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Journal articles on the topic 'Media democratisation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 January 2023

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1

Doyle, John. "New Media and Democratisation." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. 1 (2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2012.0000.

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Gilmore, Eamon. "Democratisation and New Media." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. 1 (2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2012.0017.

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Sparks, Colin. "Democratisation and the Media." Javnost - The Public 8, no. 4 (2001): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2001.11008784.

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Doyle, John. "New Media and Democratisation." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. -1 (2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2012.23.1.

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Gilmore, Eamon. "Democratisation and New Media." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. -1 (2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2012.23.5.

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6

Gunther, Richard, and José Ramón Montero. "the media and democratisation in spain." European Political Science 1, no. 1 (2001): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2001.4.

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Э. Прайс, Монро. "MEDIA AND DEMOCRATISATION: CHALLENGES OF THE 1990S." Труды по Интеллектуальной Собственности 40, no. 1 (2022): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/tis.2022.14211.

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The 1990s were an important time for experimentation and change in media policy in the emerging Russian Federation. Informed citizenry was a stated goal, but it coexisted with other strong currents, concerns about excessive and overly critical accounts functioning to endanger democratic prospects. Media law and policy was then also shaped to burnish electoral mandates or to help support particular visions of the post-Soviet society. Important experiments included the Presidential Judicial Chamber on Information Disputes and the Treaty of Public Accord.

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Vladisavljevic, Nebojsa, and Katrin Voltmer. "Media framing of democratisation conflicts in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa." Sociologija 59, no. 4 (2017): 518–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1704518v.

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This paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. The main finding is that cross-na

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Rawnsley, Ming-Yeh T., and Chien-san Feng. "Anti-Media-Monopoly Policies and Further Democratisation in Taiwan." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 43, no. 3 (2014): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261404300305.

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The student-led anti-media-monopoly movement in Taiwan has generated strong momentum since mid-2012. In early 2013, the National Communications Commission responded by drafting the “Prevention of Broadcasting and Television Monopoly and the Maintenance of Diversity Act”, which was approved by the Executive Yuan in April 2013 and is now waiting to be debated in the Legislative Yuan. In contemporary Taiwan, the social is often connected with the political. The existing democratic system, which is a legacy of the democratisation process in the twentieth century, no longer seems adequate to serve

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van Audenhove, Leo. "Media and democratisation in Gabon: a political analysis." Communicatio 22, no. 1 (1996): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500169608537789.

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David, Maxine. "New Social Media: Modernisation and Democratisation in Russia." European Politics and Society 16, no. 1 (2014): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.965892.

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Randall, Vicky. "The media and democratisation in the Third World." Third World Quarterly 14, no. 3 (1993): 625–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599308420346.

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13

Mutsvairo, Bruce, and Helge Rønning. "The Janus face of social media and democracy? Reflections on Africa." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 3 (2020): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719899615.

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The purpose of this issue of Media Culture and Society is to discuss the possible role of social media in the struggle for democracy, against authoritarianism, and over hidden power structures. The articles included in this volume are meant to offer empirical interventions to beliefs, some of them unproven, on whether the emergence of new media technologies has driven Africa towards democratic change. Papers in this Special Issue cover a wide variety of African countries delving deep into comparative studies of participatory citizens’ media on the continent. This introduction is an attempt to

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MACRORY, ROBBIE. "Dilemmas of Democratisation: Media Regulation and Reform in Argentina." Bulletin of Latin American Research 32, no. 2 (2012): 178–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.2012.00770.x.

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Nduhura, Dominique, and Michael Prieler. "Citizen Journalism and Democratisation of Mainstream Media in Rwanda." African Journalism Studies 38, no. 2 (2017): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2017.1332659.

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16

Hope, Wayne. "Noted: Vital media resource." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 17, no. 2 (2011): 236–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v17i2.366.

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  Reviewed book edited by Stuart Allan    Publication date: October, 2011     A number of articles deal with the social reception of new media content. Important themes here include citizenship and public knowledge, ethnographies of news consumption, news consumption and social memory. Another set of chapters looks at news and journalism against the backdrop of crisis and conflict. Relevant titles here include 'Journalists and war crimes', 'Peace journalism', 'News and foreign policy', 'Reporting the climate change crisis', 'Ico

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17

Chiumbu, Sarah. "Knowledge and Ideas in a Context of Power: Rethinking Media Policy and Reform in Southern Africa." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 43, no. 2 (2017): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/2302.

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The discourse of media reform emerged in southern Africa in the early 1990s on the back of a ‘democratisation agenda’ supported by policies by Western donors. While much academic attention has been paid to the analysis of media reforms in the region within democratisation and globalisation frameworks, less sustained analysis has been made in examining the role of bilateral and multilateral donors, in conjunction with various Western epistemic communities, in pushing a neo-liberal media reform agenda, which this paper argues is a continuation of the developmental project that started in the 196

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Gomez, Rodrigo. "The Mexican Third Sector of the Media: The Long Run to Democratise the Mexican Communication System." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no. 1 (2018): 332–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i1.945.

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This article addresses the structural historical conditions of the Mexican communication system (MCS) in relation to the process of its democratisation. In order to analyse this process of democratisation, the research focused on the struggles of the third sector of the media – citizen/community/popular/free/alternative/radical/indigenous – to find room in that communication system. The aim was to highlight the structural inequality faced by this sector when compared with the hegemony of the private/commercial – or first – sector. From a normative perspective, a democratic and pluralistic comm

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Gomez, Rodrigo. "The Mexican Third Sector of the Media: The Long Run to Democratise the Mexican Communication System." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no. 1 (2018): 332–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/vol16iss1pp332-352.

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This article addresses the structural historical conditions of the Mexican communication system (MCS) in relation to the process of its democratisation. In order to analyse this process of democratisation, the research focused on the struggles of the third sector of the media – citizen/community/popular/free/alternative/radical/indigenous – to find room in that communication system. The aim was to highlight the structural inequality faced by this sector when compared with the hegemony of the private/commercial – or first – sector. From a normative perspective, a democratic and pluralistic comm

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20

Templer, Ingrid. "New Media Interactivity in the Museum: Democratisation or Dumbing Down?" International Journal of the Inclusive Museum 2, no. 1 (2009): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1835-2014/cgp/v02i01/58339.

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Sparks, Colin. "Post-Communism, Democratisation and the Media: (Nearly) Thirty Years On." Javnost - The Public 25, no. 1-2 (2018): 144–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2018.1423979.

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22

Rawnsley, G. D. "Treading a Fine Line: Democratisation and the Media in Taiwan." Parliamentary Affairs 57, no. 1 (2004): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsh017.

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23

KITZBERGER, PHILIP. "Media Wars and the New Left: Governability and Media Democratisation in Argentina and Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 3 (2016): 447–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15001509.

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AbstractThis article examines the determinants of government strategies towards dominant media actors in the light of increased questioning of the media's role in democratic politics. It compares the first two Kirchnerist presidencies in Argentina with the first two PT-led governments in Brazil. While these governments initially adopted accommodation strategies, political crises subsequently disturbed the coexistence of media and government, triggering divergent responses. The study offers an account of media policy options and shifts based upon (i) constraints stemming from political-structur

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24

Wasserman, Herman. "Media, conflict and democratisation in Africa: Political communication by other means." Media Linguistics 6, no. 4 (2019): 429–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu22.2019.401.

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25

Ma, Ji, Michael Webber, and Brian L. Finlayson. "On sealing a lakebed: mass media and environmental democratisation in China." Environmental Science & Policy 12, no. 1 (2009): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2008.09.001.

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Splichal, Slavko. "imitation and distrust hamper democratisation of the media in east-central europe." European Political Science 1, no. 1 (2001): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2001.5.

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Middleton, Carl, and Tay Zar Myo Win. "The Emergence of a Hybrid Public Sphere in Myanmar: Implications for Democratisation." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 9, no. 1 (2021): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2021.2.

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AbstractMyanmar was under a military government for almost six decades, during which time the state maintained an ‘authoritarian public sphere’ that limited independent civil society, mass media and the population's access to information. In 2010, Myanmar held flawed elections that installed a semi-civilian government and established a hybrid governance regime, within which civil, political and media freedoms expanded while the military's influence remained significant. In this paper, we examine ‘hybrid governance at work’ in the ‘hybrid public sphere’, that holds in tension elements of an aut

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28

Michailidou, Asimina. "Nico Carpentier <i>et al.</i> (2007). <i>Media Technologies and Democracy in an Enlarged Europe: The Intellectual Work of the 2007 European Media and Communication Doctoral Summer School.</i> Tartu: Tartu University Press." Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no. 4 (2008): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i4.144.

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The contested issues of enlargement and democratisation of an expanding European Union are the subjects of this book, with particular focus on the role of communication and media technologies (mediatisation). Starting with the introduction of key theoretical approaches of media and democracy, the book offers an extensive overview of contemporary empirical enquiry conducted by doctoral researchers in the fields of mediatisation of governance, participation and policy-making. The findings presented in this publication focus on, but are not limited to, European communicative spaces.

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29

McNair, Brian. "Wikileaks, Journalism and the Consequences of Chaos." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (2012): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400112.

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This article considers the impact of the WikiLeaks organisation in relation to debates around the defence of national security and free speech, global media citizenship and the emerging dynamics of the global public sphere. Building on the author's previous work on political communication, journalism and ‘cultural chaos’, it explores the implications of WikiLeaks for emerging conceptions and definitions of journalism, and for the changing structure of media–politics power relations at the global level, against the background of three trends: democratisation, declining deference and digitalisat

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30

Turkan, Işıl. "Democratisation and New Media Dilemmas: a Case Study of Press Freedom in Turkey." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. 1 (2012): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2012.0011.

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Turkan, Işıl. "Democratisation and New Media Dilemmas: a Case Study of Press Freedom in Turkey." Irish Studies in International Affairs 23, no. -1 (2012): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2012.23.23.

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32

Gober, Greta. "Gender and age inequalities in television and news production culture in Poland: Ethnography in a public broadcasting company." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 15, no. 1 (2020): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749602019891542.

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Previous studies that looked at the quality of media cultures that emerged in the process of democratisation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have largely missed the role these cultures play in maintaining gender and age inequalities in the media. This ethnography fills this gap. Through the example of one public service broadcaster, Telewizja Polska (TVP), the quality of the post-communist media culture is examined. The article argues that television work in Poland is carried out under the combined pressure from political actors, economic forces and patriarchal ideology, resulting in a wea

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33

Sullivan, Jonathan. "The Coevolution of Media and Politics in Taiwan: Implications for Political Communications." International Journal of Taiwan Studies 2, no. 1 (2019): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688800-00201005.

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Over the course of democratisation, Taiwan’s communications environment has experienced significant changes. Liberalisation and commercialisation of the media, and the emergence and popularisation of digital, have substantially altered the information environment and the expectations and behaviours of both citizens and political actors. This article explores the implications of these developments for political communications, and the vitality of Taiwan’s democracy. The article combines a conceptual framework rooted in mediatisation and hybrid media logics with empirical case studies on electio

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Kwak, Ki-Sung. "From ‘Revolutionary Changes’ to ‘Things as Usual’: The Political Role of Online Media in South Korea." Media International Australia 141, no. 1 (2011): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1114100111.

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This article examines the political role of online media in the process of democratisation in South Korea. It argues that online media in Korea emerged when the institutionalisation of the political parties was weak, and when the mainstream media were polarised, losing the trust of the general public. These two factors allowed new forces in civil society to emerge as influential mediators in political communication and mobilisation. The political impact of online media experienced in the Korean context shows that the great potential of the internet demonstrated in the first half of the 2000s p

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35

Nikolić, Marina. "Issues concerning the language standardisation: Theoretical view." Зборник радова Филозофског факултета у Приштини 50, no. 4 (2020): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp50-26283.

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Monitoring and evaluating changes in standard languages, especially in Serbian, in the twenty-first century are the focus of this work. In order to determine the situation in the current norm, it is necessary to consider the Serbian language within the context of contemporary European languages. Challenges arising in the process of standardisation of the Serbian language (such as the language democratisation stemming from the democratisation of society, modernisation, rapid establishment of a gender-sensitive language and insisting on its use, social network terms, etc.), but likewise the need

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Yu Huang and Xu Yu. "Towards Media Democratisation: The Chinese Experience and a Critique of the Neo-Authoritarian Model." China Report 33, no. 3 (1997): 313–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559703300303.

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37

Gilani, Parisa, Elvira Bolat, Donald Nordberg, and Claudia Wilkin. "Mirror, mirror on the wall: Shifting leader–follower power dynamics in a social media context." Leadership 16, no. 3 (2019): 343–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715019889817.

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The democratisation made possible by social media presents leadership studies with an opportunity to re-evaluate the often-neglected role of power in leader–follower dynamics. Drawing on Critical Leadership Studies and using a hybrid qualitative methodology, we discover that relationships between social media leaders and followers are co-produced and largely accompanied by continuous shifts and re-negotiation of power between social media leaders and social media followers. We show that social media platforms and their metrics play an important role in such power shifts by granting equal acces

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38

VON HODENBERG, CHRISTINA. "Mass Media and the Generation of Conflict: West Germany's Long Sixties and the Formation of a Critical Public Sphere." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (2006): 367–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003377.

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From the 1950s to 1970s the West German public sphere underwent a rapid politicisation which was part of the ongoing socio-cultural democratisation of the Federal Republic. This article examines the role of the mass media and journalistic elites in bringing about this change. It analyses how and when political coverage in the media evolved from an instrument of consensus to a forum of conflict. Arguing that generational shifts in journalism were crucial to this process, two generations, termed the ‘45ers’ and the ‘68ers’, are described in regard to their professional ethos and their attitudes

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39

Agterberg, Bas. "Convergent Cultures." Convergent Television(s) 3, no. 6 (2014): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2014.jethc069.

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The article analyses the changes in production and consumption in the audiovisual industry and the way the so-called ‘ephemeral’ commissioned productions are scarcely preserved. New technologies and the liberal economic policies and internationalisation changed the media landscape in the 1980s. Audiovisual companies created a broad range of products within the audiovisual industry. This also resulted in a democratisation of the use of media as well as new formats of programmes and distribution for commissioned productions. By looking at a specific company that recently handed over a collection

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40

Bassil, Noah, and Nourhan Kassem. "The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (2021): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4452.

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This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerfu

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41

Hodess, Robin B. "The Role of News Media in European Integration : A Framework of Analysis for Political Science." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (1997): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18588.

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The pbenomenon of European integration has received a great deal ofattention from political scientists in the wake of the mid-1980s 'relaunch' ofthe European Union (EU). However, political science's theoretical consideration of West European integration has from the outset failed to include news media as a factor in EU politics. This oversight is linked to the general dismissal of the public and public debate as irrelevant to the integration project. Yet because media have several critical functions in politics - as an information-source, agendasetter, and legitimator - political science treat

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42

Baggesen, Rikke Haller. "Augmenting the agora: Media and civic engagement in museums." MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 30, no. 56 (2014): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v30i56.8964.

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<p>Mirroring digital culture developments in society at large, museums are increasingly incorporating social media platforms and formats into their communication practices. More than merely providing additional channels of communication, this development is invested with an understanding of social media as integral to the ongoing democratisation of the museum. The confluences of new media affordances with New Museology objectives along with the underpinning of the aforementioned understanding is discussed in this article. The article will argue that development in this area is not only d

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Praprotnik, Tadej. "Social Networks and New Media Players." Monitor ISH 19, no. 1 (2017): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.19.1.95-121(2017).

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The article presents the phenomenon of multimedia production through various types of inclusion and participation offered by the technological formats. The multimedia production of web pages and other cultural products has been a major channel for the democratisation of cultural production and a means for the self-expression of individuals in the public sphere. The digitalisation and growth of social media have challenged the news industry, since the latter has had to adjust its media production both to the rising power of independent publishers on the social media platforms and to the users-t

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JACOBS, SEAN. "How Good is the South African Media for Democracy?" African and Asian Studies 1, no. 4 (2002): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921002x00033.

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ABSTRACT This article argues that media are not merely conduits for the government, political parties or citizens in post-apartheid South Africa, but have emerged as autonomous power centres in competition with other power centres. The transformation of the South African media since the demise of apartheid has taken the form of significant changes in the media's environment. There is now freedom to criticise the government, unprecedented access to state-held information, and the state's monopoly over broadcasting and diversification of commercial print media has been broken. Yet these developm

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Hamilton, Paula. "Remembering Changi: Public Memory and the Popular Media." Media International Australia 131, no. 1 (2009): 136–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0913100115.

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Media arenas are increasingly the place where most of our negotiation over the meaning of the past is carried out. Indeed, many commentators argue that television plays a particularly central role in the shaping of social memory. This paper seeks to examine how the various forms of media are changing the relationship between personal (and often silent) memories and public ones by asking what happens when personal memories of experience, which are not passed on within families — or only in a limited way — finally become public. I argue here that television and the internet, as increasingly inte

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Prince, John. "Keeping the Conversation Going: Voluntary Associations in the Public Sphere(S)." Media International Australia 111, no. 1 (2004): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411100114.

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While Jürgen Habermas claims the public sphere — and therefore democracy — is in a state of atrophy, other theorists claim that in recent decades there has been an overwhelming democratisation of our media. For many theorists who support Habermas's arguments, voluntary associations are best suited to reinvigorating a public sphere in decay. Indeed, Habermas himself claims voluntary associations are essential to a properly functioning, democratic public sphere. This paper presents some of the findings of recent research, which considered the facts on the ground and examined at close quarters th

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47

Sharp, Thomas. "The Internet and the Democratisation of Knowledge Production: An Africanist Historian's Perspective." African Research & Documentation 126 (2014): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00020707.

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The end of the Cold War is said to have brought an end to the sanctity of national sovereignty in sub-Saharan Africa, by opening up authoritarian regimes to international pressures for economic and political reform (Konings, 2011). Donor conditionalities of good governance coincided with protests from local populations, who increasingly formed part of a global civil society constituted by transnational activist networks (Keck and Sikkink, 1998; Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999). Within these intertwined processes of globalisation and democratisation, Information and Communications Technologies (ICT

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48

Gong, Qian, and Gary Rawnsley. "Media freedom and responsibility in South Korea: The perceptions of journalists and politicians during the Roh Moo-hyun presidency." Journalism 19, no. 9-10 (2017): 1257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884916688287.

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This article analyses the perceptions of media freedom and responsibility by journalists and politicians in South Korea during the Presidency of Roh Moo-huyn (2003–2008). It draws on in-depth interviews with 10 journalists and 10 politicians with different political affiliations and interests. Findings suggest that both groups had positive appraisals of the country’s media democratisation. For them, the media could function as a watchdog on political power without having to fear direct political reprisals for doing so. However, the political press remained partially shackled to specific legaci

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Praprotnik, Tadej. "The Arrival of Prosumers and Produsers: Transformations of User Practices in the New Media." Monitor ISH 17, no. 2 (2015): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.17.2.47-69(2015).

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The article presents the phenomenon of new communication technologies. Focusing on the role of the social media (Web 2.0), it sketches certain global trends in the field of the new media and explains the role of software as an important ‘generator’ of everyday life. The basic characteristics of the traditional one-way mass communication and consumption of media products are contrasted with the interactive nature of the new media and a recent resulting phenomenon – user-generated media contents. The article goes on to present an important element of the new media cultures – interactivity, discu

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Mauersberger, Christof. "Commercial Markets or Communication Rights? International Norms and the Democratisation of Media Markets in Argentina and Brazil." Journal für Entwicklungspolitik 29, no. 2 (2013): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20446/jep-2414-3197-29-2-51.

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