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Journal articles on the topic 'Mearsheimer'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

TANG, HSIN-WEI, and YUAN FENG. "International Anarchy in Perpetuity? A Re-Examination Based on the Perspectives of Classical Political Thinkers and Ancient Historical Experience." Issues & Studies 52, no. 03 (September 2016): 1650012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251116500120.

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Structural realists, notably Waltz and Mearsheimer, have argued for the persistence of an anarchic international political system characterized by the absence of any centralized authority positioned above individual states. Mearsheimer has further suggested that a Sino-U.S. conflict is likely to occur in the future under conditions of anarchy. Based on the perspectives of classical realism, Chinese traditions, and relevant historical experience, we interrogate Mearsheimer’s contention, arguing that hierarchies can thrive under conditions of international anarchy. Thus, international anarchy does not endure in perpetuity.

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2

Zimmer, Matthias. "Ein wattierter Hobbes. Zum Menschen- und Geschichtsbild von John J. Mearsheimer." Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik 13, no. 2 (June 2020): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12399-020-00806-9.

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Zusammenfassung John J. Mearsheimers neues Buch The Great Delusion. Liberal Dreams and International Realities unterzieht die US-amerikanische Außenpolitik seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges einer gründlichen Kritik aus der Perspektive des Realismus. Dazu erläutert Mearsheimer die anthropologische Fundierung dieses Zugangs zur internationalen Politik. Diese Analyse zeigt jedoch, dass seine anthropologischen Grundlagen und die Thesen des Realismus nicht zusammenpassen. Hinzu kommt, dass der Wille zum Überleben als unausgesprochene Grundlage der Theorie Mearsheimers heute kooperative Lösungen verlangt.

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3

Johnson, James. "Introduction and Comments." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090768.

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We open this issue with a vigorous exchange on a matter that, to put it mildly, is politically fraught. In a series of provocative publications beginning in 2006, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt address what they call “the Israel Lobby” and detail what they see as the dire consequences that that lobby has generated for American foreign policy making. In our lead essay here, Robert Lieberman challenges Walt and Mearsheimer in precisely the way I think debate on their thesis needs to proceed. Lieberman focuses on the causal claims Walt and Mearsheimer advance, the evidence they adduce for those claims, and the ways that their arguments fit with established research on how American politics operates. Mearsheimer and Walt have written a spirited response to Lieberman who, in turn, offers a brief reply. It is safe to say that neither party to this exchange has persuaded the other. Yet, though their exchange is frank, both Lieberman and Mearsheimer and Walt keep their eye on the ball—they are concerned to establish whether and to what extent the Israel lobby exists and operates in the way Mearsheimer and Walt claim it does.

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4

Kovel, Joel. "Mearsheimer and Walt Revisited." Socialism and Democracy 23, no. 2 (July 2009): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300902905185.

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5

Moreira, Felipe Kern. "O realismo atávico de John J. Mearsheimer: breve ensaio teórico." Cadernos do CIM 1, no. 1 (March 21, 2017): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/cadcim.v1i1.10893.

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O propósito do presente artigo é estabelecer considerações sobre alguns dos pressupostos teórico-metodológicos apresentados na obra ‘The Tragedy of Great Power Politics’, de John J. Mearsheimer. Para tal, situa o realismo ofensivo no campo teórico e registra observações críticas sobre pressupostos e opções metodológicas de John J. Mearsheimer.

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6

RENDALL, MATTHEW. "Defensive realism and the Concert of Europe." Review of International Studies 32, no. 3 (July 2006): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007145.

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Why do great powers expand? Offensive realist John Mearsheimer claims that states wage an eternal struggle for power, and that those strong enough to seek regional hegemony nearly always do. Mearsheimer’s evidence, however, displays a selection bias. Examining four crises between 1814 and 1840, I show that the balance of power restrained Russia, Prussia and France. Yet all three also exercised self-restraint; Russia, in particular, passed up chances to bid for hegemony in 1815 and to topple Ottoman Turkey in 1829. Defensive realism gives a better account of the Concert of Europe, because it combines structural realism with non-realist theories of state preferences.

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7

Schmidt, Brian C. "Realism as tragedy." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (July 2004): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006151.

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In 1948, Hans J. Morgenthau wrote his classic text, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, that was largely responsible for establishing realism as the prevailing theory in the field of International Relations (IR). In 1979, Kenneth N. Waltz wrote an immensely influential book, Theory of International Politics, that resulted in a new structural version of realism – neorealism – becoming the dominant theory in IR. John J. Mearsheimer, who is the R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago, has written a profoundly important book that rightfully deserves a prominent place along with Morgenthau and Waltz in the canon of realist thought about international politics. Mearsheimer's clearly written book puts forth a new structural theory of realism that he terms offensive realism. This version of realism argues that the observable patterns of behaviour among all of the great powers throughout history, most notably their ubiquitous power-seeking, can be explained by the fact that they exist in a condition of anarchy in which there is no higher source of authority above them. While sharing many of the same basic assumptions with neorealism, offensive realism, as elucidated by Mearsheimer, provides a fundamentally different account of the essential dynamics of international politics than that which Waltz and his students have been offering for the last twenty years or so.

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8

Lieberman, Robert C. "Rejoinder to Mearsheimer and Walt." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 275–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090793.

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In their reply, Professors Mearsheimer and Walt focus quite reasonably on my two main claims: that their research methods are flawed and that their evidence is weak. But they begin, tellingly, by citing a range of indirect evidence that appears to depict a powerful “Israel lobby.” Lots of knowledgeable Washington insiders, they say—policymakers, journalists, candidates for office, and the like—say and do things that seem to acknowledge the “lobby's” power. I draw attention to this opening for several reasons. First, it is not clear how much weight some of this evidence will bear. Take, for example, the National Journal survey of members of Congress that Mearsheimer and Walt cite twice in their reply (and once in their book). In this survey, conducted once, in 2005, seventy-three members of Congress (out of 535—less than 15 percent) responded to the question, “Which two interest groups do you believe are most effective on Capitol Hill?” Of these respondents, thirteen (less than 20 percent of the sample) mentioned American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) as one of their two choices. It seems something of a leap from the observation that a dozen or so members of Congress said once that AIPAC is “effective” (which might mean any number of things) to the inference that AIPAC—or the lobby more generally—is powerful. Or take the observation that important politicians regularly address AIPAC's annual conference and make friendly speeches when they do. Surely these same politicians visit other such organizations regularly. And when they appear before, say, the AFL-CIO or the NAACP, surely they say nice things about the issues that these organizations and their conference attendees care about. Successful politicians rarely voice open disagreement with the people they are talking to. But are we to conclude from this behavior that the AFL-CIO and the NAACP, or any other groups that regularly receive such visits, are powerful? Again, this inference requires something of a logical leap.

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9

McMahan, Jeff. "Conventional Deterrence. John J. Mearsheimer." Ethics 95, no. 2 (January 1985): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/292648.

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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "War Occurrence: Hyper-Insecurity and Multilateral Institutions." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (August 5, 2015): 388–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000146.

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Two lines of argument seem to stand solidly without seeing eye to eye with each other about the current world order. Steven Pinker, the American psychologist, writes about the steady reduction in human violence in settling disputes among humankind (Pinker, 2012). John Mearsheimer, the American political scientist, writes about the structurally almost inevitable conflicts of interest between great powers in the early twenty-first century in his analysis of hegemonic competition between the United States and China (Mearsheimer, 2005). It is not necessary to note that their arguments are made looking at conflicts of interest and use of violence from very different angles and time ranges. Yet their differences are stark and clear. Pinker says that the future is bright and shining due to the non-use of violence. Mearsheimer says that the future is dark and potentially devastating due to the consequences of the high tensions surrounding the conflicts of interest. The question posed at the outset is thus: Is the current era one of peace or war?

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11

Booth, Wayne C. "Introducing Professor Mearsheimer to His Own University." Philosophy and Literature 22, no. 1 (1998): 174–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phl.1998.0002.

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12

Slater, Jerome. "The Two Books of Mearsheimer and Walt." Security Studies 18, no. 1 (February 18, 2009): 4–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636410802678106.

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13

Masala, Carlo. "John Mearsheimer: The tragedy of great power politics." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 44, no. 3 (September 2003): 442–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-003-0090-4.

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14

Lieber, Robert J. "The Tragedy of Great Power Politicsby John J. Mearsheimer." Political Science Quarterly 117, no. 2 (June 2002): 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/798192.

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15

Shiping Tang. "Social evolution of international politics: From Mearsheimer to Jervis." European Journal of International Relations 16, no. 1 (February 19, 2010): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066109344010.

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16

Reicher, Dieter. "Mearsheimer, John J.: The Tragedy of Great Power Politics." Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie 29, no. 4 (December 2004): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11614-004-0032-4.

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17

Demant, Peter. "Com amigos assim, quem precisa de inimigos? Dois neo-realistas reduzem a amizade entre os EUA e Israel ao tráfico de influência." Novos Estudos - CEBRAP, no. 76 (November 2006): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-33002006000300004.

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Em resposta ao artigo "O Lobby de Israel", sustenta-se que a proximidade entre os EUA e Israel é cultivada pelo Lobby e não por ele criada. Defende-se também que as conclusões de Mearsheimer e Walt são baseadas em pesquisa descuidada, deturpações e lógica falsa, mas que ainda assim a tese central é digna de debate.

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18

ELMAN, COLIN. "Extending Offensive Realism: The Louisiana Purchase and America's Rise to Regional Hegemony." American Political Science Review 98, no. 4 (November 2004): 563–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404041358.

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John Mearsheimer suggests that, whenever possible, great powers are constrained to seek regional hegemony, the safest feasible situation for a state. This objective is hard to achieve because other great powers want to block the attempt, but it is doable because buck-passing and other hurdles make balancing inefficient. Contra Mearsheimer, I argue that it is the absence of balancers, not balancing inefficiencies, that best explains when states can hope to dominate their neighborhoods. Regional hegemony is only achievable when it is easy. I use property space techniques to develop an extended version of offensive realism that clarifies why states will sometimes prefer not to block a hegemonic bid. In particular, I argue that local considerations will often prevent a continental great power from responding to a rising state in another region. I test my argument by process tracing the U.S. purchase of Louisiana and show that France's decision to sell is best explained by its pursuit of its own territorial ambitions. My extended version of offensive realism suggests that its single success story of the last 200 years, U.S. dominance of North America, provides no encouragement to contemporary states contemplating a bid for regional hegemony.

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19

Schimmel, Noam. "A Review of: “John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt.The Israel Lobby.”." Terrorism and Political Violence 20, no. 3 (July 2008): 449–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550802194759.

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20

Dockrill, M. L. "Liddell Hart and the Weight of History. John J. Mearsheimer." Journal of Modern History 63, no. 2 (June 1991): 377–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244330.

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21

Toft, Peter. "John J. Mearsheimer: an offensive realist between geopolitics and power." Journal of International Relations and Development 8, no. 4 (November 30, 2005): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800065.

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22

Zunes, Stephen. "The Israel Lobby: A Progressive Response to Mearsheimer and Walt." Tikkun 22, no. 6 (January 1, 2007): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-2007-6015.

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23

Dar, Arshid Iqbal. "John J. Mearsheimer. The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities." Asian Affairs 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1567117.

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24

Kimla, Piotr. "Zbigniew Brzeziński a John Mearsheimer — dwie wizje rozwoju stosunków chińsko-amerykańskich." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 2 (December 27, 2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.2.4.

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The analysis aims to show the differences in the approach to the growth of communist China as perceived by Zbigniew Brzeziński and John Mearsheimer. It shows that the distinctly different attitudes of these thinkers to China’s growth at the beginning of the 21st century were getting closer over time. It happened as a result of the evolving position of Brzeziński, who gradually realized the danger America’s consent and aid in China’s enormous economic leap poses to the United States. That is why, towards the end of his life, Brzeziński began to write about the necessity to include Russia in the political body of the West, on the condition, however, that Vladimir Putin, whose authoritarian rule aims to recreate the fascist experiment in Italy, is removed from power.

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25

Alves, Rafael Queiroz, and Rodrigo Duarte Fernandes dos Passos. "HEGEMONIA INTERNACIONAL DA REPÚBLICA POPULAR DA CHINA SOB O GOVERNO DE XI JINPING." Revista de Iniciação Científica da FFC - (Cessada) 17, no. 1 (November 16, 2020): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/1415-8612.2017.v17n1.p39-50.

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O presente artigo objetiva analisar, a partir da consideração da elevação do poder da China enquanto ator hegemônico regional, qual é a tendência de transformação da ordem mundial durante o governo de Xi Jinping. Em um primeiro momento, o referencial teórico para explicar o contexto global contemporâneo será constituído pela obra de John J. Mearsheimer. Posteriormente, em contraposição, o mesmo tema será verificado através do conceito de Tianxia, que é abordado na obra de Tingyang Zhao. Por fim, as duas abordagens serão comparadas.

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Rowen, Ian. "Inside Taiwan's Sunflower Movement: Twenty-Four Days in a Student-Occupied Parliament, and the Future of the Region." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 1 (February 2015): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814002174.

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“Say goodbye to Taiwan,” wrote political scientist John Mearsheimer in a widely read article in the March-April 2014 issue of The National Interest. Threatened by China's rising economic might and abandoned by a weakening United States, one of Asia's most vibrant democracies was facing, in his “realist” analysis, an almost inevitable annexation via economic if not military force. “Time,” he wrote, “is running out for the little island coveted by its gigantic, growing neighbor.” But only days after publication, on March 18, activists and armchair analysts alike said hello to a new reality.

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Srour, Soha. "The Israeli Lobby and the U.S. Response to the War in Lebanon." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i1.1582.

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On 28 August 2006, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)sponsored a panel discussion on “The Israeli Lobby and the U.S. Responseto the War in Lebanon” at the National Press Club, Washington, DC. StephenWalt (Kennedy School of Government, Harvard) and John Mearsheimer(University of Chicago), authors of the controversial article “The IsraeliLobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,” were featured.The panel began with opening remarks by Corey Saylor (governmentaffairs director, CAIR) and Nihad Awad (executive director, CAIR). Awaddiscussed the war in Lebanon and the situation in Gaza, described Israel’sdropping of cluster bombs on civilian Lebanese towns, quoted a HumanRights Watch report that states Israel does not distinguish between combatants and civilians, as well as an Amnesty International report describingIsraeli actions in Lebanon as war crimes. He concluded: “Our one-sided supportfor Israel is a liability in the war on terror. It has turned much of theworld, including our European allies, against us.”Stephen Walt summarized the main arguments of his research articlewith John Mearsheimer. Among them are that comprehending the recent warin Lebanon requires an understanding of the pro-Israel groups’ politicalpower in the United States; that the Israeli lobby’s influence has led to policiesthat are not in the United States’ national interest, or in those of theregion’s countries, including Israel; and that $3 billion of American taxpayers’money is given unconditionally to a wealthy industrial nation. Hequoted former American negotiator Aaron Miller’s remark that the UnitedStates acted as Israeli’s lawyer during Oslo and has been even more onesidedunder President Bush ...

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28

Lieberman, Robert C. "The “Israel Lobby” and American Politics." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270909077x.

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In their recent book,The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt argue that American support for Israel does not serve American interests. Nevertheless, they observe that American foreign policy regarding the Middle East, especially in recent years, has tilted strongly toward support for Israel, and they attribute this support to the influence of the “Israel lobby” in American domestic politics. Their book is principally an attempt to make a causal argument about American politics and policymaking. I examine three aspects of this argument—its causal logic, the use of evidence to support hypotheses, and the argument's connection with the state of knowledge about American politics—and conclude that the case for the Israel lobby as the primary cause of American support for Israel is at best a weak one, although it points to a number of interesting questions about the mechanisms of power in American politics. Mearsheimer and Walt's propositions about the direct influence of the Israel lobby on Congress and the executive branch are generally not supported by theory or evidence. Less conclusive and more suggestive, however, are their arguments about the lobby's apparent influence on the terms and boundaries of legitimate debate and discussion of Israel and the Middle East in American policymaking. These directions point to an alternative approach to investigating the apparent influence of the Israel lobby in American politics, focusing less on direct, overt power over policy outcomes and more on more subtle pathways of influence over policy agendas and the terms of policy discourse.

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Rosyidin, Mohamad. "Etika Global dalam Dunia yang Sedang Berubah: Mengelola Kebangkitan Asia dan Kemunduran Barat." Global South Review 1, no. 1 (October 9, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.28824.

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Kebangkitan Cina, yang menurut David Shambaugh, adalah sebab utama kebangkitan Asia (Asia Rising), kerap dipersepsi secara negatif oleh sebagian pakar geopolitik Barat. John Mearsheimer berpendapat bahwa “Jika Cina terus mengalami pertumbuhan ekonomi yang luar biasa selama beberapa dekade mendatang, maka Amerika Serikat dan Cina akan saling bersaing dalam hal keamanan yang dapat memicu perang”. Senada dengan itu, David Shambaugh juga berpendapat bahwa “Beijing cenderung menunjukkan perilaku yang keras dan kasar kepada banyak negara tetangganya di Asia, selain kepada Amerika Serikat dan Uni Eropa. Pesimisme semacam itu sangat mendominasi cara pandang Barat terhadap Cina. Akibatnya, sikap Barat kepada Cina cenderung dilandasi oleh logika ancaman ketimbang peluang kerjasama.

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30

Padula, Raphael. "O DEBATE GEOESTRATÉGICO NOS ESTADOS UNIDOS: O LUGAR DA EURÁSIA, DO HEMISFÉRIO OCIDENTAL E DO MÉXICO." Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval 24, no. 2 (2018): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.22491/1809-3191.v24n2.p395-418.

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O objetivo principal do artigo é apresentar o debate geoestratégico sobre a projeção de poder dos EUA, de acordo com a visão de seus autores mais relevantes: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, John Mearsheimer e Stephen Walt, Samuel Huntington e Robert Kaplan. A argumentação defendida é de que tais autores, embora enquadrem-se dentro da Escola Realista de Relações Internacionais, têm mostrado diferentes posicionamentos em relação ao lugar da Eurásia e do Hemisfério Ocidental, e do México em particular, na segurança e nas ações geoestratégicas estadunidenses. O artigo se apoia em livros e artigos originais dos autores, e muito marginalmente em entrevistas e textos secundários sobre os autores.

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Beal, Luana Isabelle, Débora Sulzbach de Andrade, and Valeska Ferrazza Monteiro. "A Blitzkrieg e as Armas Combinadas: análise da importância do aerotransporte." Conjuntura Austral 10, no. 51 (September 30, 2019): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.93034.

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Este artigo visa analisar o papel cumprido pelo aerotransporte na condução alemã da Segunda Guerra Mundial. O propósito é o de demonstrar como este componente foi um fator decisivo para a Alemanha na época. Para isto, parte-se do estudo de Mearsheimer para verificar o conceito de Blitzkrieg presente na literatura. Daí, analisa-se a relevância do componente aerotransportado, das Armas combinadas e da logística aérea nos níveis do planejamento de guerra. Em seguida, abordam-se os casos do Bolsão de Demyansk e da Batalha de Stalingrado como forma de aferir as possibilidades e limites do aerotransporte na Guerra do Leste. Por fim, avaliam-se as lições da Blitzkrieg para as operações e a doutrina militar da atualidade.

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Preda, Michael A. "Conventional Deterrence. By John J. Mearsheimer. (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983. Pp. 296. $29.50.)." American Political Science Review 79, no. 2 (June 1985): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956750.

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33

Bacevich, Andrew J. "John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt,The Israel Lobby and U. S. Foreign Policy." Diplomacy & Statecraft 19, no. 4 (December 16, 2008): 787–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290802564684.

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34

Cvetić, Andrej. "Mearsheimer John J.: The great delusion: Liberal dreams and international realities, Yale University Press, 2018." Journal of Regional Security 14, no. 1 (2019): 45–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/jrs1901045c.

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35

Zürn, Michael. "Über die Fallstricke theoretischen Starrsinns. Eine Antwort auf John J. Mearsheimer „Warum herrscht Frieden in Europa?“." Leviathan 38, no. 1 (March 2010): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11578-010-0069-7.

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Anctil Avoine, Priscyll. "L’impasse de la guerre afghane : Une perspective du réalisme structurel." OASIS, no. 26 (December 11, 2017): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/16577558.n26.07.

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L’engagement des États-Unis en sol afghan découle des prétentions de ce pays à réaffirmer sa puissance hégémonique; cependant, les raisons du maintien des troupes de l’otan, plus de quinze ans après l’invasion sont beaucoup moins évidentes. Les États-Unis n’ont effectivement pas réussi à éliminer, ni même diminuer, les actions des insurgés et le panorama politique s’est complexifié. L’objectif de cet article est donc d’analyser l’occupation afghan par les troupes l’otan à la lumière des postulats et concepts avancés par les réalistes structurels afin de faire une critique de la persistance de l’intervention militaire et de ses effets néfastes sur l’intérêt national des États-Unis. Pour répondre à l’objectif, j’analyse l’engagement des troupes en Afghanistan à la suite des attentats du 11 septembre 2001 et je critique de leur permanence dans ce pays à partir des postulats théoriques de Mearsheimer soutenant l’irrationalité de la poursuite de l’intervention militaire.

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Lacy, Mark J. "A History of Violence: Mearsheimer and Walt's Writings from ‘An Unnecessary War’ to the ‘Israel Lobby’ Controversy." Geopolitics 13, no. 1 (February 15, 2008): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040701783326.

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38

Rosecrance, Richard N. "War and Peace." World Politics 55, no. 1 (October 2002): 137–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0007.

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John Mearsheimer'sTragedy of Great Power Politicserrs in claiming that all national security decisions are rational ones. In contrast, sometimes state ambitions and actions go beyond what “rationality” typically would permit; sometimes states do not assert capabilities which they clearly possess. The explanations for such outcomes reside in realms that Mearsheimer either does not consider or dismisses too readily, such as alignments, democracy, ideology, and economic relationships. He also charts a role for the United States (a state confronting “the stopping power of water” that is too limited given the objectives (a balance of power) which he believes it should seek to create. His theory of war is too restricted and so therefore is his theory of peace. But he has fashioned one of the first new empirical essays in general realist theory in recent years and deserves to be commended. His approach will be the focus of debate and analysis for some time to come.

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Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. "‘Waltz, Mearsheimer and the post-Cold War world: The rise of America and the fall of structural realism’." International Politics 51, no. 3 (April 25, 2014): 295–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ip.2014.16.

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Duarte, Érico Esteves. "PODER MILITAR, CRISE FINANCEIRA E O PANORAMA DE SEGURANÇA INTERNACIONAL DO SÉCULO 21." AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 2, no. 3 (February 8, 2013): 11–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.31365.

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This article searches for a preliminary, but structured, assessment of the international security landscape of the 21st century. It focuses on the predictions of offensive realism (Mearsheimer 2001), which are contrasted with conceptual propositions about international standards of unipolarity (Wohlforth 1999; Diniz 2006) and data indexes on the international production of wealth, its allocations in means of military power and the appreciation of alterations in this correlation because of the 2008 Financial Crisis. The article points out that trends of power distributions do not widely favor Russia and China. However, because of the greater Chinese resilience to the crisis, the accumulated value of their military investments overcome all its neighbors and its large demand for natural resources in other countries or areas in dispute have led the organization of major systemic constraints when compared to the Russian case. The paper also shows that these dynamics of regional power do not allow reconsidering the U.S. military primacy. Finally, the article presents some final considerations of methodological and conceptual slant in order to advance on the research in international security.

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Nincic, Miroslav. "The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. By John J. Mearsheimer. New York: W. W. Norton, 2001. 448p. $27.95 cloth." Perspective on Politics 1, no. 1 (March 2003): 157–246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592703280166.

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Ahmed, Zubir Rasool. "بنەمای پەیوەندییەکانی هەرێمی کوردستان و وڵاتە یەکگرتووەکانی ئەمریکا." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 337–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.9.

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The relation between the U.S and Kurds has always been problematic. The main question of this study is to address what type of relations are between KRG and U.S? Is there a specific U.S policy towards KRG? To answer these questions, we have depended on the theory of Structural Realism, especially the concept of Offensive Realism which has been developed by John Mearsheimer on the one hand, and the English school on the other hand. Offensive realism can be helpful to understand the behaviour of great powers, such as the U.S., and English school to understand international community and international order. It has been concluded that, so far there is no direct U.S policy or strategy towards the KRG. The U.S interaction with the KRG has always been identified by specific interested and indirect (third) issue. Therefore, it is important to know that the U.S- KRG relation throughout its history has always been linked to another issue, especially the domestic changes in Iraq and regional developments in the Levan and Persian Gulf. The U.S has always followed its realistic approach in its relations with KRG, in particular in protecting the regional state system and international order.

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Lecaj, Mentor, and Donat Rexha. "The AUKUS international legal agreement and its impact on international institutions and security." Corporate Governance and Organizational Behavior Review 6, no. 2 (2022): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cgobrv6i2p6.

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This paper focuses on the research of indicators in chronological order, which calls for the conclusion of the AUKUS international legal agreement signed between Australia, Great Britain, and the United States and its impact on international developments. In this article, descriptive, comparative, and analysis methods have been used to examine the scientific thoughts of different scholars, related to various scenarios of the issue being researched. Based on this research, we found out that Brexit, US withdrawal from Afghanistan, especially the AUKUS deal, consider being the dividing line between the old unipolar order and the new multipolar one (Vej, 2019; Wheatley, 2021). We have concluded that in the changing world order, US–European relations have fluctuated profoundly and their adjustment is almost impossible as they have been before. The article raises critical questions on the dynamics in the international system and their impact on security and international institutions. The scientific approach to the study topic is built by arguing the pros and cons of the opinions of various authors, who emphasize that the world order change and malfunction of international institutions are ongoing dynamics and irreversible (Mearsheimer, 2001)

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Finholt, Hege Cathrine. "International Human Rights Protections Find Support in Hobbes’ Leviathan." Philosophies 7, no. 3 (April 20, 2022): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7030047.

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In her paper “Sovereignty and the International Protection of Human rights”, Cristina Lafont argues that “The obligation of respecting human rights in the sense of not contributing to their violation seems to be a universal obligation and thus one that binds states just as much as non-state actors.” In this paper, I argue that one can find support for this claim in Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan. This requires a different reading of Leviathan than the one that is typically performed by realist thinkers, such as, for instance, Morgenthau and Mearsheimer, who read Hobbes as someone who has no regard for human rights. Contrary to the realists, I suggest a reading of Leviathan that shows that there is in fact a normative underpinning of Hobbes’ view of sovereignty, to the extent that Hobbes can be taken to be one of the forerunners of international law. I do this by showing how Hobbes’ reasons for establishing sovereign power, and not his conclusions on how to organize sovereign power, may give support to Lafont’s claim that an obligation to respect human rights is not confined to the sovereign state, but also to extra-state institutions.

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Valeriano, Brandon. "Book Review: John Mearsheimer, Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2001, 555 pp., $27.95 hbk.)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 31, no. 1 (January 2002): 168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298020310010903.

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Francis, Michael J. "Taking Offense - John Mearsheimer: The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. (New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Inc., 2001. Pp 442. $27.95.)." Review of Politics 64, no. 3 (2002): 560–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500035130.

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William Walldorf, C. "The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities. By John J. Mearsheimer. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018. 328p. $30.00 cloth." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 3 (September 2020): 893–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592720001814.

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Romaniuk, N., and M. Puriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF APPROACHES TOWARDS THE UNDERSTANDING OF HEGEMONY IN THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 129 (2016): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.129.0.34-46.

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The article examines theoretical approaches of realism, liberalism, Marxism and constructivism towards the investigation, analysis and understanding of the phenomenon of hegemony in theory of international relations. It analyzes the fundamental claims of key representatives of each of the suggested theoretical approaches regarding hegemony. The authors emphasize the importance of theoretical works of representatives of each approach and demonstrate their direct influence on the formation and development of the studied theory within the science of international relations. In particular, the article provides an analysis of the theoretical views of such leading international relations scholars and theorists, as John Ikenberry, Robert Gilpin, Charles Kindleberger, John Mearsheimer, John Ruggie, Alexander Wendt and Christian Reus-Smit. In addition, the views of Antonio Gramsci, Robert Cox, Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, which formed the foundation of the theory of hegemony in international relations, were investigated. The authors emphasize on the fundamental impact of the investigated approaches of realism, liberalism, marxism and constructivism towards the understanding of the phenomenon of hegemony within the academia, as well as on the theoretical reasoning and on the realization of this phenomenon in international relations. Concordantly, the relevance of the study of the phenomenon of hegemony in terms of theory and practice of international relations is emphasized.

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Goldgeier, James M., and Michael McFaul. "A tale of two worlds: core and periphery in the post-cold war era." International Organization 46, no. 2 (1992): 467–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027788.

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As the world moves away from the familiar bipolar cold war era, many international relations theorists have renewed an old debate about which is more stable: a world with two great powers or a world with many great powers. Based on the chief assumptions of structural realism—namely, that the international system is characterized by anarchy and that states are unitary actors seeking to survive in this anarchic system—some security analysts are predicting that a world of several great powers will lead to a return to the shifting alliances and instabilities of the multipolar era that existed prior to World War II. For instance, John Mearsheimer argues that “prediction[s] of peace in a multipolar Europe [are] flawed.” Thomas Christensen and Jack Snyder argue that states in a multipolar world can follow either the pre-World War I or the pre-World War II alliance pattern, thus implying that a third course is improbable. They further assert that “the fundamental, invariant structural feature, international anarchy, generally selects and socializes states to form balancing alignments in order to survive in the face of threats from aggressive competitors.” The realist argument predicts that great powers in a self-help international system will balance one another through arms races and alliance formations.

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Burmann da Costa, João Gabriel, Igor Estima Sardo, and Isadora Bortowski Florisbal. "Influência de John Boyd na Política Externa e de Segurança dos EUA: cosmovisão, teoria e grande estratégia." Conjuntura Austral 10, no. 51 (September 30, 2019): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.93027.

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O trabalho objetiva discutir possíveis influências do pensamento de John Boyd na Política Externa e de Segurança (PES) dos Estados Unidos (EUA). O problema de pesquisa é investigar a relação da cosmovisão de Boyd com aspectos presentes na PES dos EUA pós-1991. Analisa-se brevemente a cosmovisão, a epistemologia e o método no pensamento de Boyd. Em seguida, buscam-se os pontos de contato com as tradições idealistas e realistas de Relações Internacionais, especificamente com as obras de Martin van Creveld e John Mearsheimer. Por fim, discute-se o possível impacto da epistemologia boydiana e do Ciclo OODA na ausência de uma grande estratégia dos EUA no pós-Guerra Fria. Defende-se que o pensamento de Boyd dialoga com o idealismo por meio de um mundo onde predomina o caos, no caso de Boyd, e sem o Estado-nação, como propõe Creveld. Quanto aos realistas, o paralelo reside no papel da projeção de força e do medo como elemento da PES. Por fim, quanto à grande estratégia, a inversão da hierarquia da realidade (da tática para a estratégia, do combate para a política) realizada por Boyd, além de sua cosmovisão e epistemologia, teria contribuído para o predomínio de soluções simplificadoras na PES dos EUA.

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