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Journal articles on the topic 'Media and the Iraq War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Kuttab, Daoud. "The media and Iraq: a blood bath for and gross dehumanization of Iraqis." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 868 (December 2007): 879–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000106.

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AbstractThe war in Iraq has been accompanied by the highest ever number of casualties among members of the Iraqi and foreign press. While the end of the Saddam Hussein regime has reopened the way for vibrant media activity, the absence of security for members of the media has had a high human cost. The US-led war on Iraq, which was aimed at liberating its people from authoritarian rule, has not seen any serious attempt by the Western or even Arab media to focus on the human side of Iraq. Iraqi civilian death tolls are treated as nothing more than statistics.

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2

Farhadi, Ramin. "Wartime Propaganda and Gender in Ahmad Mahmoud’s The Scorched Earth: A Dissident Reading." Text Matters, no. 10 (November 24, 2020): 460–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-2931.10.26.

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The Iran-Iraq War (1980–88) has been the subject of many aesthetic productions in contemporary Persian literature. The Iranian mass media during the war with Iraq described the armed conflict as holy and masculine, and propagated the replacement of the word “war” with “sacred defense” to urge authors to write within this established framework and reflect the ideals of the State. Opposed to such an ideological view of the war, the prominent Iranian novelist Ahmad Mahmoud began to express dissent in his works of fiction such as The Scorched Earth (1982). This study, therefore, analyzes Mahmoud’s scope of dissidence toward wartime propaganda and gender in the above mentioned novel to articulate how Mahmoud raises important questions regarding the State’s view of war and the established gender norms in Iran at war. It uses cultural materialist dissident reading and textual analysis to study Mahmoud’s contempt for wartime propaganda through the text’s portrayal of desperate people in Khorramshahr in the southwest of Iran caught between Iraqi airstrikes and artillery fires, and domestic problems including inflation, looting and mismanagement.

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3

KULL, STEVEN, CLAY RAMSAY, and EVAN LEWIS. "Misperceptions, the Media, and the Iraq War." Political Science Quarterly 118, no. 4 (December 2003): 569–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2003.tb00406.x.

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4

Oliver, Kelly. "Media Representations of Women and the “Iraq War”." Journal of Philosophy: A Cross-Disciplinary Inquiry 5, no. 12 (2010): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphilnepal201051213.

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5

Thussu, Daya. "Book Review: Media at War: The Iraq Crisis." Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 6, no. 1 (February 2005): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146488490500600111.

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6

Swift, Kevin. "Tough Sell: Fighting the Media War in Iraq." American Journalism 34, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 494–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2017.1383055.

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7

Taylor, Philip M. "Book Review: Media at War: The Iraq Crisis." European Journal of Communication 19, no. 4 (December 2004): 547–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026732310401900407.

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8

Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor, and Aqsa Iram Shahzadi. "Pakistani English Press during War on Terror: A Media Conformity Approach." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).03.

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The present research focused on how much Pakistani English press tracked the foreign policy stance of the Pakistani government in the presentation of incidents related to the war on terror. Pakistani authorities reinforced war on terror and Afghanistan war but did not support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. For the present analysis, the editorials of Dawn and the Nation were selected from 12 September 2001 to 11 September 2003. Thematic analysis of the editorial coverage through NVIVO 10 was conducted. It was found that, during the war against Afghanistan that took place in 2001, Pakistani English press did not support the Pakistani governments stance. Many critical themes were noted from the data. However, during Iraq war that happened in 2003, Pakistani English press toed the Pakistani governments policy during and stressed the government to take more proactive stance against Iraq war. Overall, it could be stated that the Pakistani English press partially conformed the foreign policy stance of Pakistani government.

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9

Iskandar, Adel. "Book Review:Global War — Local Views: Media Images of the Iraq War." Journal of Communication Inquiry 31, no. 1 (January 2007): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859906294758.

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10

Ensor, Patrick. "Iraq, the Pentagon and the battle for Arab hearts and minds." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.749.

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Two months after ‘liberating’ Iraq, the Anglo-American authorities in Baghdad decided to control the new and free Iraqi press. Newspapers that publish ‘wild stories’, material deemed provocative or capable of inciting ethnic violence, are being threatened or shut down. A controlled press is a ‘responsible press — just what Saddam Hussein used to say about the press his deposed regime produced. In this edition of Pacific Journalism Review, essays by media commentators present several perspectives on the war and its aftermath. Patrick Ensor gives an overview, Louise Matthews provides media context for the war, John Pilger challenges journalists, Mohamed Al-Bendary profiles the pan-Arab satellite boom, and Alastair Thompson and Russell Brown examine the New Zealand media connection. Cartoonists Steve Bell (The Guardian) and Deven (Le Mauricien) add their views. Critical of the ‘embedded’ media, Bell laments: ‘There’s never been a more dangerous time to be a journalist at war.’

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11

Rostam, Hajera, and Beth E. Haverkamp. "Iraqi Expatriates’ Experience of North American Media Coverage of the Iraq War." International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling 31, no. 2 (March 13, 2009): 100–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10447-009-9071-7.

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12

Miller, Alisa. "Blogging the Iraq War: Soldiers, Civilians and Institutions." European Journal of Life Writing 8 (May 18, 2019): DM75—DM99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.8.35551.

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This article considers how blogs written about the war in Iraq that began in 2003 have informed public narratives. It examines how so-called citizen journalists were read and presented by established media organisations. It considers what motivated some of the more influential bloggers of the war to engage in life-writing in this particular media, and how they found, read and responded to one another. It details how institutions like the US military reacted to milbloggers, shifting from a phase emphasising discretion and in some instances overt censorship, to viewing them as allies, implicitly and explicitly advancing a view of the war that circumvented critical, civilian media filters. It looks at the balance of coverage of mil and civilian bloggers in the West, and how they and their readers communicated—or failed to communicate—across cultures. Finally, it poses questions about how mediated content complicates notions of 'authentic' war writing.

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13

Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor, and Ayesha Qamar. "British Public Perception towards Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).37.

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This article seeks to explore the perception of the British informants regarding the Afghanistan war 2001 and Iraq war 2003. Heavy users of British media were interviewed. The present article adopts the qualitative approach and ten in-depth interviews were conducted by the British informants. It was found that the British informants considered the 9/11 attacks as a tragic incident and Al Qaeda was held responsible for this. They supported their governments policies to curb terrorism but they highly condemned human causalities during the Afghanistan and Iraq wars. Particularly, they condemned their governments policy about Iraq war 2003. Regarding, the British media coverage of these wars, there was mixed opinion. Some of them considered that British media gave biased coverage to the wars however; few thought that media adopted a balanced approach. Overall, they stressed that the government should take responsible action against terrorism and human causalities should be avoided.

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14

PITCHFORD, JENNA. "The “Global War on Terror,” Identity, and Changing Perceptions: Iraqi Responses to America's War in Iraq." Journal of American Studies 45, no. 4 (November 2011): 695–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811000910.

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For many years opposition to US foreign policy has frequently been interpreted by cultural commentators and the wider media as “anti-Americanism.” Such “anti-Americanism” has been situated as dangerous, irrational and violent, and this apparent link has been reinforced continuously since 9/11. However, by making a reading of two Iraqi weblogs which have gained significant recognition in Iraq and the West, this article challenges such a simplified definition of alternative perspectives on foreign policy as “anti-Americanism.” This article focusses on the blog entries of two Iraqis, Salam Pax and “Riverbend,” who lived in Baghdad throughout the Iraq War (2003–9) and during the subsequent years of civil unrest. It explores how their online responses to the US action in Iraq illustrate the complexity of perceived “anti-Americanism.” The bloggers do not situate themselves as “anti-American.” Instead they draw a clear distinction between opposition to US foreign policy and hostility towards America and its people, thus problematizing previous definitions of “anti-Americanism.” However, this article also recognizes that whilst these texts highlight this distinction, the negative impact of US foreign policy on Iraq since the occupation, coupled with the militarized image that America projects of itself, has caused the distinction between a disapproval of US foreign policy and an objection to US culture in broader terms to become increasingly blurred. Indeed, these narratives indicate that rather than situating 9/11 as the first move in a campaign of “anti-Americanism,” it could be argued that it is the American government's reaction to the attacks, and the impact of the subsequent occupation of Iraq, which acted as a catalyst for the growth of opposition to US foreign policy, and to some extent a rejection of US culture, in Iraq.

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15

Hampton, Mark. "Book Review: The Media at War: The Iraq Crisis." Media, Culture & Society 27, no. 4 (July 2005): 622–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443705053982.

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16

Eilders, Christiane. "Media under fire: Fact and fiction in conditions of war." International Review of the Red Cross 87, no. 860 (December 1, 2005): 639–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383100184474.

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AbstractThe article reviews recentfindings on the quality of war reporting, the conditions under which it takes place, the information policies of the warring parties and their effects. Focusing on German media coverage of the 1991 Gulf war, the Kosovo war and the 2003 Iraq war, it discusses both typical shortcomings of reporting and recent improvements, highlights information control strategies and proposes standards for war reporting.

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17

Gillespie, Marie. "Security, Media, Legitimacy: Multi-Ethnic Media Publics and the Iraq War 2003." International Relations 20, no. 4 (December 2006): 467–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117806069408.

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18

Kraidy, Marwan M. "The Pot of Race War and the Kettle of Holy War." Current History 120, no. 822 (December 21, 2020): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.822.38.

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Two recent books, one about violent Islamist networks and the other about the white power movement, find that they have some traits in common. The seeds for each were sown by US military interventions from Vietnam to Iraq, and they have both proved adept at adapting media formats for propaganda purposes.

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19

Kumar, Deepa. "Media, War, and Propaganda: Strategies of Information Management During the 2003 Iraq War." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (March 2006): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420500505650.

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20

Al-Kaisy, Aida. "Normalization of War and Conflict in Iraq’s Iraqiya Televison." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 10, no. 2-3 (2017): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01002008.

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This article examines the practice of news journalists at Iraqiya, the Iraqi state broadcaster, in the context of the continuing conflict in Iraq. The paper draws on eighteen months of fieldwork at the channel’s headquarters in Baghdad and on interviews with media practitioners throughout the news department. In this article, I show how Iraqiya news employees redefine media professionalism and ethics in the context of an ongoing conflict. I argue that Iraqiya’s news practitioners exist in a liminal state that emerged from their lived experience of the ongoing conflict, a conflict that has brought about new journalistic identities and modes of practice as violence and war have become normalized in everyday practices and lives.

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21

Dyregrov, Atle, and Magne Raundalen. "Norwegian Adolescents' Reactions to Distant Warfare." Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy 33, no. 4 (October 2005): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352465805002353.

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A total of 1695 Norwegian adolescents answered a questionnaire concerning how they perceived and reacted to the threat of war during the 1999 Kosovo war and the 2003 Iraq war. Based on previous research and clinical experience the following hypotheses were formed: a) The Kosovo war, being in closer proximity to Norway, will result in more reactions than the Iraq war; b) There will be more communication between adolescents and adults following the Iraq war than following the Kosovo war, due to education by psychologists via the media in the intervening period; c) Girls will evidence more reactions than boys, in line with previous work; d) Adolescents who score above cut-off on the Impact of Event Scale will report less communication with friends and parents, in line with psychosocial theories of posttraumatic stress and previous empirical findings. The first three hypotheses were generally supported, but findings regarding hypothesis (d) were mixed. It is believed that a more open communicative climate has developed in families and schools following increased attention by professionals and media to the coverage of wars and disasters in the media. Mild reactions to the two wars suggest adolescent resilience. Professionals can play an important role in disseminating information on how such events can be handled by parents, professionals and society at large.

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22

Ender, Morten G., Kathleen M. Campbell, Toya J. Davis, and Patrick R. Michaelis. "Greedy Media: Army Families, Embedded Reporting, and War in Iraq." Sociological Focus 40, no. 1 (February 2007): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2007.10571298.

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23

Bruscino, Thomas A. "Embedded: The Media at War in Iraq, An Oral History." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 2 (January 2004): 44–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10528539.

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24

Gunter, Barrie. "The Public and Media Coverage of the War on Iraq." Globalizations 6, no. 1 (March 2009): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747730802692484.

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25

Zöllner, Oliver. "Howard Tumber/Jerry Palmer: Media at war. The Iraq crisis." Publizistik 50, no. 3 (September 2005): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11616-005-0268-4.

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26

Campbell, David. "Representing Contemporary War." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 2 (September 2003): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00442.x.

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“… Sontag not only challenges the compassion fatigue thesis; she questions the notion of the CNN effect. With regard to inaction in Bosnia despite the steady stream of images of ethnic cleansing that made their way out of Sarajevo, Sontag argues that people didn't turn off because they were either overwhelmed by their quantity or anaesthetized by their quality. Rather, they switched off because American and European leaders proclaimed it was an intractable and irresolvable situation. The political context into which the pictures were being inserted was already set, with military intervention not an option, and no amount of horrific photographs was going to change that….… In the Iraq war of 2003 imagery was central to the conflict and often the subject of conflict itself. In this context, the Pentagon's strategy of “embedding” reporters and their camera crews with fighting units, and having them operate at the behest of that unit, continues the long-running tradition of a close relationship between the media and the military…. Given this, Sontag is perhaps surprisingly sanguine about the genuineness of war photography in the contemporary period. While recognizing that many of the now iconic combat images of the pre-Vietnam period were staged, she sees Vietnam as a watershed such that “the practice of inventing dramatic news pictures, staging them for the camera, seems on its way to becoming a lost art.” Insofar as Sontag is referring to the likelihood of individual photographers seeking to deceive, she may be right. There was, however, at least one notable instance in Iraq of digital manipulation. This resulted in the Los Angeles Times sacking award-winning staff photographer Brian Walski, whose altered image of a British soldier in Basra (he had combined two photos into one to improve marginally composition) was used on the paper's front page….… What is most striking about the embedded journalists' coverage of the Iraq war is the way in which the images of the conflict produced by the allies' media was so relatively clean, being largely devoid of the dead bodies that mark a major conflict. In this outcome, the media is a willing accomplice….”

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27

Kira, Ibrahim A., Thomas Templin, Linda Lewandowski, Vidya Ramaswamy, Bulent Ozkan, and Jamal Mohanesh. "The Physical and Mental Health Effects of Iraq War Media Exposure on Iraqi Refugees." Journal of Muslim Mental Health 3, no. 2 (December 22, 2008): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15564900802487592.

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28

Al-Marashi, Ibrahim. "The “Dodgy Dossier:” The Academic Implications of the British Government's Plagiarism Incident." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 40, no. 1 (June 2006): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400049385.

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In September 2002, an article I had authored, “Iraq's Security and Intelligence Network: A Guide and Analysis,” was published in the September 2002 issue of the journal, Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA). On February 6, 2003 a UK news report revealed that entire sections of a British government dossier entitled “Iraq-Its Infrastructure of Concealment, Deception and Intimidation” were copied from three published sources, with the bulk of the plagiarized material coming from the article I had written. I was a twenty-nine year old doctoral student when the media frenzy that surrounded this incident erupted, six weeks prior to the 2003 Iraq War. I, as an Iraqi-American, had to watch as both sides opposite my hyphen waged a war against each other that I had an indirect role in justifying.

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29

Rafail, Patrick, John D. McCarthy, and Samuel Sullivan. "LOCAL RECEPTIVITY CLIMATES AND THE DYNAMICS OF MEDIA ATTENTION TO PROTEST*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-1-1.

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Research on media attention to social movements generally examines a small sample of media outlets and a diverse sample of protest events. This approach has produced significant insight into the type of protests covered by the media but has minimized the role of media organizations. This study flips the approach taken by prior work: we examine coverage patterns of 1,498 nationally coordinated but highly comparable vigils against the Iraq War in 426 U.S. newspapers. We show that protest coverage is shaped by local receptivity climates, which emphasize the organizational and contextual features of media environments that influence media attention. We show that larger newspapers, those that covered the Iraq War more extensively, and those in areas supporting the Democratic Party devoted more attention to the vigils. Our results bridge the gap between the features of protest events that are newsworthy and the organizational routines that structure journalistic work.

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30

KENNEDY, LIAM. "Soldier photography: visualising the war in Iraq." Review of International Studies 35, no. 4 (October 2009): 817–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509990209.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the production and dissemination of photographic images by serving US soldiers in Iraq who are photographing their experiences and posting them on the Internet. This form of visual communication – in real time and communal – is new in the representation of warfare; in earlier wars soldiers took photographs, but these were not immediately shared in the way websites can disseminate images globally. This digital generation of soldiers exist in a new relationship to their experience of war; they are now potential witnesses and sources within the documentation of events, not just the imaged actors – a blurring of roles that reflects the correlations of revolutions in military and media affairs. This photography documents the everyday experiences of the soldiers and its historical significance may reside less in the controversial or revelatory images but in more mundane documentation of the environments, activities and feelings of American soldiery at war.

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31

Peebles, Stacey. "Lines of Sight: Watching War in Jarhead and My War: Killing Time in Iraq." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1662–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1662.

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Jarhead, Anthony Swofford's 2003 memoir of the Persian Gulf War, and My War: Killing Time in Iraq, Colby Buzzell's 2005 memoir of the Iraq War, emphasize the authors' voyeuristic delight in watching war movies before and during their military service. What follows their enthusiastic consumption of “military pornography,” however, is a crisis of nonidentification and a lingering uncertainty about the significance of war in their own lives. Swofford and Buzzell find that the gaze they initially wielded is turned on them, and in response Swofford roils with sexually coded anger and frustration while Buzzell chooses to amplify his exposure by starting a blog. The two memoirs, then, provide a compelling account of the relation between changing technologies of representation and the experience of postmodern war. These lines of sight, all targeting the spectacle of combat, reveal the contemporary intersections among war, media, and agency.

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32

Kellner, Douglas. "Globalization and Media Spetacle: from 9/11 to the Iraq War." Revista FAMECOS 15, no. 35 (September 11, 2008): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-3729.2008.35.4083.

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O artigo a seguir propõe uma visão panorâmica sobre o conceito de mídia espetacular. O que se pretende aqui é analisar a rotina de apresentação de notícias, procurando entender os mecanismos que fazem com que a informação seja sempre oferecida como uma forma de espetáculo. Eis uma análise que, em alguns momentos, tende a se aproximar das idéias de Guy Debord, contudo, em outros se vê forçada a afastar-se dela.

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33

Perez de Fransius, Marianne. "Peace journalism case study: US media coverage of the Iraq War." Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 15, no. 1 (January 30, 2013): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884912470313.

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34

Paterson, Chris. "Government intervention in the Iraq war media narrative through direct coercion." Global Media and Communication 7, no. 3 (December 2011): 181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766511427446.

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35

Willnat, Lars, Annette Aw, Naila Nabil Hamdy, Zhou He, Victor Menayang, María Teresa La Porte, Karen Sanders, and Ezhar Tamam. "Media Use, Anti-Americanism and International Support for the Iraq War." International Communication Gazette 68, no. 5-6 (October 2006): 533–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048506068729.

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36

Edwards, Dale. "Book Review: The embedding apparatus: Media surveillance during the Iraq war." Electronic News 13, no. 1 (February 12, 2019): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1931243119829512.

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37

Jacka, Liz, and Helen Wilson. "American Empire: Media and International Insecurity." Media International Australia 113, no. 1 (November 2004): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411300103.

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This issue of MIA was conceived at about the time that the November 2003 issue on ‘The New “Others”: Media and Society Post-September 1’ was published. That issue, due to the normal journal lead times, was largely assembled before both the Bali bombing and the war in Iraq, and thus the editors, Liz Jacka and Lelia Green, were not able to give the kind of coverage to those events that they, and we, would have liked. So this issue, in which we include several articles which analyse aspects of the (continuing) Iraq war, is to some extent a sequel to the earlier one. However, editing that issue and observing the unfolding events surrounding the war and its aftermath also led us to begin to ruminate upon the intensification of US world hegemony, and to reflect on the apparent erosion of any counterforce to its continuing economic, military and cultural domination. This posed the question of whether the ‘9/11 thing’ had led to a change in the United States’ role in the world and whether, in fact, what we were confronting was an American empire, with the same kind of total power in the world of the twenty-first century that the Roman Empire wielded in the ancient world. This issue, then, seeks to illuminate the extension of the ‘American empire’ and the resulting deployment internationally of discourses of insecurity, which drive a greater and greater wedge between the ‘free world’ — as George W. Bush likes to call it — and the forces of darkness and barbarism.

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38

Mhamdi, Chaker. "Framing “the Other” in Times of Conflicts: CNN’s Coverage of the 2003 Iraq War." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n2p147.

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Abstract This study is explored by a qualitative analysis of visual media practices in times of international conflicts. The analysis focuses on one of the leading sources of television news in the world, namely CNN, during its coverage of the 2003 Iraq War. Due to its national and international character and its popularity in coverage of war and international conflicts, CNN is thought of as a world leader in covering global conflicts. Accordingly, this research is directed toward the ways public perceptions were formed about particular ideas through CNN’s coverage. In order to develop an accurate sense of the programming that aired during the period under study, a qualitative content analysis was conducted in which a selected sample was selected and analyzed. This sample consisted of 20 CNN news stories during the first two months of the 2003 Iraq War. Relying on transcripts and videotapes of the key events of the first two months of the 2003 Iraq War CNN’ such as “Decapitation Strike”, “Shock and Awe”, Toppling of Saddam’s Statue and the bombing of Al Jazeera Office in Iraq, the qualitative analysis aims at discerning intonation, verbal and visual emphases and the subtle cues that are uniquely embedded in the visual medium. The analytical tool that is used to conduct the qualitative analysis of the selected sequences from CNN’s coverage of the 2003 Iraq War is grounded in framing analysis. The content and qualitative framing analysis of the selected sample of the CNN’s news stories about the 2003 Iraq War reveal that CNN echoed the American centered perspectives, aligning with the official war narrative supporting the war cause, and abiding by the U.S. military censorship measures.

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39

Nohrstedt, Stig A. "New War Journalism." Nordicom Review 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0141.

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Abstract How has war journalism changed since the end of the Cold War? After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was talk of a new world order. The Balkan Wars of the 1990s gave rise to the concept of “new wars”. The 1990-91 Gulf War was the commercial breakthrough for the around-the-clock news channel CNN, and the war in Afghanistan in 2001 for its competitor al-Jazeera. The 2003 Iraq war saw Internet’s great breakthrough in war journalism. A new world order, new wars, and new media – what impact is all this having on war journalism? This article outlines some important trends based on recent media research and discusses the new challenges as well as the consequences they entail for the conditions of war journalism, its professional reflexivity and democratic role.

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40

MONTGOMERY, BRUCE P. "US Seizure, Exploitation, and Restitution of Saddam Hussein's Archive of Atrocity." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 2 (January 20, 2014): 559–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813002004.

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In the 2003 invasion of Iraq, US forces seized millions of documents, thousands of audio and video tapes, and hard drives and digital devices from Saddam Hussein's government ministries and other sites. In war, the seizure of enemy documents for military advantage is permissible under the laws of armed conflict. Following their capture, the materials have undergone a process of analysis, triage, exploitation, dissemination, politicization, more analysis, scholarly investigation, and postwar diplomacy. An analysis of these events reveals the scope and nature of US exploitation of enemy documents and media in the Iraq War, the limits of the laws of armed conflict regarding their custody and use, and the complications surrounding their repatriation to Iraq.

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Provencher, Ken. "Redacted's Double Vision." Film Quarterly 62, no. 1 (2008): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2008.62.1.32.

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Abstract Brian De Palma's Redacted borrows the forms of Internet video to dramatize incidents of atrocity in the Iraq War, and to question the limitations, and culpability, of new media at a time of war. The film's multifaceted approach conditions the viewer to doubt the substance and nature of its images.

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McCrow-Young, Ally, and Mette Mortensen. "Countering spectacles of fear: Anonymous’ meme ‘war’ against ISIS." European Journal of Cultural Studies 24, no. 4 (April 3, 2021): 832–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13675494211005060.

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In recent years, the terrorist network Islamic State of Iraq and Syria has generated what might be referred to as a ‘spectacle of fear’ through strategic dissemination of execution videos and other graphic material. In response, social media users, activists and others circulate ‘counter-spectacles’, attempting to circumvent Islamic State of Iraq and Syria’s spectacle of fear. An important case in point is the global hacking network Anonymous declaring ‘war’ against Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, including a global call for a ‘Troll ISIS Day’. This article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the spectacle of fear generated by Islamic State of Iraq and Syria and the counter-spectacle created through Anonymous’ trolling practices and explores empirically how Anonymous uses humor to combat fear through the memes produced on ‘Troll ISIS Day’. Bottom-up, cultural forms such as memes are increasingly woven into strategies for countering the fear associated with terrorism, and they represent the potential for humor to generate public engagement. However, as these memetic counter-spectacles draw on the incongruent humor characteristic of meme culture, they both contest and adopt strategies of fear, pointing to ethical challenges inherent in the counter-spectacle.

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Curtis, John, Qais Hussein Raheed, Hugo Clarke, Abdulamir M. Al Hamdani, Elizabeth Stone, Margarete van Ess, Paul Collins, and Mehsin Ali. "An assessment of archaeological sites in June 2008: An Iraqi-British project." Iraq 70 (2008): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000966.

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The proposal to develop an Iraqi-British project to protect and promote cultural heritage in Southern Iraq was first mooted at a lunch in the British Museum on 24 September 2007, involving Major-General Barney White-Spunner, Charles Moore, former editor of the Daily Telegraph, Neil MacGregor, Director of the British Museum, and John Curtis, Keeper of the Department of the Middle East at the British Museum. The lunch had been arranged to provide Major-General White-Spunner with recent information about the state of the Iraqi cultural heritage, as he was due to be deployed to Iraq in February 2008 as Commander-in-Chief of British troops and General Officer Commanding the Multi-National Division South-East. At the lunch, it was suggested that the greatest need would be to arrange for the inspection of archaeological sites and, if necessary, to arrange for the protection of them, and also to consider facilitating the reopening of some provincial museums. It is known that archaeological sites particularly in Southern Iraq suffered grievously from looting, particularly after the Second Gulf War, and most provincial museums were sacked following the First Gulf War in 1991 and again in 2003. Major-General White-Spunner immediately recognised the importance of these proposals and appointed a project manager, Major Hugo Clarke, to work up a scheme with John Curtis. The project has been made possible by a generous grant from the Department of Culture, Media and Sport, that has covered all costs except those incurred in Iraq, which have been met by the British Army.

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Anderson, Alison. "‘Communication, Conflict and Risk in the 21st Century: Critical Issues for Sociology’." Sociological Research Online 8, no. 4 (November 2003): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.838.

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The recent war in Iraq has generated much discussion about the role of the news media in representing war. This piece calls for greater sociological intervention into this debate. In particular, it cautions against exaggerating the ideological effects of media propaganda on public attitudes to war. The decision to go to war generated unusually high levels of public opposition. In times of war it is commonplace for policymakers and military personnel to attack the media for bias and credit them with a determining influence on public opinion. However, this piece suggests that there is a need for greater critical engagement with developments in audience research. Also, current debates also exhibit considerable confusion over concepts of ‘objectivity’, ‘impartiality’ and ‘bias’. Recent sociological work reveals both the complexities arising from the ambiguity of concepts of ‘objectivity’ and ‘bias’, and the need for a more fine-grained approach towards media effects.

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Esteve-Faubel, José María, Tania Josephine Martin, and Rosa Pilar Esteve-Faubel. "Investigating Press Coverage of Protest Songs During the 2003 Iraq War." SAGE Open 10, no. 4 (October 2020): 215824402096770. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020967702.

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The 2003 Iraq War was a landmark for real-time news dissemination, with news broadcast by journalists embedded with U.S. troops. The literature indicates that mainstream media reflected the viewpoints of those in power, giving little coverage to anti-war sentiment. This study focuses on press coverage relating to a specific aspect of dissent—protest songs against the 2003 Iraq War. After analyzing the content of articles sourced from mainstream newspapers from both sides of the Atlantic, namely, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and the Telegraph, the results indicate that from the beginning of this war, anti-war songs were perceived by journalists to be in decline for reasons that were reported to have been linked to the period’s sociopolitical and economic context. The conclusions of the study underscore the value of analyzing news type articles and opinion pieces from newspapers of record.

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Dadge, David. "Stig A. Nohrstedt/Rune Ottosen (Hrsg.): Global War — Local Views. Media Images of the Iraq War." Publizistik 52, no. 3 (September 2007): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11616-007-0185-9.

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Redden, Guy. "Read the Whole Thing: Journalism, Weblogs and the Re-Mediation of the War in Iraq." Media International Australia 109, no. 1 (November 2003): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900114.

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This paper examines a particular form of online activity — weblogging — and how it has allowed for specific new forms of popular political communication in the context of the Second Gulf War. After describing the basics of weblogging, the paper discusses Western media coverage of the war and then shows how ‘warbloggers’ positioned themselves vis-à-vis media coverage and propaganda, creating commentaries that frequently combined media and political criticism. While bloggers of every political hue offered a range of perspectives and personal styles, some general tendencies are evident in warblogging discourse. The piece ends by questioning the significance of warblogging in terms of its potential contribution to democratic communication.

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Maniaty, Tony. "From Vietnam to Iraq: Negative trends in television war reporting." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 14, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v14i2.946.

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In 1876, an American newspaperman with the US 7th Cavalry, Mark Kellogg, declared: ‘I go with Custer, and will be at the death.’ This overtly heroic pronouncement embodies what many still want to believe is the greatest role in journalism: to go up to the fight, to be with ‘the boys’, to expose yourself to risk, to get the story and the blood-soaked images, to vividly describe a world of strength and weakness, of courage under fire, of victory and defeat—and, quite possibly, to die. So culturally embedded has this idea become that it raises hopes among thousands of journalism students worldwide that they too might become that holiest of entities in the media pantheon, the television war correspondent. They may find they have left it too late. Accompanied by evolutionary technologies and breathtaking media change, TV war reporting has shifted from an independent style of filmed reportage to live pieces-to-camera from reporters who have little or nothing to say. In this article, I explore how this has come about; offer some views about the resulting negative impact on practitioners and the public; and explain why, in my opinion, our ‘right to know’ about warfare has been seriously eroded as a result. Caption: The technology has improved, but the risks do not go away. Freelancer John Martinkus, author of A Dirty Little War about East Timor, seen here on assignment for SBS Dateline in Kunar province, Afghanistan, in 2005, was kidnapped in Iraq—but he managed to escape. Others have not been so fortunate.

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Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor, and Beenish Zaheen. "Media Agenda on War against Terrorism: An Analysis of British Newspapers." Volume V Issue I V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 351–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-i).36.

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The war against terrorism was started by the Bush administration after the attacks of September 11th . In this context, America attacked Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003 alongside British forces and NATO allies. The present article explored the agenda of the British press regarding War against Terrorism in British press. The study conducted thematic analysis of two mainstream British daily newspapers i.e. The Guardian and The Independent. The standpoint of the British press was inferred to find out either they supported the government stance or they adopted a critical viewpoint regarding these two wars. The results indicated that the British press advised their government to adopt responsible approach to deal with the crisis. Mostly, the issues related to terrorism, Al-Qaeda, US policies and British role in the war against terrorism dominated the news agenda of the British newspapers. The press stressed on the strong role of UNO during the war against terrorism.

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Jung, Mi-kyung. "How to Read Anti-War Messages from the Iraq War Films in the Age of Media Convergence." Journal of Modern English Drama 32, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.29163/jmed.2019.4.32.1.187.

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