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Journal articles on the topic 'Mayan languages'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Momme Holtmann. "The position of Set B markers in Proto-Mayan." Cuadernos de Lingüística de El Colegio de México 10 (June 8, 2023): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/clecm.v10i00.278.

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This paper discusses the position of Set B pronouns in Proto-Mayan. While previous reconstructions differ from each other with regard to the exact position that Set B pronouns occupied with respect to the predicate (alwayspreceding, always following, or sometimes preceding and sometimes following the predicate word), all of them assume that Set B pronouns attached to the predicate just as they usually do in the modern Mayan languages. Based on cases in modern and colonial Mayan languages where Set B pronouns attach either to a non-predicate or the false predicate, in this paper, it is proposed

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2

Holtmann, Thilo Momme. "On agent focus agreement in Proto-Mayan." LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas 22 (August 10, 2022): e022009. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/liames.v22i00.8670032.

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In many Mayan languages, a special construction is used to focus subjects of transitive verbs, the so-called agent focus construction. Though this construction has two participants, it is morphologically intransitive and agrees with only one argument. Modern Mayan languages differ in which argument is cross-referenced in the agent focus construction, with some of them showing agreement with the agent, others with the patient and others with either the agent or the patient depending on their respective position on a person hierarchy. All of these patterns have been proposed by different authors

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3

Stiebels, Barbara. "Agent Focus in Mayan Languages." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 24, no. 2 (2006): 501–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-005-0539-9.

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4

Estrada Dzib, Andria Isabel. "Lengua maya y territorio: etnografía con niños y niñas de tercero de primaria." Educación y ciencia 14, no. 63 (2025): 54–70. https://doi.org/10.32776/eyc.v14i63.817.

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This article reflects my ethnographic experience with a third-grade group of primary school students from an indigenous public school in the Mexican state of Yucatán. The evidence of the use of the Mayan language by the participating children is discussed in dialogue with the most recent Latin American research on indigenous languages and their relationships with the territory. The evidence shows a great distance between the de jure and de facto reality regarding the capacities of Mexican public schools to contribute to the preservation and development of the Mayan language. It is stated tha

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5

Law, Danny. "Language mixing and genetic similarity." Diachronica 34, no. 1 (2017): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.34.1.02law.

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Abstract Definitions of ‘mixed’ or ‘intertwined’ languages derive almost entirely from studies of languages that combine elements from genetically unrelated sources. The Mayan language Tojol-ab’al displays a mixture of linguistic features from two related Mayan languages, Chuj and Tseltal. The systematic similarities found in related languages not only make it methodologically difficult to identify the source of specific linguistic features but also mean that inherited similarity can alter the processes and outcomes of language mixing in ways that parallel observed patterns of code-switching b

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Mora-Marín, David F. "Reconstructing Possession Morphology in Mayan Languages." International Journal of American Linguistics 87, no. 3 (2021): 369–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714250.

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7

Campbell, Lyle, and John M. Dienhart. "The Mayan Languages: A Comparative Vocabulary." Language 66, no. 4 (1990): 865. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414749.

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8

Law, Danny. "Inherited similarity and contact-induced change in Mayan Languages." Journal of Language Contact 6, no. 2 (2013): 271–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00602004.

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Similarity has been cited, generally anecdotally, as a significant factor shaping the outcomes of language contact. A detailed investigation of long-term contact among more than a dozen related Lowland Mayan languages has yielded specific examples of contact-induced language changes that, I argue, were facilitated by the systematic similarities shared by these languages because of genetic relatedness. Three factors that seem to have been particularly relevant in the Mayan case are 1) the high degree of overlap in linguistic structure, which would have allowed significant interlingual conflatio

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9

Chafe, Wallace. "Floyd Glenn Lounsbury, 1914–1998." Historiographia Linguistica 26, no. 3 (1999): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.26.3.09cha.

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Summary Floyd G. Lounsbury (1914–1998), one of the 20th century’s most influential anthropological linguistics, will be remembered especially for his contributions to three major areas of scholarship: Iroquoian linguistics, the analysis of kinship systems, and the decipherment of Mayan hieroglyphs. His earliest Iroquoian work was with the Oneida language in Wisconsin, and his description of the verb morphology of Oneida became the basis for all future studies of Iroquoian languages, many of them carried forward by his students. His analyses of Native American and other kinship systems in terms

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10

PYE, CLIFTON. "The poverty of the Mayan stimulus." Journal of Child Language 39, no. 3 (2011): 611–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000911000183.

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ABSTRACTPoverty of the stimulus (POS) arguments have instigated considerable debate in the recent linguistics literature. This article uses the comparative method to challenge the logic of POS arguments. Rather than question the premises of POS arguments, the article demonstrates how POS arguments for individual languages lead to a reductio ad absurdum as POS arguments from genetically related languages are compared. Comparison leads to different contradictions for poverty of the negative stimulus (PONS) and poverty of the positive stimulus (POPS) arguments. Comparing PONS arguments leads to t

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11

Pellicer, Alejandra. "The orthographic contrast between two languages." Written Language and Literacy 7, no. 1 (2004): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.7.1.05pel.

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This paper reports on the results of a research project in psycholinguistics that studied indigenous Maya children in a town in south-eastern Mexico. On requesting the children (who have scarce formal instruction in Spanish literacy) to write a list of words in their native language (Mayan) and in a second language (Spanish), we discovered a series of graphic and phonological strategies the children use to distinguish between writing in their native language and in Spanish. Maya children work simultaneously on two levels of graphic differentiation. On one hand, they attempt to respect the form

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12

Sychev, Roman V. "Morphosyntactic features of progressive in the K’iche’an languages of the Mayan family." Open Linguistics 7, no. 1 (2021): 594–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2020-0176.

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Abstract The article deals with the morphosyntactic features of the aspectual category of progressive in K’iche’an languages. The analysis is carried out using methods of intragenetic typology. It is proposed to clarify Vinogradov’s classification of progressive in the Mayan languages in relation to the K’iche’an group. Three types of K’iche’an progressive as well as three strategies for the distribution of ergative–absolutive markers in the progressive are proposed. The boundary between the uniclausal and biclausal analyses of complex aspect constructions in Mayan languages is proposed. The a

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13

England, Nora C. "Plurality Agreement in Some Eastern Mayan Languages." International Journal of American Linguistics 77, no. 3 (2011): 397–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/660974.

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14

England, Nora C. "Linguistics and Indigenous American Languages: Mayan Examples." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 1, no. 1 (1995): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.1995.1.1.122.

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England, Nora C. "Linguistics and Indigenous American Languages: Mayan Examples." Journal of Latin American Anthropology 1, no. 1 (2008): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.1995.1.1.122.

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16

Hoppan, Jean-Michel, and Sylviane Schwer. "De la protraction en maya?" Faits de Langues 51, no. 2 (2021): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05102004.

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Abstract Overcounting is a neologism which was proposed in the late XXth century to define « the operation that designates a number by its orientation towards a boundary ». With a few examples taken from Asiatic languages, Mayan numerations from Central America are generally given as representative of this uncommon type of linguistic operation to build words for numbers. However, our analysis of the operative pattern in this kind of Mayan numeration (which has cohabited for many centuries with a more simply additive type of number construction) as well as the analysis of the data from pre-hisp

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17

Frankle, Eleanor. "On Some Plural Markers in the Mayan Languages." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (1985): 407–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465912.

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18

Mateo‐Toledo, B’alam. "The Use of Languages’ Names: The Mayan Case." International Journal of American Linguistics 69, no. 2 (2003): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/379682.

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19

England, Nora C. "Changes in Basic Word Order in Mayan Languages." International Journal of American Linguistics 57, no. 4 (1991): 446–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ijal.57.4.3519735.

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PYE, CLIFTON, and BARBARA PFEILER. "The Comparative Method of language acquisition research: a Mayan case study." Journal of Child Language 41, no. 2 (2013): 382–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000912000748.

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ABSTRACTThis article demonstrates how the Comparative Method can be applied to cross-linguistic research on language acquisition. The Comparative Method provides a systematic procedure for organizing and interpreting acquisition data from different languages. The Comparative Method controls for cross-linguistic differences at all levels of the grammar and is especially useful in drawing attention to variation in contexts of use across languages. This article uses the Comparative Method to analyze the acquisition of verb suffixes in two Mayan languages: K'iche' and Yucatec. Mayan status suffixe

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Little, Carol-Rose, and Mia Wiegand. "A compositional morphosemantic analysis of exclusivity in Ch'ol." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (2018): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4376.

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We argue that novel empirical generalizations on exclusive operators in Ch’ol (Mayan) provide strong evidence for a morphological decompositionality of exclusivity into a core semantic entry and focus sensitivity. There is a robust literature on exclusivity and the distributions of scalar particles in various languages (Beaver & Clark 2003, 2008; Orenstein & Greenberg 2010; Coppock & Beaver 2011a,b). Coppock & Beaver (2011a) argue that mere operates in a different domain (properties) than only (propositions). Recent work on focus constructions in Mayan languages include Yasavul

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22

Barrett, Rusty. "Ideophones and (non-)arbitrariness in the K’iche’ poetry of Humberto Ak’abal." Pragmatics and Society 5, no. 3 (2014): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.5.3.05bar.

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This paper examines the ways in which Ak’abal uses K’iche’ ideophones and arbitrariness to highlight differences between Mayan languages and Spanish. This paper focuses on Ak’abal’s sound poems constructed through the use of K’iche’ ideophones, primarily onomatopoetic forms representing natural phenomena such as animal sounds, the movement of water, and sounds associated with weather. Ak’abal often treats non-onomatopoetic words (such as the names of birds) as ideophones, suggesting a direct (unmediated) relationship between K’iche’ signs and the natural elements of the environment. These uses

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23

Burukina, Irina. "Patterns of deverbal nominalization in Kaqchikel." Voprosy Jazykoznanija, no. 6 (2022): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/0373-658x.2022.6.62-80.

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The paper provides an overview of productive patterns of deverbal nominalization in Kaqchikel (Mayan; ergative, VOS/SVO). Adopting the universal typology for deverbal nominals developed by J. Grimshaw, H. Borer, and K. Moulton, we demonstrate that, while in English and other well-studied languages of Europe the same morpheme is often used to create all kinds of deverbal nouns, Kaqchikel clearly disambiguates between the three cases: complex events, simple events, and result nominals. We consider in detail the core semantic and syntactic properties of the three classes of items, thus filling in

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24

Law, Danny, John Robertson, Stephen Houston, Marc Zender, and David Stuart. "AREAL SHIFTS IN CLASSIC MAYAN PHONOLOGY." Ancient Mesoamerica 25, no. 2 (2014): 357–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536114000273.

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AbstractAdvances in hieroglyphic decipherment and in language contact typology provide new data and theories with which to investigate and reassess prior interpretations of Mayan linguistic history. The present study considers the shift from proto-Mayan *k and *k' to /ch/ and /ch'/, a sound change that affected several Mayan languages in different phonological contexts. This sound change, with a very particular set of conditions, has been highlighted as a defining feature of the Cholan-Tseltalan branch of the Mayan language family. New evidence suggests that this sound change was shared as a r

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Armstrong, Grant. "The roots and structures of possessive noun classes." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 10, no. 6 (2024): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.461.

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In both the typological literature and literature on formal syntax and semantics, a division is drawn between nouns that are inalienably possessed such as body parts and kinship terms and nouns that are alienably possessed such as owned materials. In this paper I re-examine data from Spanish and Mayan languages and propose an analysis of it that emphasizes two important points regarding the roots and structures associated with inalienable and alienable possession. I first make the novel observation that various types of external possession in Spanish provide clear support for the idea that ina

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AnderBois, Scott. "At-issueness in direct quotation: the case of Mayan quotatives." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 29 (December 9, 2019): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v29i0.4623.

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In addition to lexical verbs of saying, many languages have more grammaticized means for reporting the speech of others. This paper presents the first detailed formal account of one such device: quotative morphemes in Mayan languages, with a focus on Yucatec Maya ki(j). When mentioned in previous literature, quotatives have either been regarded as a special kind of verb of saying or reportative evidential. I argue that quotatives have important differences (and some similarities) with both verbs of saying and reportatives. To capture these properties, I propose a ‘scoreboard’ account where quo

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27

Mora-Marín, David F. "The regularizing, analogical effect of metathesis in Modern Ch'ol (Mayan): The cases of 7ejk'ach ‘fingernail, claw’ and 7ik'oty ‘with, and’." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no. 3 (2021): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.20.

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AbstractThis article examines two instances of metathesis that have occurred in Ch'ol (Mayan) since the late 18th century. While at first, they may seem to be cases of irregular, sporadic change, a closer look at constraints involving ejective consonants within disyllabic and trisyllabic roots or stems suggests that these cases conform to a regular pattern within Ch'ol, and more generally, Mayan languages, in which reflexes of *q’ or *k’ are preferred in medial position in disyllabic roots with a medial glottalized consonant. The data support Hume's (2004) attestation assumption for metathesis

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Robertson, John S. "The History of First-Person Singular in the Mayan Languages." International Journal of American Linguistics 65, no. 4 (1999): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466402.

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29

Levin, Theodore, Paulina Lyskawa, and Rodrigo Ranero. "Optional agreement in Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan) is syntactic." Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 39, no. 3 (2020): 329–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfs-2020-2018.

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Abstract Some Mayan languages display optional verbal agreement with 3pl arguments (Dayley1985; Henderson2009; England2011). Focusing on novel data from Santiago Tz’utujil (ST), we demonstrate that this optionality is not reducible to phonological or morphological factors. Rather, the source of optionality is in the syntax. Specifically, the distinction between arguments generated in the specifier position and arguments generated in the complement position governs the pattern. Only base-complements control agreement optionally; base-specifiers control agreement obligatorily. We provide an anal

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30

Macri, Martha J. "Numeral Classifiers and Counted Nouns in the Classic Maya Inscriptions." Language and Dialect in the Maya Hieroglyphic Script 3, no. 1 (2000): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.3.1.03mac.

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Yucatecan, Ch’olan, and Tzeltalan languages have numeral classifiers which obligatorily follow numbers. Although such classifiers are not present in every number expression, several numeral classifiers occur frequently in the Classic Maya inscriptions. The most common of them, the period glyphs, constitute a feature which distinguishes Maya inscriptions from Mixe-Zoquean inscriptions, since the classifiers required in Mayan languages do not occur in Mixe-Zoquean languages. Any glyph immediately following bar/dot numbers should be examined carefully for that possibility. Several morphemes which

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Lacadena, Alfonso. "Antipassive Constructions in the Maya Glyphic Texts." Language and Dialect in the Maya Hieroglyphic Script 3, no. 1 (2000): 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.3.1.08lac.

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The Classic Maya hieroglyphic texts of the Southern Lowlands provide morphological and syntactic evidence for antipassive constructions. Two sets of signs, wa/wi and ni, are involved in the relevant spellings, probably rendering suffixes of the shape -(V)w and -(V)n. These two suffixes are related to attested Tzeltalan and Ch’olan antipassive suffixes, and they have ancestors reconstructible for proto-Greater Tzeltalan. Other Mayan languages outside Greater Tzeltalan also have cognate -(V)w and -(V)n antipassive suffixes. The proto-Mayan ancestors have been reconstructed as *-(V)w and *-(V)n (

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McBirney, Alexander, and Volker Lorenz. "Karl Sapper: Geologist, Ethnologist, and Naturalist." Earth Sciences History 22, no. 1 (2003): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.22.1.w78q7v821t825922.

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In the course of twelve years at the end of the nineteenth century, Karl Sapper (1866-1945) carried out the first extensive geological exploration of Central America and southern Mexico. Despite his fragile health and frequent attacks of malaria, he did this almost entirely on foot, covering hundreds of miles through the dense rain forest and over mountainous trails. At the same time, he recorded the languages and folklore of the indigenous tribes, and described ancient Mayan ruins he discovered in the Peten and Yucatan. For nearly half a century, his maps and reports remained the principal so

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Comrie, Bernard. "The afterlife of the antipassive." Jezikoslovlje 22, no. 2 (2021): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29162/jez.2021.7.

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Three examples are presented of reanalyses of antipassives as or in the direction of ordinary transitive constructions, from Tsez, Chukchi, and Mayan languages. In all cases, an antipassive construction remains in the language or language family concerned, thus presenting empirical evidence of reanalysis to parallel earlier hypothesized reconstructions of antipassives to explain synchronic idiosyncrasies

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Coon, Jessica, Pedro Mateo Pedro, and Omer Preminger. "The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries." Linguistic Variation 14, no. 2 (2014): 179–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.14.2.01coo.

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Many morphologically ergative languages display asymmetries in the extraction of core arguments: while absolutive arguments (transitive objects and intransitive subjects) extract freely, ergative arguments (transitive subjects) cannot. This falls under the label “syntactic ergativity” (see, e.g. Dixon 1972, 1994; Manning 1996; Polinsky to appear(b)). These extraction asymmetries are found in many languages of the Mayan family, where in order to extract transitive subjects (for focus, questions, or relativization), a special construction known as the “Agent Focus” (AF) must be used. These AF co

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Mora-Marín, David F. "KAMINALJUYU STELA 10: Script classification and linguistic affiliation." Ancient Mesoamerica 16, no. 1 (2005): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536105050029.

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This paper examines various lines of evidence for the classification and linguistic affiliation of writing at Late Preclassic Kaminaljuyu. The linguistic evidence for the ethnic composition of the Maya highlands and Pacific slopes during the Late Preclassic period points to contact among Ch'olan-Tzeltalan, Greater K'iche'an, and other non-Mayan languages, and to a dominant political economic role of Ch'olan-Tzeltalan. The epigraphic evidence supports classifying the script together with the Lowland Mayan script, and separately from the Epi-Olmec script, and hints at the presence of uniquely Ch

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36

Kettunen, Harri. "De rerum natura: On the Nature of Existence and the Existence of Nature in the mundo maya and Beyond." Estudios Latinoamericanos 41 (February 8, 2022): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.36447/estudios2021.v41.art5.

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word for ‘nature.’ Th e lack of such terminology stems from the fact that the division between the human realm and the environment we live in has not been (historically or culturally) as separated as it is in the modern world. However, while there are no traditional words for ‘nature’ in Mayan languages, some of the languages use descriptive terms or neologisms that are oft en translated as ‘nature’ in dictionaries and other linguistic sources. The focus of this article is to understand the concept of nature in the Maya worldview based primarily on linguistic sources.

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Imbert, Caroline. "Morpheme Order Constraints Upside Down: Verticality and Other Directions." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 39, no. 1 (2013): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v39i1.3895.

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In lieu of an abstract, here is an excerpt:This paper addresses a selection of languages which exhibits morphosyntactic structures that formally have little in common: Burmese and Arakanese (Tibeto-Burmese), Popti’ (Mayan), Homeric Greek (Indo-European) and Mandarin Chinese (Sinitic). However, they all seem to organize the surface order of their Path-encoding elements according to two conceptual distinctions: (a) the Axiality or non-Axiality of Path, and (b) Deixis.

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Vinogradov, Igor. "El proclítico verbal a: el vínculo entre el Poqomchi’ y los idiomas mayas cholanos." Estudios de Cultura Maya 58 (June 27, 2021): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.ecm.2021.58.23867.

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Some missionary texts written during the Colonial period in the Poqomchi’ language (Mayan family, K’ichean subgroup) attest the verbal proclitic a, that is being lost in the modern language. It was added to verb forms in the completive aspect marked by the prefix x- and indicated, roughly speaking, the relevance of a past event at the moment of utterance. The same proclitic with similar meaning is also registered in two Mayan languages of the Cholan subgroup: Chontal of Tabasco and Chontal of Acalán. The Poqomchi’ people, despite their origin in the Guatemalan highlands, were neighbors of the

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Hamann, Agnieszka. "The concept of space in Classic Mayan." Estudios Latinoamericanos 40 (October 1, 2021): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36447/estudios2020.v40.art2.

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The ancient Maya civilization left us a significant corpus of glyphic inscriptions, a large portion of which consists of historical records, meticulously dating events and time elapsed between them – births, accessions and deaths of rulers, wars, ceremonies, visits and family relationships between royal dynasties, etc. (see Martin and Grube 2008). Time being such a prominent topic, the texts contain a number of time-related terms, including (1) event-based expressions (ti ik’ k’in ‘at black day / at dusk / at night’; i pas ‘then at dawn’; si[h]yajiiy ‘(X years) after s/he was born’), (2) conce

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Vinogradov, Igor. "LINGUISTIC ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE POQOMCHI’- SPEAKING AREA: TRACING LANGUAGE CONTACTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE CONQUEST." Contributions in New World Archaeology 14 (June 30, 2020): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33547/cnwa.14.04.

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Written documents in Amerindian languages stemming from the colonial period provide valuable information for historical linguistics, as they present unique empirical attestations of linguistic phenomena that no longer exist in modern languages. This data can also be used in linguistic archaeology to reconstruct the social contexts in which the speakers of ancient languages lived. This paper discusses language contacts in the Maya area by analysing early colonial manuscripts in the Poqomchi’ language. Poqomchi’ speakers were in close contact with speakers of Western Ch’olan Mayan languages befo

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Soto‐Corominas, Adriana. "Bilingual Education in Guatemala." International Journal of Literacy, Culture, and Language Education 4 (August 1, 2015): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/ijlcle.v4i0.26917.

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Language shift is a phenomenon by which one language is lost and replaced by another one. This project focuses on the language shift process happening in Guatemala, a country where the majority language, Spanish, coexists with 24 Indigenous languages. The objective of this project was to assess the role and development of the Intercultural Bilingual Education (IBE) model, which was implemented with the aim of promoting a type of education that would integrate the cultures and languages of the country. In order to carry out this project, teachers from different schools and members of the govern

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Hopkins, Nicholas A. "The Noun Classifiers of Cuchumatán Mayan Languages: A Case of Diffusion From Otomanguean." International Journal of American Linguistics 78, no. 3 (2012): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/665919.

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Hofling, Charles Andrew. "A Sketch of the History of the Verbal Complex in Yukatekan Mayan Languages." International Journal of American Linguistics 72, no. 3 (2006): 367–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/509490.

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Hansen, Magnus, and Christophe Helmke. "GOLD AND CALQUES IN MESOAMERICA: TRACING THE INTRODUCTION OF GOLD TO MESOAMERICA THROUGH LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE." Contributions in New World Archaeology 13 (December 31, 2019): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33547/cnwa.13.05.

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Gold appears relatively late in the Mesoamerican archeological record, initially imported as pieces from Central America in the Classic period. Nevertheless, Mesoamerican languages share a set of lexical calques referring to gold as either ‘god excrement’ or ‘sun excrement’. This study traces the path of this calque as it moves between different languages, arguing that the most likely path of the calque originated as ‘sun excrement’ and passed from a language family in Eastern Mesoamerica, probably in Mayan, into Nahuatl which transformed it into ‘god excrement’ and passed this form into proto

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Stemp, W. James, Jaime J. Awe, Joyce Marcus, Christophe Helmke, and Lauren A. Sullivan. "THE PRECERAMIC AND EARLY CERAMIC PERIODS IN BELIZE AND THE CENTRAL MAYA LOWLANDS." Ancient Mesoamerica 32, no. 3 (2021): 416–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536121000444.

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AbstractThis introduction to the Special Section provides a summary of our current understanding of the first humans and the first Maya in these regions and presents seven articles that examine these critical periods from varied, intersecting perspectives. The Introduction begins with a brief history of early preceramic research (primarily in northern Belize) and provides a current chronology for the Paleoindian, Archaic, and Early Preclassic periods. The Paleoindian and Archaic (ca. 11,500–900 b.c.) periods are discussed in terms of the origins of the first peoples in these regions, lithic te

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Sicoli, Mark A. "Shifting voices with participant roles: Voice qualities and speech registers in Mesoamerica." Language in Society 39, no. 4 (2010): 521–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404510000436.

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AbstractAlthough an increasing number of sociolinguistic researchers consider functions of voice qualities as stylistic features, few studies consider cases where voice qualities serve as the primary signs of speech registers. This article addresses this gap through the presentation of a case study of Lachixío Zapotec speech registers indexed though falsetto, breathy, creaky, modal, and whispered voice qualities. I describe the system of contrastive speech registers in Lachixío Zapotec and then track a speaker on a single evening where she switches between three of these registers. Analyzing l

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Law, Danny. "Pronominal borrowing among the Maya." Diachronica 26, no. 2 (2009): 214–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.26.2.03law.

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A central concern in the study of language contact phenomena is the question of what linguistic features are more or less likely to be borrowed, and why. Pronominal borrowing, at least the direct borrowing of the phonological forms, is often ranked among the least common outcomes of language contact. This paper presents an extended case study of contact-induced changes in the system of person markers in several Mayan languages over nearly two thousand years of intense linguistic contact. The contact phenomena discussed appear to include the direct borrowing of pronominal ‘matter’, as well as t

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Dakin, Karen, and Søren Wichmann. "CACAO AND CHOCOLATE." Ancient Mesoamerica 11, no. 1 (2000): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100111058.

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The origin of the words $lsquo;cacao$rsquo; and $lsquo;chocolate$rsquo; and their use in the reconstruction of the early history of Mesoamerica, remain very controversial issues. Cambell and Kaufman (1976, American Antiquity 41:80–89), for example, proposed that the word $lsquo;cacao$rsquo; originated from Mixe–Zoque languages, thus possibly representing Olmec traditions. According to this argument, other Mesoamerican languages, including Nahuatl, borrowed the word as a symbol of prestige and Olmec influence. Other researchers claim the word $lsquo;chocolate$rsquo; represents a more recent neo

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Tuszyńska, Boguchwała. "On preserved and lost Ancient Maya books." Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi 13 (December 26, 2019): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.25448730.zbkh.2019.156.

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One of the greatest achievements of the Ancient Maya was a logo-syllabic writing system. The Maya left many glyphic inscriptions carved, incised or painted on different media. Unfortunately, from that rich scribal tradition only four manuscripts, known as codices, survived. They are painted on bark paper and contain, above all, almanacs with auguries. However, by looking at reports prepared by chroniclers during Colonial times, and documents transcribed in Mayan languages using the Latin alphabet, one can see that a variety of subjects could have been raised in lost codices.

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Carpio, Karla Del. "The Situation of the Tsotsil Language from Chiapas, Mexico: Orality and Writing." International Journal of Educational Studies 8, no. 4 (2025): 16–22. https://doi.org/10.53935/2641533x.v8i4.426.

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This manuscript emphasizes the linguistic and cultural richness of Mexico as it is the country that has approximately 68 language groups. Mexico is considered one of the countries with the largest indigenous population in Latin America. The languages of these communities have been characterized by their orality. However, the speed with which many indigenous languages have disappeared globally shows the need to look for solutions that contribute to their revitalization and promotion. This article focuses on the indigenous Mayan Tsotsil language spoken in Chiapas, Mexico to give a concrete examp

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