Jahre ist bis auf wenige Unterlagen knapp. Eine systematische Betrachtung steht noch aus, wofür dieser Beitrag hoffentlich einen Anstoß geben mag.

The Big Mac Index is a tool that makes exchange-rate theory more palatable. In recent years the Big Mac Index has been used as a practical way to determine the over- or under-valued international currencies according to the theory of Purchasing Power Parity. The theory uses the Big Mac as a tradable single-good basket to equalize the Dollar-value of the hamburger around the world through arbitrage. The enormous popularity of the Big Mac Index arose the questions of how effective the Big Mac price is as an indicator of income level and how accurate the exchange rate movement predictions are based on the Big Mac prices over time? The statistical analysis of this paper is implemented using data from 2013 to 2020 from The Economist and from the World Bank for 42 countries. US Dollar, Euro, British Pound, Chinese Yuan, and Japanese Yen are used as base currencies to track the dynamics of stability and convergence. As a qualitative indicator of movement in the nominal exchange rate, however, there is no significant difference in countries of different income levels and economic stability. The Big Mac Index estimation consists with previous studies in convergence for countries with high income level. Contradictory to previous studies, the Big Mac Index estimation tends to fluctuate for currency in country with high income level like US Dollar only in 2020. The stability of Big Mac Index dynamics from 2013 to 2020 holds for the rest of the other four currencies.

The Economist magazine has been publishing the Big Mac Index using it as a rule of thumb to determine the over- or under-valuation of international currencies based on the theory of Purchasing Power Parity since 1986. According to the theory, using the Big Mac as a tradable single-good basket, the Dollar-value of the hamburger should be equalized around the world due to arbitrage. The popularity and following of the Big Mac Index led the authors to the following two questions: 1) How effective is the Big Mac price as an indicator of overall inflation? and 2) how accurate are exchange rate movement predictions based on Big Mac prices? They find that Big Mac prices tend to lag overall inflation rates, which is highly important in studies that use Big Mac prices as measures of affordability or real incomes over time. As a guide to exchange rate movements, there is support for the theory of Purchasing Power Parity, but only as a qualitative indicator of movement in the nominal exchange rate in rich and economically stable countries, proving less effective in forecasting exchange rate movements in emerging markets. The statistical analysis is carried out using data from 1986 to 2012 from The Economist and from the World Bank for 54 countries. The importance of these findings lies on the widespread use of the index and thus perpetuation of perceptions on the relative value of currencies in the areas of corporate finance, international trade and finance, and international business.

Am 26. Juni 2009 unterzeichneten namhafte deutsche Verlage die „Hamburger Erklärung zum Schutz geistigen Eigentums“, mit der die Schaffung einer gesetzlichen Grundlage für ein Leistungsschutzrecht der Verlage gefordert wird. Kurz nach Veröffentlichung hatten sich bereits 166 europäische Verlage dieser Erklärung angeschlossen. Am 9. Juli wurde das als wegweisend bezeichnete Dokument vom Europäischen Verlegerrat (European Publishers Council, EPC) der EU-Kommission überreicht. Die Erklärung zeigte Wirkung – im Koalitionsvertrag der neuen Bundesregierung steht geschrieben: „Verlage sollen im Online-Bereich nicht schlechter gestellt sein als andere Werkvermittler. Wir streben deshalb die Schaffung eines Leistungsschutzrechts für Presseverlage zur Verbesserung des Schutzes von Presseerzeugnissen im Internet an.“ So einleuchtend und logisch die Forderung erscheinen mag, hat sie doch zu einer heftigen Gegenbewegung und Polarisierung geführt. Der Tenor diesbezüglicher Äußerungen gipfelt in dem Vorwurf, die Verlage versuchten sich den Mangel an Fantasie bei der digitalen Vermarktung ihrer Inhalte vom Gesetzgeber kompensieren zu lassen.

Fragestellung: Die Arbeit untersucht, ob sich alkoholabhängige Klienten, die zusätzlich zur ambulanten Betreuung in der professionellen Suchthilfe Selbsthilfegruppen aufsuchen, von solchen Klienten unterscheiden, die das nicht tun. Methodik: Es wurde ein Datensatz der Hamburger Basisdatendokumentation der ambulanten Suchthilfe (BADO) – die eine zeitliche Verlaufsbetrachtung ermöglicht – analysiert. Ergebnisse: Klienten, die neben der ambulanten Suchthilfe an Selbsthilfegruppen teilnehmen, sind sowohl zu Beginn als auch zu Ende der Betreuungsepisode häufiger abstinent. Obwohl sie über günstigere psychosoziale Ressourcen als solche Klienten verfügen, die das nicht tun, berichten sie häufiger über traumatische sexuelle Gewalterfahrungen. An Selbsthilfegruppen teilnehmende Klienten leiden seltener unter Schlafstörungen. Alkoholabhängige in der ambulanten Suchthilfe, die über einen längeren Zeitraum hinweg Selbsthilfegruppen aufgesucht haben, leiden schließlich seltener unter Leberschäden. Schlussfolgerung: Alkoholklienten, die neben ihrer ambulanten Betreuung Selbsthilfegruppen aufsuchen, weisen mehr Ressourcen und einen besseren Verlauf auf. Dies mag auf Wirkungen der Selbsthilfegruppe als ergänzende Hilfe oder auf Selektionseffekte zurückgehen.

The inhibiting effect of Ca on non-haem-Fe absorption is well established. Presentstudies showed that Ca inhibited haem-Fe absorption to the same extent when the same amount of Ca (165 mg Ca as CaCl2) was added to a meal. Attempts were made to examine the mechanism for this inhibition in the present studies. Meat is the only known dietary factor influencing haem-Fe absorption. The present studies were designed to examine whether Ca interfered with the enhancing effect of meat on haem-Fe absorption. We found that the inhibition was the same whether biosynthetically radio-Fe-labelled haemoglobin wasgiven in meals with or without meat. The haem-Fe absorption ratio with: without added Cawas 0.59 (SE 0.07) when Ca was added to a hamburger meal, and 0.052 (se 0.03) when added to a wheat roll. These values were not significantly different (t 0.95; P = 0.35). The inhibition of haem-Fe absorption by Ca is, thus, a direct effect on theabsorption of haem-Fe and not an indirect counteracting effect of the well-known enhancing effect of meat on haem-Fe absorption. Control studies were conducted to ensure that haem-Fe had not been degraded to non-haem-Fe during preparation of the foods. Since Ca inhibits the absorption of haem- and non-haem-Fe to the same extent, the present results strongly suggest that Ca interferes with the transport of Fe through the mucosal cell, andata late stage, is common for haemand non-haem-Fe transport. The observations that Ca strongly interferes with the absorption of both haem- and non-haem-Fe have important nutritionalimplications.

In understanding decreases in demand after exposure to media-induced food scares, aggregate data are almost exclusively presented without taking into consideration potential confounding variables. However, a better approach may be to use an experimental design coupled with targeting homogeneous willingness-to-pay (WTP) subgroups based on similarities in behavioral, psychological, and demographic characteristics of those who are most vulnerable to food scare information. This is accomplished through experimental economics and an analysis strategy called a classification and regression tree (CART). A stigma framework—which guides conceptual understanding of effects of media-induced food scares—suggests controlling contextual variables to better approximate ceteris paribus. To this end, we conducted an experiment that exposed people to information about mad cow disease and then asked them to bid their willingness-to-pay for an actual hamburger. The CART found distinct homogeneous WTP subgroups of individuals that could be used by government and industry professionals to create interventions to reduce potential consumer concern and producer losses.

AbstractClassically, Nevanlinna showed that functions from the complex upper half plane into itself which satisfy nice asymptotic conditions are parametrized by finite measures on the real line. Furthermore, the higher order asymptotic behaviour at infinity of a map from the complex upper half plane into itself is governed by the existence of moments of its representing measure, which was the key to his solution of the Hamburger moment problem. Agler and McCarthy showed that an analogue of the above correspondence holds between a Pick function f of two variables, an analytic function which maps the product of two upper half planes into the upper half plane, and moment-like quantities arising from an operator theoretic representation for f. We apply their ‘moment’ theory to show that there is a fine hierarchy of levels of regularity at infinity for Pick functions in two variables, given by the Löwner classes and intermediate Löwner classes of order N, which can be exhibited in terms of certain formulae akin to the Julia quotient.

‘Dog-whistle politics’ was much discussed around the 2001 federal election campaign in which the Howard government used the ‘ Tampa crisis’ and September 11 to appeal successfully to popular xenophobia and insecurities. The notion involves sending a sharp message which, like a dog whistle inaudible to humans, calls clearly to those intended, and goes unheard by others. This article argues that this sort of ideological manoeuvre has been abetted by an analogous process in the tabloid press, in which ostensibly liberal, reasonable stories speak at the ‘inaudible’ level to those whose insecurity and ignorance leaves them susceptible to populist claims that their relaxed and comfortable past has been stolen away by cosmopolitan, ‘politically correct’ elites and the ‘multicultural industry’. Three examples are analysed: the stories of the women's gym and the halal hamburgers in Western Sydney, and that of the Muslim man threatened with dismissal from his Sydney North Shore professional job for praying in his lunch hour. Each was originally run as a ‘good news story’ or as sympathetic to Muslim protagonists, but provoked a backlash which generated extended ‘news’ and comment — much of it racist — and irresponsibly exacerbating community tensions.

An experimental system was devised to study the mechanisms by which cells become committed to the cardiac myocyte lineage during avian development. Chick tissues from outside the fate map of the heart (in the posterior primitive streak (PPS) of a Hamburger & Hamilton stage 4 embryo) were combined with potential inducing tissues from quail embryos and cultured in vitro. Species-specific RT-PCR was employed to detect the appearance of the cardiac muscle markers chick Nkx-2.5 (cNkx-2.5), cardiac troponin C and ventricular myosin heavy chain in the chick responder tissues. Using this procedure, we found that stage 4–5 anterior lateral (AL) endoderm and anterior central (AC) mesendoderm, but not AL mesoderm or posterior lateral mesendoderm, induced cells of the PPS to differentiate as cardiac myocytes. Induction of cardiogenesis was accompanied by a marked decrease in the expression of rho-globin, implying that PPS cells were being induced by anterior endoderm to become cardiac myocytes instead of blood-forming tissue. These results suggest that anterior endoderm contains signaling molecules that can induce cardiac myocyte specification of early primitive streak cells. One of the cardiac muscle markers induced by anterior endoderm, cNkx-2.5, is here described for the first time. cNkx-2.5 is a chick homeobox-containing gene that shares extensive sequence similarity with the Drosophila gene tinman, which is required for Drosophila heart formation. The mesodermal component of cNkx-2.5 expression from stage 5 onward, as determined by in situ hybridization, is strikingly in accord with the fate map of the avian heart. By the time the myocardium and endocardium form distinct layers, cNkx-2.5 is found only in the myocardium. cNkx-2.5 thus appears to be the earliest described marker of avian mesoderm fated to give rise to cardiac muscle.

Managerial cultural values are of pertinent importance for businesses in multinational companies as it determines a nation's managerial philosophy and helps in establishing cross cultural working relationship. Rokeach (1973) has linked individuals' cultural values, and personality with social behavior and attitudes. Rokeach values consist of two sets of values: terminal values which are end-state values and instrumental values which deal with modes of conduct. In recent years, there have been several studies linking Big Five Personality Types: Agreeableness, Consciousness, Neuroticism, Extraversion, and Openness-to-Experience with social network behavior (see, Hughes et al., 2012, Ryan and Xenos, 2011; Amichai-Hamburger and7 Vinitzky, 2009; Jensen et al., 2009). This study has attempted to establish interrelationships between Rockeach Cultural values, personality and social network behavior through an exploratory study. Since the two largest stake holders of companies, the employees and the customers (or potential customers) are both expected to be using some of the popular social network sites in their personal and work life as well as for selling-purchasing, this study would be an attempt to suggest a model to map the personalities and cultural values of the employees (customers) from their SNS behavior, which will be a useful for establishing better customer and employee relationship. The questionnaire comprised of items related to online SN behavior, Big-Five inventory and Rockeach value survey. The sample consisted of 158 employees at managerial positions in three multinational companies at the age group of 20-50. Findings have been thoroughly discussed in terms of evolving role of social media in the current global organizations.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Landmarks play an important role in navigation especially when people in the familiar and unfamiliar environment. These landmarks are usually used for expressing their spatial knowledge. This prior knowledge is related to the spatial familiarity that the spatial knowledge is acquired by individuals as a function of their experience in the environment (Gale et al., 1990). Individuals prefers to take into highly account their familiar route within the environment. Furthermore, the route descriptions include the differed types of landmarks in familiar/unfamiliar routes (Lovelace et al., 1999). The user’s level of spatial familiarity for people is a key factor of how they navigate in the environment (Savage et al., 2012). In human navigation or wayfinding, the dependency on familiar landmarks is the highest priority (Golledge, 2003).</p><p>Landmarks are more distinguishably salient and prominent than the another spatial features (Sorrows and Hirtle, 1999). Therefore, the landmark salience refers to how easily this prominent spatial feature can be regarded as a landmark (Raubal and Winter, 2002). The landmark salience mainly divided into visual, structural (important location), and cognitive (semantic). Visual salience refers to the visual characteristics of spatial features such as color contrast with surroundings. Some visual characteristics include facade areas, shapes, colors and other properties. Semantic salience refers to the spatial knowledge related features such as a cultural importance of building. Structural salience refers to the spatial features play an important role in the structure of the spatial environment.</p><p>The level of spatial knowledge of the individual also an important factor in landmark selection (Nuhn and Timpf, 2018). Hamburger and Röser (2014) investigated landmark semantics and showed that famous buildings were better recognized than unfamiliar ones. Quesnot and Roche (2015) found that the familiar individuals prefer the semantic landmarks in environment while the unfamiliar individuals prefer the landmark with the prominent visual and structural. In contrast, people unfamiliar with an environment prefer landmarks with outstanding visual and structural characteristics.</p><p>The existing literature studies the method that landmark indicators to be considered are not comprehensive while can’t reflect on the landmark characteristics. The reason is that the method of calculation and extraction for landmarks can’t conform the individual preference needs of navigation. Compared with the traditional subjective evaluation method, the eye-tracking method provide objectivity and reliability. For example, a mobile eye tracking system was used by Kiefer et al. (2014) to investigate the process of self-localization. They discovered that test persons directed their attention longer on landmarks on the map and aligned them with objects in the surroundings during successful localization of their own position. Schwarzkopf et al. (2013) used fixed and mobile eye tracking devices to study that participates selected the navigation landmarks in the virtual environment and the real-world of the airport. In general, there are an only limited number of works related to the influence of spatial familiarity on landmark by using eye tracking method.</p><p>At present, many navigation systems are providing users with route directions under different travel modes. These navigation systems have the "distance-to-turn" method in route directions, however the landmark knowledge has not been conformed to user's habits and spatial cognitive in wayfinding. In order to solve these problems, this paper aims to study the characteristics of the user’s spatial familiarity and landmark salience evaluation method in navigation. The following questions are addressed in this study: 1) What’s the relationship between the spatial familiarity with the landmark selection in navigation for individuals? 2) What is the quantitative evaluation model to connect between the spatial familiarity with the landmark salience by using the eye-tracking data?</p><p>In our experiments, we will use eye tracking to explore the influence of spatial familiarity on landmark salience. The experimental path is part of the campus area of Nanjing Normal University. The subjects are divided into novice students and senior students from Nanjing Normal University as unfamiliar and familiar groups respectively. The procedures are divided into two parts, namely, the subjects should walk the experimental path within the fixation time and then they are asked to wear VR eye tracking module a Glass DK II special for HTC view (China; https://www.7invensun.com/) to do three types of tasks about landmark picture with the characteristics of visual, semantic and structural. With this research, we expect to establish a landmark salience evaluation method through eye movement data and analyse the landmark selection rules of groups with different spatial familiarity. It is helpful to design the pedestrian navigation system based on landmarks, improve the pertinence and reliability of navigation services and reduce the cognitive load for users.</p>

Wie digitalisiert man seine Kundenschnittstelle? Hierzu muss man wissen, wo sich die eigenen Konsumenten medial überhaupt bewegen. Aktuelle Studien zeigen, dass Internetnutzung heute zum größten Teil am Smartphone und innerhalb von Apps stattfindet. Die Hamburger endios GmbH holt die Endkunden von Stadtwerken mit ihrer neuen App „endios one“ genau dort ab.

The aim of this work was to study the effect of a selected lactic acid bacteria formulation on the microbiological characteristics and colour of beef hamburgers stored at different temperatures. All hamburgers were evaluated on day-0, day-1, day-3, and day-5 for the following microbiological parameters (Staphylococcusspp., enterococci, Lactococcusspp., Lactobacillusspp., total mesophilic aerobes, Pseudomonasspp., total coliforms) according to standard methods and for colorimetric measurements performed with Colorimeter - Digital Color Picker for iOS 10, under a 6500K light, with the CIELab system. All data (geometric mean for microbiological data) were elaborated with GraphPad InStat, 3.0b and GraphPad Prism 6.0d for Mac OS X. Two-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) followed by the Tukey's multiple comparisons test was performed. The analysis of the colour proved that the addition of LAB does not affect the natural colour of ground meat, avoiding the risk of hiding the spoilage or fastening it. The addition of the starter has preserved the colour stability throughout the preservation period, with the same behaviour both in the hamburgers stored at 4 °C and in those at 10 °C after thermal abuse or not. In conclusion, the application of the proposed LAB formulation maintains hamburgers quality standards and can be a potential tool to increase their shelf-life.

1000 Insektenhotels haben Vertreter der Papierfabrik Spremberg (Hamburger Containerboard) und des Wellpappenwerks Spremberg (Dunapack Packaging), am 10. Mai 2021, an die Stadtverwaltung Spremberg übergeben. Die aus Wellpappe gefertigten Insektenhotels werden an soziale Einrichtungen, Vereine, Schulen und Kindereinrichtungen im Stadtgebiet Spremberg und darüber hinaus weitergereicht.

Shaped text in the Byzantine context has recently received considerable attention from scholars. Yet decorative, non-figural shaped texts remain relatively unexplored. Drawing on the works of Jeffrey Hamburger and Ivan Drpić, this article analyzes an instance of a decorative-shaped text in the catena of the Middle-Byzantine manuscript known as Laur. Cod. Plut. 5.9. This paper argues that the shaped text bore a significant purpose and a theological meaning for its producer, Niketas. Far from being merely decorative, the shaped text featured as its own distinct medium and functioned as a soteriological mediator between man and God.

Este trabalho discute a relação realidade/ficção atuante no sujeito lírico em três momentos da literatura. Primeiramente, abordamos a semelhança do eu da subjetividade romântica ao eu empírico do poeta (GOETHE, 2017; HEGEL, 2004; 2009). Em seguida, analisamos o desvencilhar-se da poesia moderna do ego em dissolução, transmutando-se em criação ficcional e autônoma de linguagem (FRIEDRICH, 1978; HAMBURGUER, 1986). Por fim, trazemos algumas tendências críticas mais recentes (COMBE, 2010; DE MAN, 2012; PUCHEU, 2014; SCARANO, 1997) que ampliam os horizontes críticos com base em um sujeito lírico contemporâneo de estatuto duplo inscrito nas fronteiras indiscerníveis da realidade e da ficção. Palavras-chave: Realidade. Ficção. Sujeito lírico. Teorias literárias.

Zusammenfassung Ziel der Studie Bisher mangelt es an Studie zur Inanspruchnahme von Gesundheitsleistungen bei Obdachlosen. Deshalb zielt diese Arbeit darauf ab, die Inanspruchnahme von Gesundheitsleistungen bei Obdachlosen zu beschreiben. Methodik Die Daten für diese Arbeit stammen aus der Hamburger Obdachlosenbefragung (n=150, mittleres Alter 44,6 Jahre (SD: 12,5 Jahre)), die zwischen dem 25. Mai und dem 3. Juni 2020 in Hamburg durchgeführt wurde. Die Inanspruchnahme von Gesundheitsleistungen wurde im Detail erfasst (u. a., Krankenversichertenstatus, Inanspruchnahme ambulanter und stationärer Leistungen, Medikamenteneinnahme, Gründe für fehlende Inanspruchnahme von Gesundheitsleistungen). Ergebnisse Insgesamt hatten 61,2% der Obdachlosen eine Gesundheitskarte. Ungefähr zwei Drittel (65,9%) der Obdachlosen hatten in den letzten 12 Monaten irgendeine medizinische Leistung in Anspruch genommen. Wesentlicher Grund für eine Nicht-Inanspruchnahme war der fehlende Bedarf (74,6%). Insgesamt waren 39,8% in den letzten 12 Monaten mindestens einmal im Krankenhaus. Mobile Hilfen haben in den letzten 12 Monaten gut ein Drittel der Obdachlosen (34,2%) in Anspruch genommen (primär das Krankenmobil, weniger das Zahnmobil sowie das ArztMobil Hamburg). Insgesamt haben ca. 37,7% der Obdachlosen Medikamente regelmäßig eingenommen. Schwierigkeiten bei dem Zugang zu Medikamenten begründeten sich primär über zu hohe Preise (63,6%). Knapp die Hälfte der Obdachlosen (47,0%) hatte in den letzten 3 Monaten keinen Arzt in Anspruch genommen. Schlussfolgerung Unsere Arbeit hat die Inanspruchnahme von Gesundheitsleistungen bei Obdachlosen beschrieben. Es bedarf weiterer Anstrengungen, um die sich daraus ergebenden Herausforderungen (z. B. im Zugang zu medizinischen Leistungen) anzugehen. Weitere Forschungen in diesem Bereich sind daher unerlässlich.

In one of Tim Beck's recent articles, he tells the story of David, a 37-year-old man hospitalized with a diagnosis of schizophrenia. David's symptoms are severe, and traditional therapeutic approaches have so far been unsuccessful. Some days it's a challenge for him to even engage in a conversation. One day, his therapist asks him what activity he liked most in the past. “McDonald's,” he replies. “I've always enjoyed going to McDonald's for a hamburger.” The therapist proposes that they walk over to the hospital restaurant. On arrival, without explanation, a miraculous transformation occurs. Suddenly, David is alert to his surroundings, able to cheerfully complete the transaction at the cash register and even to joke with the cashier before taking his food.

AbstractCompetitive and speed eating by now constitute a mainstay in contemporary food culture. This paper outlines an emergent consumptive trend that radiates through Furious Pete’s, a popular professional speed eater, postcolonial omnivorous ethos that is tagged ‘limeating’, denoting eating to the limit or eating the limit. By drawing on the key distinction between drives and desire, I argue that the cultural phenomenon of limeating eludes and at the same time buttresses consumptive desire, while inviting the limeater’s audience to a regressive path to unbound orality, coupled with an indiscriminate will-to-introjection. Furious Pete is shown to be instituting a new hamburger standard that, contrary to the established Big Mac Index, does not concern the relative pricing of Big Macs across cultures, but the annihilation of differentially valorized gastronomic offerings in the face of cannibalistic drives.

Abstract Background Families to eat out frequently use shopping centres and, there is evidence that children's menus are poor nutritional quality. Obesity rates have increased all over the world, and it has been associated to the observed out of home food consumption. This study aimed to characterise children's menus in shopping center restaurants in Portugal, Hungary and Croatia, as a preliminary study to further develop strategies to intervene. Methods An observational cross-sectional study was carried out in shopping centres in Portugal, Hungary and Croatia. Only the ones providing a children's menu were selected. Data collection tool was developed by the research team, consisting of a three-section form to identify and characterise the restaurant and analyses the quality of children's menu. Results Researcher visited 295 restaurants, from which only 69 provided a children's menu. From these 12 restaurants offered gifts associated with it. The most frequently featured items on the menu were hamburgers (22%), grilled or fried chicken (19%), nuggets (17%) and pizza (12%). Potato chips were the most frequent side dish option (33%). Only 11 restaurants offered vegetable soup or vegetables. Although water was available, a variety of soft drinks and sugary fruit juices were also options. Sweet dessert is a common part of the menu. Nutritional information is present in only 13% of the menus. Menu prices do not differ much, Portugal having the higher average (x ̅ = €5.35±1.45). Hungary had the lower average (x ̅ = €4.30±1.50) and Croatia the lowest range (min=€3.00, max=€7.40). Conclusions Children's menu options have poor quality. Shifting foods offered to children in restaurants has the potential to improve diet quality, reduce excess energy intake and promote healthy eating habits. Key messages European strategies are needed to promote children healthy food environment. Following aim is to develop and test balanced menus for children among food chains.

Gesine Mierke (Chemnitz), Zum Aufbruch der Frühmittelaltergermanistik ... 9 Danièle James-Raoul (Bordeaux), La poétique du premier monologue amoureux de Lavine: éléments de versification (Énéas, v. 8082–8334) ........... 37 Selena Rhinisperger (Zürich), Erzählend erinnern. Erzählen als performativer Akt in der Crône Heinrichs von dem Türlin ........................... 63 Matthias Bürgel (Venedig), »Se voues nous volés oïr et entendre, nous vos mosterrons par droite raison […] que vostre lois est noiens«. Franz von Assisi als Prediger vor Malik al-Kamil ................................ 87 Susanne Schul (Kassel), Dye lewynne stalte groß iamer. Prozesse der Emotionalisierung zwischen Tieren und Menschen im spätmittelalterlichen Prosaepos Herzog Herpin ................................................ 123 Florian Mehltretter (München), Herrscherlob als schöne Kunst betrachtet. Überlegungen zu Boiardo, Ariost und Josquin Desprez ................. 159 Steffen Schneider (Graz), Urteil und Komödie in der italienischen Renaissance und in Giordano Brunos Candelaio. .................................. 181 Christian Seebald (Köln), Vom Adamsspiel zur Adamsoper. Zu den Übergängen zwischen mittelalterlichem geistlichen Spiel und frühem deutschen Musiktheater am Beispiel der Hamburger Oper ........................ 205 Carmen Rivero (Münster), »Lope, Réactionnaire ou révolutionnaire ?« Fuenteovejuna face à l’Institution de la réligion chrétienne ................... 227 Jan-Henrik Witthaus (Kassel), Provecho e interés. El pensamiento económico entre las narrativas picarescas y la Ilustración. Aproximación a una historia conceptual continuada desde el Siglo de Oro hasta la Ilustración ......... 243 Stefan Schreckenberg (Paderborn), Das ›Goldene Zeitalter‹ im modernen Spanien. Zur Wirkmächtigkeit und Problematik eines kulturellen und literarischen Kanons ...................................................... 255 Mirjam Haas (Mainz) und Leonie Kirchhoff (Tübingen), Genre Maketh Dog?, Francis Coventry’s Pompey the Little and Virginia Woolf’s Flush ......... 277 Angelika Zirker (Tübingen), Huckleberry Finn: Aktuelle Zensur eines Klassikers?. ............................................................. 299 Nicolas Detering (Bern), Heroischer Fatalismus. Denkfiguren des ›Durchhaltens‹ von Nietzsche bis Seghers ...................................... 317 Max Graff (Heidelberg), Stimmungen, Spannungen, Visionen. Beobachtungen zur Kriegslyrik Wilhelm Klemms ..................................... 339 Eduard R. Müller (Seelisberg, CH), Bajla Gelblung und Johannes Bobrowskis Gedicht BERICHT. ................................................ 373 Carsten Dutt (Notre Dame, USA), Phantasmatisches Erinnern als Dimension lyrischer Memoria. Zur Meditationsfunktion eines Gedichts von Günter Eich .............................................................. 389 BUCHBESPRECHUNGEN

Die Idee zu diesem Heft ist im Rahmen von Traumseminaren entstanden, die vom Sommersemester 2015 bis Sommersemester 2016 unter der Leitung von Ralf Binswanger am Psychoanalytischen Seminar Zürich durchgeführt wurden. Eine Gruppe von Kursteilnehmer_innen konnte den Kursleiter davon überzeugen, die dort stattfindende Arbeit mit Träumen zu dokumentieren und somit zu tradieren. Ein wichtiges Anliegen war dabei, auch künftige Generationen von PSZ-Teilnehmer_innen für die Durchführung von Traumseminaren zu motivieren und ihnen ein Grundlagenwissen über die dafür notwendigen «Werkzeuge» zu vermitteln. Im Verlauf entwickelte sich die Idee, eine ganze Journal-Nummer zur klinischen Arbeit mit Träumen zu gestalten. Das Ergebnis dieser Bemühungen liegt nun mit diesem Heft vor. Begleitet wurde das Projekt von der Journal-Redaktion, die der Idee gegenüber offen und interessiert war und das Vorhaben tatkräftig unterstützte. Dafür danken wir herzlich.Seit seiner Gründung waren am PSZ immer wieder Traumseminare angeboten worden, zunächst von Fritz Morgenthaler, später von Ralf Binswanger, Reimut Reiche, Maria Steiner Fahrni, Regula Weiss und Regula Schiess, teilweise über mehrere Semester hinweg. Wie Gespräche mit den an den Traumseminaren teilnehmenden Psychoanalytiker_innen zeigten, wurde die in einer Gruppe stattfindende Auseinandersetzung mit von Patient_innen stammenden Träumen immer wieder als grosse Bereicherung für die eigene Arbeit erlebt. Doch leider sind die Hemmungen vieler Analytiker_innen, selbst Traumseminare zu leiten, gross. Dass dies nicht so sein müsste, zeigte sich zum Beispiel in Ralf Binswangers Seminar«Traumseminare leiten» beim Kongress zum zwanzigsten Todestag von Fritz Morgenthaler 2005 in Zürich. Dort erlebten zwei Teilnehmer_innen eindrücklich, wie sie in der Leiter_innenrolle auf Anhieb mit einer ihr fremden Gruppe erfolgreich eigene Hypothesen entwickeln und einbringen konnten. Wir hoffen, mit dieser Ausgabe des Journal für Psychoanalyse weiteren Analytiker_innen Mut zu machen, Traumseminare anzubieten und zu leiten.Der Band enthält Beiträge von Psychonalytiker_innen des PSZ und seines Umfeldes sowie von weiteren mit Träumen arbeitenden Autor_innen aus dem In- und Ausland. Wichtig war uns, ein breites Spektrum an Möglichkeiten abzubilden um aufzuzeigen, wie klinisch tätige Psychoanalytiker_innen mit Träumen arbeiten. Das Heft wird eröffnet mit dem Text von Andreas Hamburger, welcher Morgenthalers Zugang zum Traum in einen grösseren historischen Zusammenhang stellt. Beginnend mit den Wegen und Irrwegen von Freud selber zeichnet er die Entwicklung der Auffassungen zum Traum von einem Einpersonen- zu einem Zweipersonenkonzept facettenreich nach. Dabei gelingt es ihm, die Verdienste und die problematischen Seiten der historischen Beiträge in konstruktiv-kritischer Weise zu einem roten Faden zu spinnen, der u. a. über das Werk von Thea Bauriedl zu einer beziehungsanalytischen Auffassung der Traumbearbeitung führt. Dadurch erschliesst sich scheinbar wie von selbst der Zusammenhang von Morgenthalers Ansatz mit wichtigen historischen Entwicklungen der Psychoanalyse.Der Beitrag von Michael Ermann (später im Heft) hebt insbesondere die Arbeit mit Patient_innen hervor, die frühe Störungen und strukturelle Defizite aufweisen. Deren Träume würden die Affektivität und das Befinden unverhüllt zum Ausdruck bringen, weshalb sie keiner weiteren Interpretation bedürften. Damit entfiele auch die Trennung zwischen manifestem und latentem Traum, wie sie Freud bei der Entwicklung seiner Traumtheorien anhand neurotischer Patient_innen für wesentlich hielt.Die Auffassung Ermanns hat eine Analogie zu Freuds Auffassung von Kinderträumen, bei denen die Wunscherfüllung unverhüllt zum Ausdruck käme. Hans Hopf bringt diesbezüglich eine neue Perspektive ein, indem er unter anderem auf die frühe Symbolisierungsfähigkeit von Kindern hinweist. In Anlehnung an Morgenthaler rät er, für die Deutungsarbeit nicht bei den Inhalten des Kindertraums stehen zu bleiben, vor allem nicht bei seinen angeblichen Beschränkungen, sondern nach der Tendenz in der Dynamik eines Traums zu suchen.In drei weiteren Beiträgen wird das Material aus den oben erwähnten, 2015–2016 am PSZ durchgeführten Traumseminaren verarbeitet:Der Werkstattbericht von Katrin Herot, Nicole Burgermeister, André Richter, Veronica Baud und Ralf Binswanger, die auch die Gastredaktion dieser Ausgabe des Journals bilden, soll – entsprechend den oben formulierten Anliegen – Interessierten anhand von Traumbeispielen einen Einblick ermöglichen, wie Traumseminare funktionieren.Auch der Beitrag von Ralf Binswanger und Jeannette Widmer ist im Rahmen der oben genannten Traumseminare entstanden. Die Autorin und der Autor setzen sich dabei mit einer Situation auseinander, in welcher einem Widerstand des Seminarleiters – und insbesondere der nachträglichen Reflexion darüber durch den Seminarleiter und die Gruppe – eine zentrale Bedeutung zukam.Auf Initiative von Lutz Wittmann ist ein Vergleich zwischen den Ergebnissen eines Traumseminars nach Morgenthaler und einer Auswertung des gleichen Traums mit dem von Ulrich Moser und Ilka von Zeppelin initiierten Zurich Dream Process Coding System (ZDPCS) versucht worden. Das mag gewagt wirken, denn die beiden Methoden entstammen völlig unterschiedlichen Praxiszusammenhängen: Die eine wird in der klinischen Weiterbildung anhand von Einzelfällen angewendet, die andere dient der Operationalisierung von Traumberichten für statistisch- wissenschaftliche Zwecke. Der Vergleich erscheint uns trotzdem legitim, weil das ZDPCS unseres Wissens die einzige der vielen existierenden Rating- und Codierungsmethoden ist, die explizit auf psychoanalytischer Grundlage entwickelt wurde. Die konsequente Fokussierung und Beschränkung des ZDPCS auf formale und strukturelle Gesichtspunkte bildet eine solide Brücke zu Morgenthalers Ansatz. Die Arbeit von Hanspeter Mathys fokussiert Morgenthalers Auffassung, dass Träume nicht einfach mitgeteilt, sondern erzählend agiert werden. Am Beispiel einer Vignette aus der publizierten umfangreichen Einzelfallstudie «Amalie X» macht er deutlich, wie es infolge dieser Auffassung möglich ist, Hypothesen über die unbewusste Dynamik zwischen Analysandin und Analytiker zu bilden, welche beiden sonst unbewusst geblieben wären. Unseres Erachtens radikalisiert er damit in der Praxis, was er in der Theorie relativiert: Die strikte konzeptionelle Trennung zwischen dem, was in einer konkreten Situation bewusst ist und was nicht. Morgenthaler wäre begeistert gewesen.Maria Steiner Fahrni zeigt uns in ihrem Beitrag in sehr persönlicher Weise auf, wie die therapeutische Arbeit mit Träumen massgeblich von neueren theoretischen Entwicklungen in der Psychoanalyse beeinflusst werden kann. Über die Technik des «phänomenologischen Eintauchens» führt sie uns in ihre Position des aktiven intersubjektiven Interesses ein. Morgenthaler sei es zu verdanken, dass neben den expliziten Ausdrucksformen der Sprache auch implizites Geschehen in der therapeutischen Situation zur Interpretation der Trauminhalte herangezogen würde. Bezugnehmend auf aktuelle Theorien aus der Entwicklungsforschung und anhand eines ausführlichen Fallbeispiels werden Aspekte des interpersonellen Erlebens, insbesondere der Wahrnehmung und des Gedächtnisses und deren Auswirkungen auf den therapeutischen Umgang im Hier und Jetzt betrachtet.Rony Weissberg und Martha Stähelin gehen in ihrem Beitrag der Frage nach Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschieden in der Arbeit mit Träumen bei Morgenthaler und bei lacanianisch arbeitenden Psychoanalytiker_innen nach. Dazu führten sie Gespräche mit in Paris tätigen Kolleg_innen und geben anhand von zwei Interviews, die sie mit Gisèle Chaboudez und Jean-Gérard Bursztein geführt haben, Einblicke in deren Arbeit mit Träumen. Daran kritisch anknüpfend und mit Bezugnahme auf die von Morgenthaler als so wesentlich dargestellte «emotionale Bewegung» zwischen Analytiker_in und Analysand_in, setzen sich Autor und Autorin mit der Bedeutung der Übertragung in der klinischen Arbeit mit dem Traum auseinander. An dieser Stelle sei noch eine Bemerkung zu Grammatik und Geschlechterfrage angefügt: Wie bereits in der letzten Ausgabe des Journal werden Sie auch in diesem Heft feststellen, dass die Schreibweise uneinheitlich ist. Während die Journal-Redaktion den Autorinnen und Autoren vorschlägt, feminine und maskuline Formen abzuwechseln, hat sich die Gastredaktion entschieden, in ihren Texten den “Gender-Gap” (Psychoanalytiker_innen) zu verwenden, um auf der sprachlichen Ebene einen Raum zu öffnen für eine Alternative zu binären Vorstellungen von Geschlecht.Nun hoffen wir, Ihnen, liebe Leser_innen, Lust und Mut zur weiteren klinischen Auseinandersetzung mit Träumen gemacht zu haben und wünschen Ihnen bei der Lektüre viel Vergnügen!

In a light-speed economy of communication, the only thing that moves faster than information is imagination. And in a time when, more than ever before, information is the currency of global politics, economics, conflict, and conquest what better way to critique and crinkle the global-social than to combine the two - information and imagination - into an hilarious mockery of, and a brief incursion into the vistas of the globalitarian order. This is precisely the reflexive and rhetorical pot-pourri that the group 'the Yes Men' (www.theyesmen.org) have formed. Beginning in 2000, the Yes Men describe themselves as a "network of impostors". Basically, the Yes Men (no they're not all men) fool organisations into believing they are representatives of the WTO (World Trade Organisation) and in-turn receive, and accept, invitations to speak (as WTO representatives) at conferences, meetings, seminars, and all manner and locale of corporate pow-wows. At these meetings, the Yes Men deliver their own very special brand of WTO public address. Let's walk through a hypothetical situation. Ashley is organising a conference for a multinational adult entertainment company, at which the management might discuss ways in which it could cut costs from its dildo manufacturing sector by moving production to Indonesia where labour is cheap and tax non-existent (for some), rubber is in abundance, and where the workers hands are slender enough so as to make even the "slimline-tickler" range appear gushingly large in annual report photographs. Ashley decides that a presentation from Supachai Panitchpakdi - head of the WTO body - on the virtues of unrestrained capitalism would be a great way to start the conference, and to build esprit de corps among participants - to summon some good vibrations, if you will. So Ashley jumps on the net. After the obligatory four hours of trying to close the myriad porn site pop-ups that plague internet users of the adult entertainment industry, Ashley comes across the WTO site - or at least what looks like the WTO site - and, via the email link, goes about inviting Supachai Panitchpakdi to speak at the conference. What Ashley doesn't realise is that the site is a mirror site of the actual WTO site. This is not, however, grounds for Ashley's termination because it is only after careful and timely scrutiny that you can tell the difference - and in a hypercapitalist economy who has got time to carefully scrutinize? You see, the Yes Men own the domain name www.gatt.org (GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]being the former, not so formalised and globally sanctioned incarnation of the WTO), so in the higgledy-piggeldy cross-referencing infosphere of the internet, and its economy of keywords, unsuspecting WTO fans often find themselves perusing the Yes Men site. The Yes Men are sirens in both senses of the word. They raise alarm to rampant corporatism; and they sing the tunes of corporatism to lure their victims – they signal and seduce. The Yes Men are pull marketers, as opposed to the push tactics of logo based activism, and this is what takes them beyond logoism and its focus on the brand bullies. During the few years the Yes Men have been operating their ingenious rhetorical realignment of the WTO, they have pulled off some of the most golden moments in tactical media’s short history. In May 2002, after accepting an email invitation from conference organisers, the Yes Men hit an accountancy conference in Sydney. In his keynote speech, yes man Andy Bichlbaum announced that as of that day the WTO had decided to "effect a cessation of all operations, to be accomplished over a period of four months, culminating in September". He announced that "the WTO will reintegrate as a new trade body whose charter will be to ensure that trade benefits the poor" (ref). The shocking news hit a surprisingly receptive audience and even sparked debate in the floor of the Canadian Parliament where questions were asked by MP John Duncan about "what impact this will have on our appeals on lumber, agriculture, and other ongoing trade disputes". The Certified Practicing Accountants (CPA) Australia reported that [t]he changes come in response to recent studies which indicate strongly that the current free trade rules and policies have increased poverty, pollution, and inequality, and have eroded democratic principles, with a disproportionatly large negative effect on the poorest countries (CPA: 2002) In another Yes Men assault, this time at a Finnish textiles conference, yes man Hank Hardy Unruh gave a speech (in stead of the then WTO head Mike Moore) arguing that the U.S. civil war (in which slavery became illegal) was a useless waste of time because the system of imported labour (slavery) has been supplanted now by a system of remote labour (sweatshops)- instead of bringing the "labour" to the dildos via ships from Africa, now we can take the dildos to the "labour", or more precisely, the idea of a dildo - or in biblical terms - take the mount'em to Mohammed, Mhemmet, or Ming. Unruh meandered through his speech to the usual complicit audience, happy to accept his bold assertions in the coma-like stride of a conference delegate, that is, until he ripped off his business suit (with help from an accomplice) to reveal a full-body golden leotard replete with a giant golden phallus which he proceeded to inflate with the aid of a small gas canister. He went on to describe to the audience that the suit, dubbed "the management leisure suit", was a new innovation in the remote labour control field. He informed the textiles delegates that located in the end of the phallus was a small video interface through which one could view workers in the Third World and administer, by remote control, electric shocks to those employees not working hard enough. Apparently after the speech only one objection was forwarded and that was from a woman who complained that the phallus device was not appropriate because not only men can oppress workers in the third world. It is from the complicity of their audiences that the Yes Men derive their most virulent critique. They point out that the "aim is to get people to think more seriously about the sort of bullshit they are prepared to swallow, if and when the information comes from a suitably respected authority. By appearing, for example, in the name of the WTO, one could even make out a case for justifying homicide, irrespective of the target audience's training and intellect" (Yes men) Unruh says. And this is the real statement that the Yes Men make, their real-life, real-time theatre hollows-out the signifer of the WTO and injects its own signified to highlight the predominant role of language - rhetoric - in the globalising of the ideas of neo-liberalism. In speaking shit and having people, nay, experts, swallow it comfortably, the Yes Men punctuate that globalisation is as much a movement of ideas across societies as it is a movement of things through societies. It is a movement of ideals - a movement of meanings. Organisations like the WTO propagate these meanings, and propagandise a situation where there is no alternative to initiatives like free trade and the top-down, repressive regime espoused buy neoliberal triumphalists. The Yes Men highlight that the seemingly immutable and inevitable charge of neoliberalism, is in fact simply the dominance of a single way of structuring social life - one dictated by the market. Through their unique brand of semiotic puppetry, the Yes Men show that the project of unelected treaty organisations like the WTO and their push toward the globalisation of neoliberalism is not inevitable, it is not a fait accompli, but rather, that their claims of an inexorable movement toward a neo-liberal capitalism are simply more rhetorical than real. By using the spin and speak of the WTO to suggest ideas like forcing the world's poor to recycle hamburgers to cure world hunger, the Yes Men demonstrate that the power of the WTO lies on the tip of their tongue, and their ability to convince people the world over of the unquestionable legitimacy of that tongue-tip teetering power. But it is that same power that has threatened the future of the Yes Men. In November 2001, the owners of the gatt.org website received a call from the host of its webpage, Verio. The WTO had contacted Verio and asked them to shut down the gatt.org site for copyright violations. But the Yes Men came up with their own response - they developed software that is freely available and which allows the user to mirror any site on the internet easily. Called "Reamweaver", the software allows the user to instantly "funhouse-mirror" anyone's website, copying the real-time "look and feel" but letting the user change any words, images, etc. that they choose. The thought of anyone being able to mimic any site on the internet is perhaps a little scary - especially in terms of e-commerce - imagine that "lizard-tongue belly button tickler" never arriving! Or thinking you had invited a bunch of swingers over to your house via a swingers website, only to find that you'd been duped by a rogue gang of fifteen tax accountants who had come to your house to give you a lecture on the issues associated with the inclusion of pro-forma information in preliminary announcements in East Europe 1955-1958. But seriously, I'm yet to critique the work of the Yes Men. Their brand of protest has come under fire most predictably from the WTO, and least surprisingly from their duped victims. But, really, in an era where the neo-liberal conservative right dominate the high-end operations of sociality, I am reticent to say a bad word about the Yes Men's light, creative, and refreshing style of dissent. I can hear the "free speech" cry coming from those who'd charge the Yes Men with denying their victims the right to freely express their ideas - and I suppose they are correct. But can supra-national institutions like the WTO and their ilk really complain about the Yes Men’s infringement on their rights to a fair communicative playing field when daily they ride rough-shod over the rights of people and the people-defined "rights" of all else with which we share this planet? This is a hazardous junction for the dissent of the Yes Men because it is a point at which personal actions collide head-on with social ethics. The Yes Men’s brand of dissent is a form of direct action, and like direct action, the emphasis is on putting physical bodies between the oppressor and the oppressed – in this case between the subaltern and the supra-national. The Yes Men put their bodies between and within bodies – they penetrate the veneer of the brand to crawl around inside and mess with the mind of the host company body. Messing with anybody’s body is going to be bothersome. But while corporations enjoy the “rights” of embodied citizens, they are spared from the consequences citizens must endure. Take Worldcom’s fraudulent accounting (the biggest in US history) for instance, surely such a monumental deception necessitates more than a USD500 million fine. When will “capital punishment” be introduced to apply to corporations? As in “killing off” the corporation and all its articles of association? Such inconsistencies in the citizenry praxis of corporations paint a pedestrian crossing at the junction where “body” activism meets the ethic (right?) of unequivocal free-speech for all – and when we factor-in crippling policies like structural adjustment, the ethically hazardous junction becomes shadowed by a glorious pedestrian overpass! Where logocentric activism literally concentrates on the apparel – the branded surface - the focus of groups like the Yes Men is on the body beneath – both corporate and corporeal. But are the tactics of the Yes Men enough? Does this step beyond logocentric focused activism wade into the territory of substantive change? Of course the answer is a resounding no. The Yes Men are culture jammers - and culture jamming exists in the realm of ephemera. It asks a question, for a fleeting moment in the grand scheme of struggle, and then fades away. Fetishising the tactics of the Yes Men risks steering dissent into a form of entertainment - much like the entertainmentised politics it opposes. What the Yes Men do is creative and skilful, but it does not express the depth of commitment displayed by those activists working tirelessly on myriad - less-glamorous - campaigns such as the free West Papua movement, and other broader issues of social activism like indigenous rights. If politics is entertainment, then the politics of the Yes Men celebrates the actor while ignoring the hard work of the production team. But having said that, I believe the Yes Men serve an important function in the complex mechanics of dissent. They are but one tactic - they cannot be expected to work with history, they exist in the moment, a transitory trance of reason. And provided the Yes Men continue to use their staged opportunities as platforms to suggest BETTER IDEAS, while also acknowledging the depth and complexity of the subject matter with which they deal, then their brand of protest is valid and effective. The Yes Men ride the cusp of a new style of contemporary social protest, and the more people who likewise use imagination to counter the globalitarian regime and its commodity logic, the better. Through intelligent satire and deft use of communication technologies, the Yes Men lay bare the internal illogic (in terms of human and ecological wellbeing) of the fetishistic charge to cut costs at all costs. Thank-Gatt for the Yes Men, the chastisers of the global eco-social pimps. Works Cited CPA. (2002). World Trade Organisation to Redefine Charter. http://theyesmen.org/tro/cpa.html Yes Men: http://theyesmen.org/ * And thanks to Phil Graham for the “capital punishment” idea. Links http://theyesmen.org/ http://theyesmen.org/tro/cpa.html http://www.gatt.org http://www.theyesmen.org/ Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Pace, John. "The Yes Men" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/05-yesmen.php>. APA Style Pace, J. (2003, Jun 19). The Yes Men. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/05-yesmen.php>

Drawing upon popular magazines, newspapers, blogs, Web sites, and videos, this essay compares the media framing of six, “fat” political figures from around the world. Framing refers to the suggested interpretations that are imbedded in media reports (Entman; McCombs and Ghanem; Seo, Dillard and Shen). As Robert Entman explains, framing is the process of culling a few elements of perceived reality and assembling a narrative that highlights connections among them to promote a particular interpretation. Frames introduce or raise the salience of certain ideas. Fully developed frames typically perform several functions, such as problem definition and moral judgment. Framing is connected to the [covert] wielding of power as, for example, when a particular frame is intentionally applied to obscure other frames. This comparative international study is an inquiry into “what people and societies make of the reality of [human weight]” (Marilyn Wann as quoted in Rothblum 3), especially in the political arena. The cultural and historical dimensions of human weight are illustrated by the practice of force-feeding girls and young women in Mauritania, because “fat” women have higher status and are more sought after as brides (Frenkiel). The current study, however, focuses on “fat” politics. The research questions that guide the study are: [RQ1] which terms do commentators utilize to describe political figures as “fat”? [RQ2] Why is the term “fat” utilized in the political arena? [RQ3] To what extent can one detect gender, national, or other differences in the manner in which the term “fat” is used in the political arena? After a brief introduction to the current media obsession with fat, the analysis begins in 1908 with William Howard Taft, the 330 pound, twenty-seventh President of the United States. The other political figures are: Chris Christie (Governor of New Jersey), Bill Clinton (forty-second President of the United States), Michelle Obama (current First Lady of the United States), Carla Bruni (former First Lady of France), and Julia Gillard (former Prime Minister of Australia). The final section presents some conclusions that may help readers and viewers to take a more critical perspective on “fat politics.” All of the individuals selected for this study are powerful, rich, and privileged. What may be notable is that their experiences of fat shaming by the media are different. This study explores those differences, while suggesting that, in some cases, their weight and appearance are being attacked to undercut their legitimate and referent power (Gaski). Media Obsession with Fat “Fat,” or “obesity,” the more scientific term that reflects the medicalisation of “fat” (Sobal) and which seems to hold sway today, is a topic with which the media currently is obsessed, both in Asia and in the United States. A quick Google search using the word “obesity” reports over 73 million hits. Ambady Ramachandran and Chamukuttan Snehalatha report on “The Rising Burden of Obesity in Asia” in a journal article that emphasizes the term “burden.” The word “epidemic” is featured prominently in a 2013 medical news report. According to the latter, obesity among men was at 13.8 per cent in Mongolia and 19.3 per cent in Australia, while the overall obesity rate has increased 46 per cent in Japan and has quadrupled in China (“Rising Epidemic”). Both articles use the word “rising” in their titles, a fear-laden term that suggests a worsening condition. In the United States, obesity also is portrayed as an “epidemic.” While some progress is being made, the obesity rate nonetheless increased in sixteen states in 2013, with Louisiana at 34.7 per cent as the highest. “Extreme obesity” in the United States has grown dramatically over thirty years to 6.3 per cent. The framing of obesity as a health/medical issue has made obesity more likely to reinforce social stereotypes (Saguy and Riley). In addition, the “thematic framing” (Shugart) of obesity as a moral failure means that “obesity” is a useful tool for undermining political figures who are fat. While the media pay considerable attention to the psychological impact of obesity, such as in “fat shaming,” the media, ironically, participate in fat shaming. Shame is defined as an emotional “consequence of the evaluation of failure” and often is induced by critics who attack the person and not the behavior (Boudewyns, Turner and Paquin). However, in a backlash against fat shaming, “Who you callin' fat?” is now a popular byline in articles and in YouTube videos (Reagan). Nevertheless, the dynamics of fat are even more complicated than an attack-and-response model can capture. For example, in an odd instance of how women cannot win, Rachel Frederickson, the recent winner of the TV competition The Biggest Loser, was attacked for being “too thin” (Ceja and Valine). Framing fat, therefore, is a complex process. Fat shaming is only one way that the media frame fat. However, fat shaming does not appear to be a major factor in media coverage of William Howard Taft, the first person in this study. William Howard Taft William Howard Taft was elected the 27th President of the United States in 1908 and served 1909-1913. Whitehouse.com describes Taft as “Large, jovial, conscientious…” Indeed, comments on the happy way that he carried his “large” size (330 pounds) are the main focus here. This ‹happy fat› framing is much different than the media framing associated with ‹fat shaming›. His happy personality was often mentioned, as can be seen in his 1930 obituary in The New York Times: “Mr. Taft was often called the most human President who ever sat in the White House. The mantle of office did not hide his winning personality in any way” (“Taft Gained Peaks”). Notice how “large” and “jovial” are combined in the framing of Taft. Despite his size, Taft was known to be a good dancer (Bromley 129). Two other words associated with Taft are “rotund” (round, plump, chubby) and “pudgy.” These terms seem a bit old-fashioned in 2015. “Rotund” comes from the Latin for “round,” “circular,” “spherical.” “Pudgy,” a somewhat newer term, comes from the colloquial for “short and thick” (Etymology Online). Taft was comfortable with being called “pudgy.” A story about Taft’s portrait in the Smithsonian’s National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C. illustrates the point: Artist William Schevill was a longtime acquaintance of Taft and painted him several times between 1905 and 1910. Friendship did not keep Taft from criticizing the artist, and on one occasion he asked Schevill to rework a portrait. On one point, however, the rotund Taft never interfered. When someone said that he should not tolerate Schevill's making him look so pudgy in his likenesses, he simply answered, "But I am pudgy." (Kain) Taft’s self-acceptance, as seen in the portrait by Schevill (circa 1910), stands in contrast to the discomfort caused by media framing of other fat political figures in the era of more intense media scrutiny. Chris Christie Governor Christie has tried to be comfortable with his size (300+ pounds), but may have succumbed to the medicalisation of fat and the less than positive framing of his appearance. As Christie took the national stage in the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy (2012), and subsequently explored running for President, he may have felt pressure to look more “healthy” and “attractive.” Even while scoring political points for his leadership in the aftermath of Superstorm Sandy, Christie’s large size was apparent. Filmed in his blue Governor jacket during an ABC TV News report that can be accessed as a YouTube video, Christie obviously was much larger than the four other persons on the speakers’ platform (“Jersey Shore Devastated”). In the current media climate, being known for your weight may be a political liability. A 2015 Rutgers’ Eagleton Poll found that 53 percent of respondents said that Governor Christie did not have “the right look” to be President (Capehart). While fat traditionally has been associated with laziness, it now is associated with health issues, too. The media framing of fat as ‹morbidly obese› may have been one factor that led Christie to undergo weight loss surgery in 2013. After the surgery, he reportedly lost a significant amount of weight. Yet his new look was partially tarnished by media reports on the specifics of lap-band-surgery. One report in The New York Daily News stressed that the surgery is not for everyone, and that it still requires much work on the part of the patient before any long-term weight loss can be achieved (Engel). Bill Clinton Never as heavy as Governor Christie, Bill Clinton nonetheless received considerable media fat-attention of two sorts. First, he could be portrayed as a kind of ‹happy fat “Bubba”› who enjoyed eating high cholesterol fast food. Because of his charm and rhetorical ability (linked to the political necessity of appearing to understand the “average person”), Clinton could make political headway by emphasizing his Arkansas roots and eating a hamburger. This vision of Bill Clinton as a redneck, fast-food devouring “Bubba” was spoofed in a popular 1992 Saturday Night Live skit (“President-Elect Bill Clinton Stops by a McDonald's”). In 2004, after his quadruple bypass surgery, the media adopted another way to frame Bill Clinton. Clinton became the poster-child for coronary heart disease. Soon he would be framed as the ‹transformed Bubba›, who now consumed a healthier diet. ‹Bill Clinton-as-vegan› framing fit nicely with the national emphasis on nutrition, including the widespread advocacy for a largely plant-based diet (see film Forks over Knives). Michelle Obama Another political figure in the United States, whom the media has connected both to fast food and healthy nutrition, is Michelle Obama. Now in her second term as First Lady, Michelle Obama is associated with the national campaign for healthier school lunches. At the same time, critics call her “fat” and a “hypocrite.” A harsh diatribe against Obama was revealed by Media Matters for America in the personal attacks on Michelle Obama as “too fat” to be a credible source on nutrition. Dr. Keith Ablow, a FOX News medical adviser said, Michelle Obama needs to “drop a few” [pounds]. “Who is she to be giving nutrition advice?” Another biting attack on Obama can be seen in a mocking 2011 Breitbart cartoon that portrayed Michelle Obama devouring hamburgers while saying, “Please pass the bacon” (Hahn). Even though these attacks come from conservative media utterly opposed to the presidency of Barack Obama, they nonetheless reflect a more widespread political use of media framing. In the case of Michelle Obama, the media sometimes cannot decide if she is “statuesque” or “fat.” She is reported to be 5’11 tall, but her overall appearance has been described as “toned” (in her trademark sleeveless dresses) yet never as “thin.” The media’s ambivalence toward tall/large women is evident in the recent online arguments over whether Robyn Lawley, named one of the “rookies of the year” by the Sports Illustrated Swimsuit issue, has a “normal” body or a “plus-size” body (Blair). Therefore, we have two forms of media framing in the case of Michelle Obama. First, there is the ‹fat hypocrite› frame, an ad hominem framing that she should not be a spokesperson for nutrition. This first form of framing, perhaps, is linked to the traditional tendency to tear down political figures, to take them off their pedestals. The second form of media framing is a ‹large woman ambiguity› frame. If you are big and tall, are you “fat”? Carla Bruni Carla Bruni, a model and singer/songwriter, was married in 2008 to French President Nicolas Sarkozy (who served 2007 to 2012). In 2011, Bruni gave birth to a daughter, Giulia. After 2011, Bruni reports many attacks on her as being too “fat” (Kim; Strang). Her case is quite interesting, because it goes beyond ‹fat shaming› to illustrate two themes not previously discussed. First, the attacks on Bruni seem to connect age and fat. Specifically, Bruni’s narrative introduces the frame: ‹weight loss is difficult after giving birth›. Motherhood is taxing enough, but it becomes even more difficulty when the media are watching your waist line. It is implied that older mothers should receive more sympathy. The second frame represents an odd form of reverse fat shaming: ‹I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat›. As Bruni explains: “I’m kind of tall, with good-size shoulders, and when I am 40 pounds overweight, I don’t even look fat—I just look ugly” (Orth). Critics charge that celebs like Bruni not only do not look fat, they are not fat. Moreover, celebs are misguided in trying to cultivate sympathy that is needed by people who actually are fat. Several blogs echo this sentiment. The site Whisper displays a poster that states: “I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat.” According to Anarie in another blog, the comment, “I’m fat, too,” is misplaced but may be offered as a form of “sisterhood.” One of the best examples of the strong reaction to celebs’ fat claims is the case of actress Jennifer Lawrence. According The Gloss, Lawrence isn’t chubby. She isn’t ugly. She fits the very narrow parameters for what we consider beautiful, and has been rewarded significantly for it. There’s something a bit tone deaf in pretending not to have thin or attractive privilege when you’re one of the most successful actresses in Hollywood, consistently lauded for your looks. (Sonenshein) In sum, the attempt to make political gain out of “I’m fat” comments, may backfire and lead to a loss in political capital. Julia Gillard The final political figure in this study is Julia Eileen Gillard. She is described on Wikipedia as“…a former Australian politician who served as the 27th Prime Minister of Australia, and the Australian Labor Party leader from 2010 to 2013. She was the first woman to hold either position” (“Julia Gillard”). Gillard’s case provides a useful example of how the media can frame feminism and fat in almost opposite manners. The first version of framing, ‹woman inappropriately attacks fat men›, is set forth in a flashback video on YouTube. Political enemies of Gillard posted the video of Gillard attacking fat male politicians. The video clip includes the technique of having Gillard mouth and repeat over and over again the phrase, “fat men”…”fat men”…”fat men” (“Gillard Attacks”). The effect is to make Gillard look arrogant, insensitive, and shrill. The not-so-subtle message is that a woman should not call men fat, because a woman would not want men to call her fat. The second version of framing in the Gillard case, ironically, has a feminist leader calling Gillard “fat” on a popular Australian TV show. Australian-born Germaine Greer, iconic feminist activist and author of The Female Eunuch (1970 international best seller), commented that Gillard wore ill-fitting jackets and that “You’ve got a big arse, Julia” (“You’ve Got”). Greer’s remarks surprised and disappointed many commentators. The Melbourne Herald Sun offered the opinion that Greer has “big mouth” (“Germaine Greer’s”). The Gillard case seems to support the theory that female politicians may have a more difficult time navigating weight and appearance than male politicians. An experimental study by Beth Miller and Jennifer Lundgren suggests “weight bias exists for obese female political candidates, but that large body size may be an asset for male candidates” (p. 712). Conclusion This study has at least partially answered the original research questions. [RQ1] Which terms do commentators utilize to describe political figures as “fat”? The terms include: fat, fat arse, fat f***, large, heavy, obese, plus size, pudgy, and rotund. The media frames include: ‹happy fat›, ‹fat shaming›, ‹morbidly obese›, ‹happy fat “Bubba›, ‹transformed “Bubba›, ‹fat hypocrite›, ‹large woman ambiguity›, ‹weight gain women may experience after giving birth›, ‹I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat›, ‹woman inappropriately attacks fat men›, and ‹feminist inappropriately attacks fat woman›. [RQ2] Why is the term “fat” utilized in the political arena? Opponents in attack mode, to discredit a political figure, often use the term “fat”. It can imply that the person is “unhealthy” or has a character flaw. In the attack mode, critics can use “fat” as a tool to minimize a political figure’s legitimate and referent power. [RQ3] To what extent can one detect gender, national, or other differences in the manner in which the term “fat” is used in the political arena? In the United States, “obesity” is the dominant term, and is associated with the medicalisation of fat. Obesity is linked to health concerns, such as coronary heart disease. Weight bias and fat shaming seem to have a disproportionate impact on women. This study also has left many unanswered questions. Future research might fruitfully explore more of the international and intercultural differences in fat framing, as well as the differences between the fat shaming of elites and the fat shaming of so-called ordinary citizens.References Anarie. “Sick and Tired.” 7 July 2013. 17 May 2015 ‹http://www.sparkpeople.com/ma/sick-of--thin-people-saying-they-are-fat!/1/1/31404459›. Blair, Kevin. “Rookie Robyn Lawley Is the First Plus-Size Model to Be Featured in the Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Issue.” 6 Feb. 2015. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.starpulse.com/news/Kevin_Blair/2015/02/06/rookie-robin-lawley-is-the-first-pluss›. Boudewyns, Vanessa, Monique Turner, and Ryan Paquin. “Shame-Free Guilt Appeals.” Psychology & Marketing 23 July 2013. doi: 10.1002/mar.20647. Bromley, Michael L. William Howard Taft and the First Motoring Presidency. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, 2007. 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Jeffery Sobal and Donna Maurer. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1995. 67-90. Sonenshein, Julia. “Jennifer Lawrence Does More Harm than Good with Her ‘I’m Chubby’ Comments.” 3 Jan. 2014. 16 May 2015 ‹http://www.thegloss.com/2014/01/03/culture/jennifer-lawrence-fat-comments-body-image/#ixzz3aWTEg35U›. Strang, Fay. ”Carla Bruni Admits Used Therapy.” 3 May 2013. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-2318719/Carla-Bruni-admits-used-therapy-deal-comments-fat-giving-birth-forties.html›. “Taft Gained Peaks in Unusual Career.” The New York Times 9 March 1930. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0915.html›. Vedantam, Shankar. “Clinton's Heart Bypass Surgery Called a Success.” Washington Post 7 Sep. 2004: A01. “William Howard Taft.” Whitehouse.com. n.d. 12 May 2015. Whisper. n.d. 16 May 2015 ‹https://sh.whisper/o5o8bf3810d45295605bce53f8082Db6ddb29/I-am-so-sick-and-tired-of-skinny-people-saying-that-they-are-fat›. “You’ve Got a Big Arse, Julia. Germaine Greer Advice for Julia Gillard.” Politics and Porn in a Post-Feminist World. 24 Aug. 2012. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8lFtww!D3ss›. See also: ‹http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/greer-defends-fat-arse-pm-comment-20120827-24x5i.html›.

Sugar pigs are traditional confections shaped like sugar mice with little legs and no tail. One might, therefore, nibble the trotters of a sugar pig or suck delicately upon the nose of a sugar pig, but one must never eat one’s sugary treats like a pig. As an imagined border between the private world inside the body and the public world outside, the mouth is an unstable limit of selfhood. Food can easily cause disgust as it passes through this hazardous terrain, and this disgust is produced less by the thought of incorporation than by socially constructed boundaries such as the division between human and animal. In order to guard against disgust and the moral judgement it incurs about the eater, the mouth is governed by myriad rules and, in the case of the juvenile mouth, subject to adult surveillance. This paper investigates children’s consumption of confectionery in relation to the mouth as a liminal border space. Children are “sugar pigs” in as much as they disregard the conventions of civilised eating that govern the mouth, preferring instead to slubber, gnaw, lick, and chew like animals, to reveal the contents of their mouths and examine the contents of others, to put lollies in and out of their mouths with dirty hands, and to share single lollies. Children’s lolly rituals resist civilised eating norms, but they hold important cultural meanings that parallel and subvert those of the adult world. Children’s mouths are communal spaces and the rituals that take place in them are acts of friendship, intimacy, and power. Eating norms instituted over thousands of years ensure that people do not eat like animals, and the pig, in particular, stands in opposition to civilised eating. In On Good Manners for Boys (1530), Erasmus of Rotterdam advises that a general guide to eating like a human being is to eat inconspicuously and self-consciously—to “lick a plate or dish to which some sugar or sweet substance has adhered is for cats, not people,” he explains, and to “gnaw bones is for a dog”—and he compares ill-mannered eating with that of pigs, observing how some people “slubber up their meat like swine” (qtd. in Kass 145). Unrefined table manners and uncontrolled appetite continue to elicit such expressions of disgust as “dirty pig” and “greedy pig.” Pigs grunt. Pigs snuffle among refuse. Pigs, as Bob Ashley et al. note, represent all that is uncivilised and exist only as a signifier of appetite (2). The pig and civilisation, however, do not exist simply in opposition. Cookery writer Jane Grigson argues that European civilisation has been founded upon the pig (qtd. in Ashley et al. 2). Also, because the pig’s body is pinkish, soft, and flabby like a human body and because pigs were usually housed near or even inside human dwellings, the pig confounds the human/animal binary: it is “a threshold animal” (Stallybrass and White qtd. in Ashley et al. 7). Furthermore, the steady evolution of eating practices suggests that humans would eat like animals if left in their natural state. Food rules are part of the “attempt to exclude piggishness” from human civilisation, which, according to Ashley et al., demonstrates “precisely the proximity of human and pig” (7). As physician Leon Kass observes, eating conventions “show us both how much we have taken instruction and how much we needed it” (139). Humans aspire to purity and perfection, but William Ian Miller explains that “fuelling no small part of those aspirations is disgust with what we are or with what we are likely to slide back into” (Anatomy xiv). Eating norms, therefore, do not emphasise the difference between human and the pig as much as they express the underlying anxiety that the human mouth and the act of eating are utterly animal. ‘Lollies’ is the Australian term for the confectionery that children mostly buy, and while the child with a lolly pouched in its cheek is such a familiar, even iconic, image that it features on the covers of two recent books about confectionery (Richardson, Whittaker), licking, gnawing, and slubbering—Erasmus’ wonderfully evocative and piggish word—aptly describe the consumption of lollies. Many lollies are large and hard, and eating them requires time, effort, concentration, and conspicuous mouth activity: the cheek bulges and speaking is difficult; a great deal of saliva is produced and the area around the mouth becomes smeared with coloured drool; and there is always the possibility of the lolly falling out. The smaller the child’s mouth, or the larger the lolly, the more impossible it is to eat inconspicuously and self-consciously. Endless chewing is similarly animal-like, and “the bovine look” of teenagers featured in public complaints when chewing gum was mass-produced in the twentieth century (Hendrickson 7). Humans must not eat like animals, but overly-stuffed cheeks, sucking and slubbering mouths, licking tongues, gnawing teeth, and mindlessly ruminating jaws are unashamedly animal-like. Other rules guard against disgust arising from the sight of half-chewed food. When food is in the process of becoming part of the body, it quickly acquires the quality of things with which disgust is more readily associated, things that are, according to Miller, moist rather than dry, viscid rather than free-flowing, pliable rather than hard, things that are “oozy, mucky, gooey, slimy, clammy, sticky, tacky, dank, squishy, or filmy” (“Darwin’s Disgust” 338). Soft lollies with their vividly-coloured and glossy or sugar-encrusted surfaces look magical, but once they go into the mouth are “magically transformed into the disgusting” (Anatomy Miller 96). Food in the process of “becoming” must, therefore, never be seen again. The process of transformation takes place in the private interior of the body, but, if the mouth is open, half-transformed food is visible, and chewed food, according to Miller, “has the capacity to be even more disgusting than feces [sic]” (Anatomy 96). Sometimes, the sight of half-consumed lollies inside children’s mouths is deliberate because children poke out their tongues and look into each other’s mouths to monitor the progress of lollies that change colour as they break down. Miller explains that the rules of disgust are suspended in sexual and non-sexual love: “Disgust marks the boundaries of the self; the relaxing of them marks privilege, intimacy, duty, and caring” (Anatomy xi). This principle applies to children’s lolly rituals. If children forget to note the colour of a Clinker as they bite it, or if they want to note the progress of a Cloud or gobstopper, they open their mouths and even poke out their tongues so a friend can inspect the colour of the lolly, or their tongue. Such acts are marks of friendship. It is not something children do with everyone. The mouth is a threshold of self that children relax as a marker of privilege. The clean/unclean binary exerts a powerful influence on food because, in addition to the way in which food is eaten, it determines the kind of food that is eaten. The mouth is a border between the self (the eater) and the other (the eaten), so what is eaten (the other) eventually becomes the eater (the self). Paradoxically, the reverse is also true; the eater becomes what is eaten—hence, “we are what we eat.” Little wonder then that food is a site of anxiety, surveillance, and control. The pig eats anything, but children’s consumption is strictly monitored. The clean food imperative means that food must be uncontaminated by the world outside the body, and lollies violate the clean food category in this regard. Large, hard lollies can fall out of the mouth, or children may be obliged to violently expel them if they are danger of choking. The young protagonists in Saturdee, Norman Lindsay’s bildungsroman set in country Victoria after WWI, arrange a secret tryst with some girls, and when their plan is discovered a horde of spectators assembles to watch the proceedings: [Snowey Critchet] had provided himself with a bull’s-eye; a comestible about the size of a cricket ball, which he stowed away in one cheek, as a monkey pouches an orange, where it distended his face in a most obnoxious manner. He was prepared, it seemed, to spend the entire afternoon inspecting a scandal, while sucking his bull’s-eye down to edible proportions. (147) Amid a subsequent volley of taunts and cow dung, Snowey lands in the gutter, a reprisal that “was like to be Snowey’s end through causing him to bolt his bull’s-eye whole. It was too large to swallow but large enough to block up his gullet and choke him. Frenziedly he fought his way out of the gutter and ran off black in the face to eject his windpipe obstruction” (147-8). Choking episodes are further aspects of children’s consumption that adults would deem dangerous as well as disgusting. If a child picks up a lolly from the ground, an adult is likely to slap it away and spit out the word “Dirty!” The child’s hands are potentially part of the contaminated outside world, hence, wash your hands before you eat, don’t eat with your fingers, don’t lick your fingers, don’t put your fingers into your mouth, don’t handle food if you aren’t going to eat it, don’t eat food that others have touched. Lolly-consumption breaches the clean/unclean divide when children put fingers into mouths to hook tacky lollies like Minties off the back teeth, remove lollies in order to observe their changing shape or colour, pull chewing gum from the mouth, or push bubble gum back in. The mouth is part of the clean world inside the body; adult disgust stems from concern about contamination through contact with the world outside the body, including the face and hands. The hands are also involved in playground rituals. Children often remove lollies from their mouths, play with them, and put them back in. Such invented rituals include sharpening musk sticks by twisting them in the mouth before jabbing friends with them and returning them to the mouth. Teenagers also bite the heads off jelly babies and rearrange the bodies in multicoloured versions before eating them. These rituals expose half-consumed lollies, and allow lollies to be contaminated by the outside world, but they are markers of friendship and ways of belonging to particular groups as well as sources of entertainment. The ultimate cause for disgust, apart from sharing with a pig perhaps, arises when children violate the boundary between one mouth and another by sharing a single lolly. “Can I have a lick o’ your lollipop?” is an expression that belongs to a time when germs were yet to consume the public imagination, and it demonstrates that children have long been disposed to sharing confectionery in this way. Allowing someone to share an all-day sucker indicates friendship because it involves sacrifice as well as intimacy. How many times the friend licks it indicates how important a friend they are. Chewing gum and hard lollies such as bull’s-eyes and all-day suckers are ideal for sharing because they last a long time. Snowey’s choking episode is punishment both for having such a lolly while others did not, and for not sharing it. When friends share a single lolly in Markus Zusak’s The Book Thief it is a sign of their growing intimacy. Rudy and Liesel had only enough money for one lolly: “they unwrapped it and tried biting it in half, but the sugar was like glass. Far too tough, even for Rudy’s animal-like choppers. Instead, they had to trade sucks on it until it was finished. Ten sucks for Rudy. Ten for Liesel. Back and forth” (168). Rudy asks Liesel to kiss him on many occasions, but she never does. She regrets this after he is killed, so here the shared lolly stands in lieu of intimacy rather than friendship. Lollies are still shared in this way in Australian playgrounds, but often it is only hard lollies, and only with close friends. A hard lolly has a clearly defined boundary that can easily be washed, but even unwashed the only portion that is contaminated, and contaminable, is the visible surface of the lolly. This is not the case with a stick of chewing gum. In response to Tom Sawyer’s enquiry as to whether or not she likes rats, Becky Thatcher replies,“What I like, is chewing gum.” “O, I should say so! I wish I had some now.” “Do you? I’ve got some. I’ll let you chew it a while, but you must give it back to me.” That was agreeable, so they chewed it turn about, and dangled their legs against the bench in excess of contentment.” (58) Unlike the clearly defined boundary of a gobstopper, the boundary of chewing gum continually shifts and folds in on itself. The entire confection is contaminated through contact with the mouth of the other. The definition of clean food also includes that which is deemed appropriate for eating, and part of the appeal of lollies is their junk status. Some lollies are sugar versions of “good” foodstuffs: strawberries and cream, wildberries, milk bottles, pineapples, and bananas. Even more ironic, especially in light of the amount of junk food in many adult diets, others are sugar versions of junk food: fries, coke bottles, Pizzas, Hot Dogs, and Hamburgers, all of which are packaged like miniatures of actual products. Lollies, like their British equivalent, kets (which means rubbish), are absolutely distinct from the confectionery adults eat, and British sociologist Allison James shows that this is because they “stand in contrast to conventional adult sweets and adult eating generally” (298). Children use terms like junk and ket intentionally because there is a “power inherent in the conceptual gulf between the worlds of the adult and the child” (James, “Confections” 297). Parents place limits on children’s consumption because lollies are seen to interfere with the consumption of good food, but, as James explains, for children, “it is meals which disrupt the eating of sweets” (“Confections” 296). Some lollies metaphorically violate a different kind of food taboo by taking the form of “unclean” animals like rats, pythons, worms, cats, dinosaurs, blowflies, cane toads, and geckos. This highlights the arbitrary nature of food categories: snakes, lizards, and witchetty grubs do not feature on European menus, but indigenous Australians eat them. Neither do white Australians eat horses, frogs, cats, dogs, and insects, which are considered delicacies in other cultures, some even in other European cultures. Eating human beings is widely-considered taboo, but children enjoy eating lollies shaped like parts of the human body. A fundraiser at a Queensland school fete in 2009 epitomised the contemporary fascination with consuming body parts. Traditionally, the Guess-The-Number fundraiser involves guessing the number of jelly beans in a glass jar, but in this instance the jar held teeth, lips, noses, eyeballs, ears, hearts, and feet. Similarly, when children eat Tongue Pops—tangy tongue-shaped lollies on a stick—the irony of having two tongues, of licking your own tongue, is not lost on children. Other lollies represent tiny people, and even babies. In the ordinary world, children are small and powerless, but the magic of lollies enables them to be the man-eating giant, while Chicos and jelly babies represent the powerless child. Children welcome the opportunity to “bite someone else’s head off” for a change. These lollies are anonymous people, but Freddo Frog and Caramello Koala have names as well as bodies and facial features, while others, like Cadbury’s seven Magical Elves, even have personalities. One of these, Aquamarine, is depicted as a winking character dressed in blue, and described on the wrapper as “a talented musician who plays music to inspire the Elves to enjoy themselves and work harder, but is a bit of a farty pants.” Advertisements also commonly personify lollies by giving them faces, voices, and limbs, so that even something as un-humanlike as a red ball, in the case of the Jaffa, is represented as a cheeky character in the act of running away. And children happily eat them all. Cannibalism rates highly in the world of children’s confectionery (James 298). If lollies are “metaphoric rubbish,” as James explains, they can also be understood as metaphorically breaking food taboos (299). Not only do children’s rituals create a sense of friendship, belonging, even intimacy, but engaging in them is also an act of power because children know that these practices disgust adults. Lollies give children permission to transgress the rules of civilised eating and this carnivalesque subversion is part of the pleasure of eating lollies. James suggests that confectionery is neither raw nor cooked, but belongs to a third food category that helps to define “the disorderly and inverted world of children” (“Confections” 301). In James’ analysis, children and adults inhabit separate worlds, and she views children’s sweets as part of the “alternative system of meanings through which [children] can establish their own integrity” (“Confections” 301, 305). In the sense that they exist outside of officialdom, children have inherited the carnivalesque tradition of the festive life, which Bakhtin theorises as “a second world” organised on the basis of laughter (6, 8). In this topsy-turvy, carnivalesque realm, with its emphasis on the grotesque body, laughter, fun, exuberance, comic rituals, and other non-official values, children escape adult rule. Lollies may be rubbish in the adult world, but, like the carnival fool, they are “king” in the child’s second and festive life, where bodies bulge, feasting is a public and often grotesque event, and children are masters of their own destiny. Eating lollies, then, represents a “metaphoric chewing up of adult order” and a means of the child assuming control over at least one of its orifices (James 305-6). In this sense, the pig is not a symbol of the uncivilised but the un-adult. Children are pigs with sugar—slubbering around hard lollies, licking other children’s lollies, metaphorically cannibalising jelly babies—and if they disgust adults it is because they challenge the eating norms that guard against the ever-present reminder that eating is an animal act. Eating practices “civilize the human animal” (Kass 131), but eating is inherently an untidy experience, and any semblance of order, as anthropologist Mary Douglas explains, is only created by exaggerating difference (qtd. in Ashley et al. 3). The pig is commonly understood to be the antithesis of civilisation and, therefore, the means by which we understand ourselves as civilised beings. The child with a lolly, however, is evidence that the line between human and animal is a tenuous divide. References Ashley, Bob, Joanne Hollows, Steve Jones and Ben Taylor. Food and Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 2004. Bakhtin, Mikhail. Rabelais and His World. Trans.Helene Iswolsky. Cambridge: M.I.T. P, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1968. Hendrickson, Robertson. The Great American Chewing Gum Book. Radnor, Pennsylvania: Chilton, 1976. James, Allison. “Confections, Concoctions and Conceptions.” Popular Culture: Past and Present. Eds Bernard Waites, Tony Bennett and Graham Martin. London: Routledge, 1986. 294-307. James, Allison. “The Good, the Bad and the Delicious: The Role of Confectionery in British Society.” Sociological Review 38, 1990: 666-88. Kass, Leon R. The Hungry Soul: Eating and the Perfecting of Our Nature. New York: Free Press, 1994. Lindsay, Norman. Saturdee. London: Angus & Robertson, 1981. Miller, William Ian. “Darwin’s Disgust.” Empire of the Senses: The Sensual Culture Reader. Ed. David Howes. Oxford: Berg, 2005. Miller, William Ian. The Anatomy of Disgust. Cambridge: Harvard U P, 1997. Mason, Laura. Sugar Plums and Sherbet: The Pre-history of Sweets. Devon: Prospect, 1998. Richardson, Tim. Sweets: A History of Temptation. London: Bantam Books, 2003. Twain, Mark. The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. New York: Collier, 1962. Whittaker, Nicholas. Sweet Talk: The Secret History of Confectionery. London: Phoenix, 1999. Zusak, Markus. The Book Thief. Sydney: Picador, 2005.