Journal articles on the topic 'Medical care – Cambodia'

Abstract In low- and middle-income countries, patients may travel abroad to seek better health services or treatments that are not available at home, especially in regions where great disparities exist between the standard of care in neighbouring countries. While awareness of South–South medical travels has increased, only a few studies investigated this phenomenon in depth from the perspective of sending countries. This article aims to contribute to these studies by reporting findings from a qualitative study of medical travels from Cambodia and associated costs. Data collection primarily involved interviews with Cambodian patients returning from Thailand and Vietnam, conducted in 2017 in the capital Phnom Penh and two provinces, and interviews with key informants in the local health sector. The research findings show that medical travels from Cambodia are driven and shaped by an interplay of socio-economic, cultural and health system factors at different levels, from the effects of regional trade liberalization to perceptions about the quality of care and the pressure of relatives and other advisers in local communities. Furthermore, there is a diversity of medical travels from Cambodia, ranging from first class travels to international hospitals in Bangkok and cross-border ‘medical tourism’ to perilous overland journeys of poor patients, who regularly resort to borrowing or liquidating assets to cover costs. The implications of the research findings for health sector development and equitable access to care for Cambodians deserve particular attention. To some extent, the increase in medical travels can stimulate improvements in the quality of local health services. However, concerns remain that these developments will mainly affect high-cost private services, widening disparities in access to care between population groups.

Cambodia has one of the highest prevalence rates of HIV in Asia and is scaling up HIV testing. We conducted a cross-sectional survey with 358 health care providers in Phnom Penh, Cambodia to assess readiness for voluntary testing and counselling for HIV. We measured HIV knowledge and attitudes, and predictors of intentions to take a sexual history using the Theory of Planned Behaviour. Over 90% of health care providers correctly answered knowledge questions about HIV transmission, but their attitudes were often not positive towards people living with HIV. The Theory of Planned Behaviour constructs explained 56% of the variance in intention to take a sexual history: the control providers perceive they have over taking a sexual history was the strongest contributor (51%), while social pressure explained a further 3%. Attitudes about taking a sexual history did not contribute to intention. Interventions with Cambodian health care providers should focus on improving skills in sexual history-taking.

Background In Cambodia, abortion has been legally permitted on request during the first trimester of pregnancy since 1997. However, although there has been an increase in the percentage of women having induced abortion and medical abortion, there has also been a decrease in the percentage of women who say they received help from a health worker with their abortion. These data point toward the demedicalization of abortion, and although medical abortion has been shown to be safe, there are concerns about safety, given the variety of available products and counseling provided. These concerns are particularly relevant for female factory workers, who typically come from rural areas where access to good health care and information about reproductive health care is limited. Objective This study aims to understand the reproductive health needs of female Cambodian garment factory workers after medical abortion from a multidisciplinary and mixed-methods perspective, focusing on how they seek and share medical abortion- and health-related information; how they use their mobile phones for this and other purposes; what cultural challenges exist around reproductive health; and how they might be magnified or mitigated by mobile phones, linguistic challenges around health care, and mobile phone use. The main purpose of this study is to combine multidisciplinary methods, theories, and expertise to gain new, culturally grounded insights into family planning and medical abortion in Cambodia, but the findings could help inform the development of a relevant intervention to support comprehensive postabortion care. Methods The methods proposed are interviews and participant observation among factory workers, health providers, and mobile phone providers; a linguistic analysis of relevant data (interview transcripts, web-based sources, and other fieldwork materials); and digital methods to understand what kind of information about medical abortion exists on the web in Cambodia and how it is accessed by the targeted population. Results The data collection part of the project will end on December 31, 2020. The team conducted 67 semistructured interviews with female factory workers, women who sought a medical abortion, health providers, and mobile phone providers; participant observation with factory workers and health providers; and an analysis of YouTube and Facebook to understand what kind of information is available, who creates it, and how it is used. The team is currently performing data analysis, and the findings are clustered around (1) the use of mobile phones and digital resources for health-related and medical abortion-related information, (2) the experience of medical abortion care, and (3) the development of an intervention through edutainment videos. Conclusions The project highlights both the widely untapped potential of using digital platforms (especially YouTube and Facebook) to distribute accurate information on medical abortion and the challenges in providing individual information via mobile phones while respecting individuals’ privacy. International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID) DERR1-10.2196/17779

Background and Objectives: Medical volunteering seeks to meet the clinical needs of underserved areas, but has been criticized for difficulties in addressing local health issues and resultant lack of sustainability. Our team has visited rural Cambodia annually since 2012. This study reports the illnesses encountered during the recent mission and share our experiences to improve the efficiency of medical volunteering. Materials and Methods: Infrastructure, such as public electricity or water, was unavailable, hence most medical care and records were hand-performed. We categorized (1) primary diagnoses (chief complaints) by duration of symptoms, and (2) primary and secondary diagnoses (illnesses that were not related to the chief complaint) by severity of illness since patients commonly reported multiple symptoms. Blood pressure and anthropometric values were also checked and analyzed. Results: We encountered 317 adult and 141 pediatric patients. Among adults, 61.3% had persistent chronic (>6 month) symptoms of their chief complaints. The commonest diagnoses of chronic symptoms were musculoarthritis (31.5%) and gastroesophageal reflux disease and/or gastritis (21.7%). Hypertension and/or cardiac problems were relatively common among males (13.6%). The most common diagnosis among the severest cases (specialized or intensive care recommended) was cardiac problems (14.8%), often with abnormalities in sonography or electrocardiogram. For children, the overwhelming majority of diagnoses were related to acute symptoms and low severity, and approximately half were cases of the common cold. Commonly prescribed drugs were antacids or mucosal protectors (31.3%), Non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs) or other painkillers (27.6%), and antiparasites (17.7%) in adults, and NSAIDs (44.7%) and antiparasites (23.2%) in children. Among adults, 32.7% were diagnosed with hypertension, and body mass index (p = 0.003) and age (p < 0.001) were both correlated with hypertension and its grade. Conclusions: Our study offers practical help to volunteer health workers planning to visit Southeast Asia.

Background Unmet need is the gap between women’s need and their practice of using contraception. Unmet need for contraception in female adolescents and women in Cambodia is a public health concern which may lead to unintended pregnancies or abortions that can contribute to maternal morbidity and mortality. Methods Bronfenbrenner’s Social Ecological Model was used as a theoretical framework to analyze data from the 2014 Cambodian Demographic and Health Survey to ascertain demographic and social factors potentially associated with unmet need for contraception. Bivariate and weighted multiple logistic regression analyses with adjusted odds ratios (AOR) were conducted for 4,823 Cambodian, sexually active females aged 15–29 years. Results The percentage of unmet need for contraception was 11.7%. At the individual level of the Social Ecological Model, there was an increased likelihood of unmet need in adolescent girls 15–19 years and women 20–24 years. Unmet need was decreased in currently employed women. At the microenvironment level, there was an increased likelihood of unmet need with the husband’s desire for more children and when the decision for a woman’s access to healthcare was made by someone else in the household. At the macroenvironment level, unmet need was decreased in women who could access a health facility near their residence to obtain medical care. There were no urban rural differences found in the Cambodian sample population. Conclusion Unmet need for contraception in Cambodian females adolescents and women is associated with younger age, unemployment and low personal autonomy for accessing healthcare but not with education or wealth status. There is a need to implement culturally appropriate reproductive and sexual health literacy programs to increase access to modern contraception and to raise women’s autonomy.

In low- and middle-income countries in Asia, the use of supernatural, religious, and magical approaches to mental illness is widespread. We aimed to document the help-seeking behaviours and barriers to effective mental healthcare in the case of a psychiatric patient in rural Cambodia. The present case report describes the pathway that a patient with schizophrenia utilised to receive effective treatment in a rural area. First, the patient was taken by his parents to a pagoda. Subsequently, they took him to the home of a Kru Khmer (a Cambodian traditional healer). Nevertheless, his condition did not improve, and after seeing this, a neighbour suggested to his mother that they visit the provincial hospital. The patient received a diagnosis after an assessment by the hospital psychiatrist. Following several months of treatment with medication, the patient no longer exhibited paranoid behaviour. In this case, the patient’s and his family’s beliefs are strongly related to help-seeking behaviour toward medical care among psychiatric patients. To promote timely visits to the hospital, it is crucial to clarify and understand the type of beliefs held by psychiatric patients and their families. Besides, an educational approach to the beliefs is essential for shortening the duration of untreated illness.

Abstract In this article, the author juxtaposes writing and conversation about care for, with, and in spite of technology in Cambodia. The scene is medical care, and the actors are radiologists, engineers, cadres, and X-ray machines. A radiologist is forced to repair an X-ray machine for doctors of the revolution; the pressure and constraints are almost unreal, yet his skill in repair affirms his humanity and the specialized knowledge and creativity required for problem solving. An engineer teaches repair as he fixes an old X-ray machine. He finds words and necessary tools are missing in Phnom Penh, a familiar story of lack, yet repair is material practice that enables improvisation in spite of linguistic and epistemic challenges. A radiologist, the same one from before, in the twilight of his life, questions the dominance of technologies within medical care and the deskilling of doctors. Juxtaposing these stories bolsters attention for the mundane and creative work of keeping things going in a “broken world,” in line with the ways that care and repair are mobilized in STS. It also shows how the radical potential of “broken world thinking” is circumscribed when a broken world is the one from which people are struggling to distance themselves. What we are left with are multiple, overlapping, fraught stories of modernity in which need, choice, and pleasure of repair all have a place.

In the last few decades, international crimes, ie, serious human rights violations, have inflicted severe harm on both the physical and mental health of large numbers of victims around the world. In attempting to redress these damages, international courts, within their respective mandates, have issued reparations orders in favour of victims and their communities. Precisely, an important modality of reparations has consisted of rehabilitation which includes measures of a medical nature for victims. This means physical and psychological rehabilitation including treatment, care and support. At three international level courts, namely, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), International Criminal Court (ICC), and Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), important developments in the field of medical rehabilitative reparations have taken place. This article critically analyses the practices on medical rehabilitation reparations at those courts, suggests which steps should be taken to improve those practices and proposes which actions States and other international community actors should adopt to better implement and/or contribute towards the implementation of orders on medical rehabilitation reparations. Attention is also given to international human rights law, particularly the obligation to cooperate and the right to health standards and principles.

Introduction: In Cambodia, we implemented a pilot surveillance of superficial surgical site infections (SSSI) following caesarean deliveries (CD) in a provincial hospital, to estimate their incidence, describe their clinical management, and determine their causative pathogens. Methodology: Between October 2010 and February 2011, all women admitted for CD were included in the surveillance. Their clinical condition was monitored for a post-operative period of 30 days, including two assessments performed by surgeons. Cases were clinically diagnosed by surgeons, with bacterial cultures performed. Results: Of the 222 patients admitted for CD, 176 (79.3%) were monitored for 30 days. Of these, 11 were diagnosed with a SSSI, giving an incidence rate of 6.25% (95% CI 3.2-10.9). Four of the cases (36.4%) were detected after hospital discharge. Length of hospitalization was significantly longer for the SSSI cases. All 222 patients were prescribed antibiotics. Ampicillin was administered intravenously to 98.6% of them, with subsequent oral amoxicillin given to 82.9%. Three of six pus samples collected were positive on culture: two with Staphylococcus aureus and one with Staphylococcus lugdunensis. One S.aureus was methicillin resistant (MRSA). The other was clindamycin and erythromycin resistant. Conclusion: Surveillance of health-care associated infections in a setting with limited resources is challenging but feasible. Effective post-discharge surveillance was essential for the estimation of the incidence rate of SSSI following caesarean deliveries. This surveillance led to a peer-review of medical practices.

Introduction Deliberate corrosive substance attacks (DCSA) have traditionally been associated with low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). However, the incidence of DCSA in certain geographical locations of the UK has increased in recent years. These attacks have a relatively low mortality rate but cause extensive life-changing injuries and the management from point of wounding to definitive care is challenging for all involved. Methods A systematic review was used to identify literature about DCSA and establish how much evidence about these attacks has been published over the last decade. Victim and perpetrator characteristics, substances used, injury patterns, mortality, pre-hospital and hospital-based management and complications associated with management were areas of interest. The review included any medical literature (case reports, letters, reviews) published within the last 10 years that described DCSA against human victims. Non-English language articles were excluded. Results Eighteen articles containing 762 victims of DCSA were included; seven victims had incomplete data. Articles were mostly from LMIC (Bangladesh, Columbia, Cambodia, India, Iran, Sri Lanka and Pakistan) but there were five articles were from the UK (three ‘Letters to Editors’, one survivor letter and one retrospective review of 21 victims). UK victim and perpetrator characteristics varied from those in LMIC. Seven papers described pre-hospital management and nine described hospital/surgical management. Conclusions The evidence base surrounding DCSA is limited especially in the UK setting. More research into the epidemiology and management of DCSA in the UK is warranted.

Purpose: Adult day care programs in the United States are seeing an increase in culturally diverse patients. The purpose of this study was to better understand the subjective experiences of staff and Cambodian refugees attending an adult day center in the United States that provides services focused on the cultural needs of the older adults, such as Cambodian food, activities, and Cambodian staff. Design: This is a qualitative study using grounded theory to analyze 10 individual interviews from staff members and 80 individual interviews from participants who attend an adult day care program for Cambodians in a city in the northeast United States. Findings: Three primary themes emerged: The participants felt respected, there was a generational tension between the young staff and the participants, and the center acted as a cultural liaison between the medical providers and the participants.

ObjectiveTo explore social and behavioural factors associated with depressive symptoms among university students in Cambodia.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingsTwo public universities—one in the capital city of Phnom Penh and another in Battambang provincial town.ParticipantsThis study included 1359 students randomly selected from all departments in the two universities using a multistage cluster sampling method for a self-administered questionnaire survey in 2015.Primary outcome measureDepressive symptoms measured by using the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression scale. All measures in the study were self-reported.ResultsThe proportion of students with depressive symptoms and severe depressive symptoms were 50.6% and 19.6%, respectively. After adjustment in multivariate logistic regression analysis, depressive symptoms remained significantly associated with poor academic performance (adjusted OR (AOR)=7.31, 95% CI 2.24 to 23.86), higher consumption of unhealthy food (AOR=1.72, 95% CI 1.08 to 2.76), a negative self-perception about body shape (AOR=0.54, 95% CI 0.29 to 0.99) and general health status (AOR=2.99, 95% CI 1.28 to 7.00), and limited physical activeness (AOR=0.30, 95% CI 0.16 to 0.58). Depressive symptoms also remained significantly associated with adverse childhood experiences including physical violence (AOR=1.39, 95% CI 1.04 to 1.86), psychological abuse (AOR=1.82, 95% CI 1.37 to 2.42) and lack of general and medical care (AOR=0.51, 95% CI 0.30 to 0.86) by family during childhood.ConclusionsThe key factors associated with depressive symptoms were family related and individual behaviours and attitudes. Thus, efforts should be invested in comprehensive screening and intervention programmes to diagnose those vulnerable students early, offer immediate treatment and cater appropriate support.

We evaluated four dengue diagnostic devices from Alere, including the SD Bioline Dengue Duo (nonstructural [NS] 1 Ag and IgG/IgM), the Panbio Dengue Duo Cassette (IgM/IgG) rapid diagnostic tests (RDTs), and the Panbio dengue IgM and IgG capture enzyme-linked immunosorbent assays (ELISAs) in a prospective, controlled, multicenter study in Peru, Venezuela, Cambodia, and the United States, using samples from 1,021 febrile individuals. Archived, well-characterized samples from an additional 135 febrile individuals from Thailand were also used. Reference testing was performed on all samples using an algorithm involving virus isolation, in-house IgM and IgG capture ELISAs, and plaque reduction neutralization tests (PRNT) to determine the infection status of the individual. The primary endpoints were the clinical sensitivities and specificities of these devices. The SD Bioline Dengue Duo had an overall sensitivity of 87.3% (95% confidence interval [CI], 84.1 to 90.2%) and specificity of 86.8% (95% CI, 83.9 to 89.3%) during the first 14 days post-symptom onset (p.s.o.). The Panbio Dengue Duo Cassette demonstrated a sensitivity of 92.1% (87.8 to 95.2%) and specificity of 62.2% (54.5 to 69.5%) during days 4 to 14 p.s.o. The Panbio IgM capture ELISA had a sensitivity of 87.6% (82.7 to 91.4%) and specificity of 88.1% (82.2 to 92.6%) during days 4 to 14 p.s.o. Finally, the Panbio IgG capture ELISA had a sensitivity of 69.6% (62.1 to 76.4%) and a specificity of 88.4% (82.6 to 92.8%) during days 4 to 14 p.s.o. for identification of secondary dengue infections. This multicountry prospective study resulted in reliable real-world performance data that will facilitate data-driven laboratory test choices for managing patient care during dengue outbreaks.

During the last decades, in different places and under different circumstances, some physicians and other health professionals have supported state violence. The Holocaust is a prime example for how doctors can cooperate with the state to plan, give ideological support to and implement violent policies. As a consequence of the Industrial Revolution, people gained access to health promotion and health protection, not as an achievement of the welfare state, but as a tool necessary to maintain healthy and more productive workers. Gradually, all social strata, employees and their relatives gained access to health coverage. Physicians as a group increased in number and changed the structure of their profession by establishing a symbiotic relationship with the state. Between the state and the medical class, different models of cooperation can be distinguished. In general, we can affirm that with the implementation of a public health system, greater interdependence among the state and the medical class was established. In the case of authoritarian or totalitarian regimes, the support of the medical class for violent policies depends on the degree of previous cooperation. National Socialist Germany and the Soviet Union are two striking examples of totalitarian states in which strong public health systems and subsequent close cooperation between the medical class and the state can be observed. In both countries, violent state policies were quickly accepted and integrated into medical practice. Practices such as forced sterilization, murder of patients or experimentation with prisoners were prevalent under National Socialism. The abuse of psychiatry as tool for exerting power was common in the Soviet Union. South American dictatorships constitute examples of totalitarian states with weak previous cooperation between the medical class and the state, as they did not have strong public health systems. In those countries, support for state violence can be found, such as participation of health care professionals in torture or abduction of babies, but cooperation was not as strong as in Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. In other cases in which no strong previous relationship existed between medicine and the state, authoritarian regimes were not accompanied by medical support for violence, such as in the case of the Rwandan genocide or in Cambodia, where doctors were persecuted and murdered based on their membership of the bourgeois class.

Cambodians living in the U.S.A. suffer from depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and chronic medical disease at rates far in excess of national averages. The Harvard Program in Refugee Trauma’s Cambodian Health Promotion Program seeks to address this burden of disease by offering them culturally tailored health education in a group setting.
 A health professional and a bicultural health educator co-facilitated a five-session health promotion group for Cambodian survivors of torture from 2007 to 2011. The program covered five major topics from Western and Cambodian worldviews. They included the meaning of health promotion, nutrition, exercise, stress management and sleep hygiene, and health practitioner-patient communication. The bicultural worker administered Pre and Post semi-structured Health Promotion Questionnaires. The data presented here are the results from 126 participants.
 Changes between the Pre and Post health promotion groups demonstrated significant improvements in health status, lifestyle activities, sleep, and depression. Participants revealed greater confidence in communicating with their primary health care practitioner.
 Culturally tailored Cambodian health promotion education administered in a small group setting may improve health and mental health behaviors.
 Culturally tailored health promotion education in a small group setting may promote healing in survivors of torture. It is an intervention worthy of further research and development.

The Khao I Dang Holding Center for Kampucheans opened November 21, 1979 as part of an effort to bring relief to the thousands of Cambodian on the eastern frontier of Thailand. The camp population increased from 4800 that first day to 50,000 by December 1, 1979 and 110,000 by mid-January, 1980. Sixty-one percent (61%) of the population were 15 years of age and older; 12% of these over 44. Thirty-nine percent (39%) were children under 15.Although each disaster is unique, the medical problems for a type of disaster in a stated area are considered predictable. This was not the case at Khao I Dang for hospital pysicians in providing patient care. It has been shown that relief efforts are amenable to study, yet such studies have been handicapped by a lack of data. Since major disasters involving international aid are reported several times a year, the problem is considerable.

One of the major challenges to the American health care system posed by the hundreds of thousands of Southeast Asian refugees who have come to the United States since 1975 initially appeared to be the containment and treatment of infectious diseases carried by many. However, this challenge was rapidly overshadowed by another more fundamental one: the cultural differences between American care-givers and their refugee patients. Since culture controls perceptions of health, illness, and disease causation and classification, culturally regulated beliefs and practices are key determinants of patient behavior and clinical care. Hospitals and clinics with significant Southeast Asian clientele have attempted to minimize cultural misunderstanding between staff and refugee patients by adding refugees to treatment teams. These refugees act as intermediaries between medical staff and members of their own ethnic communities.

Infectious diarrhea affects over four billion individuals annually and causes over a million deaths each year. Though not typically prescribed for treatment of uncomplicated diarrheal disease, antimicrobials serve as a critical part of the armamentarium used to treat severe or persistent cases. Due to widespread over- and misuse of antimicrobials, there has been an alarming increase in global resistance, for which a standardized methodology for geographic surveillance would be highly beneficial. To demonstrate that a standardized methodology could be used to provide molecular surveillance of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) genes, we initiated a pilot study to test 130 diarrheal pathogens (Campylobacter spp., Escherichia coli, Salmonella, and Shigella spp.) from the USA, Peru, Egypt, Cambodia, and Kenya for the presence/absence of over 200 AMR determinants. We detected a total of 55 different determinants conferring resistance to ten different categories of antimicrobials: genes detected in ≥ 25 samples included blaTEM, tet(A), tet(B), mac(A), mac(B), aadA1/A2, strA, strB, sul1, sul2, qacEΔ1, cmr, and dfrA1. The number of determinants per strain ranged from none (several Campylobacter spp. strains) to sixteen, with isolates from Egypt harboring a wider variety and greater number of genes per isolate than other sites. Two samples harbored carbapenemase genes, blaOXA-48 or blaNDM. Genes conferring resistance to azithromycin (ere(A), mph(A)/mph(K), erm(B)), a first-line therapeutic for severe diarrhea, were detected in over 10% of all Enterobacteriaceae tested: these included >25% of the Enterobacteriaceae from Egypt and Kenya. Forty-six percent of the Egyptian Enterobacteriaceae harbored genes encoding CTX-M-1 or CTX-M-9 families of extended-spectrum β-lactamases. Overall, the data provide cross-comparable resistome information to establish regional trends in support of international surveillance activities and potentially guide geospatially informed medical care.

Abstract Background: Elevated levels of arsenic in drinking water in Cambodia were first identified in 1999. The first cases of suspected arsenicosis were identified by the WHO in 2002, and the first laboratory confirmed cases were found in 2006. Objective: Present three patients with ulcerating tumors of the legs who came from two different districts in Cambodia. Results: Cutaneous lesions characteristic of chronic arsenicosis were exhibited, and squamous cell carcinomas requiring amputation had developed. The clinical features of chronic arsenicosis and its surgical management were examined, in addition to its impact in Cambodia and current preventive strategies Conclusion: There will be an increased incidence of these problems in the future. Medical practitioners in the Mekong River Basin should be aware of them, so as to recognize them early, and treat them appropriately.


 From its beginning, mankind suffered injuries through falling, fire, drowning and human aggression [1]. Although the frequency and the kinetics modifiy over millennia, trauma continues to represent an important cause of morbidity and mortality even in the modern society [1]. Significant progresses in the trauma surgery were due to military conflicts, which next to social sufferance came with important steps in injuries’ management, further applied in civilian hospitals. The foundation of modern trauma systems was started by Dominique Jean Larrey (1766-1842) during the Napoleonic Rin military campaign from 1792. The wounded who remained on the battlefield till the end of the battle to receive medical care, usually more than 24 hours, from that moment were transported during the conflict with flying ambulances to mobile hospitals. Starting with the First World War, through the usage of antiseptics, blood transfusions, and fracture management, the mortality decreased from 39% in the Crimean War (1853–1856) to 10%. One of the most preeminent figures of the Second World War was Michael DeBakey, who created the Mobile Army Surgical Hospitals (MASH), concept very similar to the Larrey’s unit. In 1941, in England, Birmingham Accident Hospital was opened, specially designed for injured people, this being the first trauma center worldwide. During the Golf War (1990–1991) the MASH were used for the last time, being replaced by Forward Surgical Teams, very mobile units satisfying the necessities of the nowadays infantry [1].
 Nowadays, trauma meets the pandemic criteria, everyday 16,000 people worldwide are dying, injuries representing one of the first five causes of mortality for all the age groups below 60 [2]. A recent 12-month analysis of trauma pattern in the Emergency Hospital of Bucharest revealed 141 patients, 72.3% males, with a mean age of 43.52 ± 19 years, and a mean New Injury Severity Score (NISS) of 27.58 ± 11.32 [3]. The etiology was traffic related in 101 (71.6%), falls in 28 (19.9%) and crushing in 7 (5%) cases. The overall mortality was as high as 30%, for patients with a mean NISS of 37.63 [3].
 At the scene, early recognition of severe injuries and a high index of suspicion according to trauma kinetics may allow a correct triage of patients [4]. A functional trauma system should continuously evaluate the rate of over- and under-triage [5]. The over-triage represents the transfer to a very severe patient to a center without necessary resources, while under-triage means a low injured patient referred to a highly specialized center. If under-triage generates preventable deaths, the over-triage comes with a high financial and personal burden for the already overloaded tertiary centers [5]. To maximize the chance for survival, the major trauma patients should be transported as rapid as possible to a trauma center [6]. The initial resuscitation of trauma patients was divided into two time intervals: ten platinum minutes and golden hour [6]. During the ten platinum minutes the airways should be managed, the exsanguinating bleeding should be stopped, and the critical patients should be transported from the scene. During the golden hour all the life-threatening lesions should be addressed, but unfortunately many patients spend this time in the prehospital setting [6]. These time intervals came from Trunkey’s concept of trimodal distribution of mortality secondary to trauma, proposed in 1983 [7]. This trimodal distribution of mortality remains a milestone in the trauma education and research, and is still actual for development but inconsistent for efficient trauma systems [8].
 The concept of patients’ management in the prehospital setting covered a continuous interval, with two extremities: stay and play/treat then transfer or scoop and run/ load and go. Stay and play, usually used in Europe, implies airways securing and endotracheal intubation, pleurostomy tube insertion, and intravenous lines with volemic replacement therapy. During scoop and run, used in the Unites States, the patient is immediately transported to a trauma center, addressing the immediate life-threating injuries during transportation.
 In the emergency department of the corresponding trauma center, the resuscitation of the injured patients should be done by a trauma team, after an orchestrated protocol based on Advanced Trauma Life Support (ATLS). The modern trauma teams include five to ten specialists: general surgeons trained in trauma care, emergency medicine physicians, intensive care physicians, orthopedic surgeons, neurosurgeons, radiologists, interventional radiologists, and nurses. In the specially designed trauma centers, the leader of the trauma team should be the general surgeon, while in the lower level centers this role may be taken over by the emergency physicians.
 The implementation of a trauma system is a very difficult task, and should be tailored to the needs of the local population. For example, in Europe the majority of injuries are by blunt trauma, while in the United States or South Africa they are secondary to penetrating injuries. In an effort to analyse at a national level the performance of trauma care, we have proposed a national registry of major trauma patients [9]. For this registry we have defined major trauma as a New Injury Severity Score higher than 15. The maintenance of such registry requires significant human and financial resources, while only a permanent audit may decrease the rate of preventable deaths in the Romanian trauma care (Figure 1) [10].
 Figure 1 - The website of Romanian Major Trauma Registry (http://www.registrutraume.ro).
 
 USA - In the United States of America there are 203 level I centers, 265 level II centers, 205 level III or II centers and only 32 level I or II pediatric centers, according to the 2014 report of National Trauma Databank [11]. USA were the first which recognized trauma as a public health problem, and proceeded to a national strategy for injury prevention, emergency medical care and trauma research. In 1966, the US National Academy of Sciences and the National Research Council noted that ‘’public apathy to the mounting toll from accidents must be transformed into an action program under strong leadership’’ [12]. Considerable national efforts were made in 1970s, when standards of trauma care were released and in 1990s when ‘’The model trauma care system plan’’[13] was generated. The American College of Surgeons introduced the concept of a national trauma registry in 1989. The National Trauma Databank became functional seven years later, in 2006 being registered over 1 million patients from 600 trauma centers [14].
 Mortality from unintentional injury in the United States decreased from 55 to 37.7 per 100,000 population, in 1965 and 2004, respectively [15]. Due to this national efforts, 84.1% of all Americans have access within one hour from injury to a dedicated trauma care [16].
 Canada - A survey from 2010 revealed that 32 trauma centers across Canada, 16 Level I and 16 Level II, provide definitive trauma care [18]. All these centers have provincial designation, and funding to serve as definitive or referral hospital. Only 18 (56%) centers were accredited by an external agency, such as the Trauma Association of Canada. The three busiest centers in Canada had between 798–1103 admissions with an Injury Severity Score over 12 in 2008 [18].
 Australia - Australia is an island continent, the fifth largest country in the world, with over 23 million people distributed on this large area, a little less than the United States. With the majority of these citizens concentrated in large urban areas, access to the medical care for the minority of inhabitants distributed through the territory is quite difficult. The widespread citizens cannot be reached by helicopter, restricted to near-urban regions, but with the fixed wing aircraft of the Royal Flying Doctor Service, within two hours [13]. In urban centers, the trauma care is similar to the most developed countries, while for people sparse on large territories the trauma care is far from being managed in the ‘’golden hour’’, often extending to the ‘’Golden day’’ [19].
 Germany - One of the most efficient European trauma system is in Germany. Created in 1975 on the basis of the Austrian trauma care, this system allowed an over 50% decreasing of mortality, despite the increased number of injuries. According to the 2014 annual report of the Trauma Register of German Trauma Society (DGU), there are 614 hospitals submitting data, with 34.878 patients registered in 2013 [20]. The total number of cases documented in the Trauma Register DGU is now 159.449, of which 93% were collected since 2002. In the 2014 report, from 26.444 patients with a mean age of 49.5% and a mean ISS of 16.9, the observed mortality was 10% [20].
 The United Kingdom - In 1988, a report of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, analyzing major injuries concluded that one third of deaths were preventable [21]. In 2000, a joint report from the Royal College of Surgeons of England and of the British Orthopedic Association was very suggestive entitled "Better Care for the Severely Injured" [22]. Nowadays the Trauma Audit Research network (TARN) is an independent monitor of trauma care in England and Wales [23]. TARN collects data from hospitals for all major trauma patients, defined as those with a hospital stay longer than 72 hours, those who require intensive care, or in-hospital death. A recent analysis of TARN data, looking at the cost of major trauma patients revealed that the total cost of initial hospital inpatient care was £19.770 per patient, of which 62% was attributable to ventilation, intensive care and wards stays, 16% to surgery, and 12% to blood transfusions [24].
 
 
 
 
 
 Global health care models
 
 
 Countries where is applied
 
 
 Functioning concept
 
 
 Total healthcare costs from GDP
 
 
 
 
 Bismarck model
 
 
 Germany
 
 
 Privatized insurance companies (approx. 180 nonprofit sickness funds). Half of the national trauma beds are publicly funded trauma centers; the remaining are non-profit and for-profit private centers.
 
 
 11.1%
 
 
 
 
 Beveridge model
 
 
 United Kingdom
 
 
 Insurance companies are non-existent. All hospitals are nationalized.
 
 
 9.3%
 
 
 
 
 National health insurance
 
 
 Canada, Australia, Taiwan
 
 
 Fusion of Bismarck and Beveridge models. Hospitals are privatized, but the insurance program is single and government-run.
 
 
 11.2% for Canada
 
 
 
 
 The out-of-pocket model
 
 
 India, Pakistan, Cambodia
 
 
 The poorest countries, with undeveloped health care payment systems. Patients are paying for more than 75% of medical costs.
 
 
 3.9% for India
 
 
 
 
 GDP – gross domestic product
 
 
 
 
 Table 1 - Global health care models with major consequences on trauma care [17].
 Traumas continue to be a major healthcare problem, and no less important than cancer and cardiovascular diseases, and access to dedicated and timely intervention maximizes the patients’ chance for survival and minimizes the long-term morbidities. We should remember that one size does not fit in all trauma care. The Romanian National Trauma Program should tailor its resources to the matched demands of the specific Romanian urban and rural areas.

Since the Cambodian refugee emergency of 1979, refugee emergencies continue to be a global problem. Health care workers returning from the Cambodian emergency relief presented the need for improved predeparture training and orientation to the Second World Congress on Emergency and Disaster Medicine in Pittsburgh and elsewhere (1,2). The special training needs of health professionals working in such emergencies have come to the attention of the National Council for International Health in the US (NCIH) whose role is to increase US effectiveness in international health in developing countries (3,4,5). NCIH, established in 1971, is a private non-profit organization. Membership includes individuals, private and voluntary organizations, health and medical associations, universities, governmental agencies, foundations, corporations and consulting firms.Worldwide today, more than 10 mill. refugees have been forced to leave their homelands because of political and civil disturbances, war, famine, earthquakes, floods and other disasters. Host governments are often unable to deal with these situations and rely on international relief to provide for the various physical, humanitarian and other needs of these victims.Providing health care is a complex process that takes place in phases within political, economic, social and cultural constraints that are unfamiliar to health care workers without prior experience or special training. Unfortunately training to meet these emergencies is either non-existent or consists of brief predeparture sessions. Only a fraction of those with prior experience are available at short notice. In Thailand, for example, organizations were forced to recruit medical professionals who were inexperienced in refugee relief.

OBJECTIVE The use of dietary supplements has increased and is associated with adverse effects. Indications for use include recreation, body image concerns, mood enhancement, or control of medical conditions. The risk of adverse effects may be enhanced if agents are used improperly. The objective of this study was to determine the frequency of abuse and misuse of 4 dietary substances among adolescents reported nationally to poison centers. Secondary outcomes included an assessment of medical outcomes, clinical effects, location of treatments provided, and treatments administered. METHODS This descriptive retrospective review assessed data concerning the use of garcinia (Garcinia cambogia), guarana (Paullinia cupana), salvia (Salvia divinorum), and St John's wort (Hypericum perforatum) among adolescents reported nationally to poison centers from 2003 to 2014. Adolescents with a singlesubstance exposure to one of the substances of interest coded as intentional abuse or misuse were included. Poison center calls for drug information or those with unrelated clinical effects were excluded. Data were collected from the National Poison Data System. RESULTS There were 84 cases: 7 cases of Garcinia cambogia, 28 Paullinia cupana, 23 Salvia divinorum, and 26 Hypericum perforatum. Garcinia cambogia was used more frequently by females (100% versus 0%), and Paullinia cupana and Salvia divinorum were used more frequently by males (61% versus 36% and 91% versus 9%, respectively). Abuse, driven by Salvia divinorum, was more common overall than misuse. Abuse was also more common among males than females (p <0.001). Use of these agents fluctuated over time. Overall, use trended down since 2010, except for Garcinia cambogia use. In 62 cases (73.8%), the medical outcome was minor or had no effect or was judged as nontoxic or minimally toxic. Clinical effects were most common with Paullinia cupana and Salvia divinorum. Treatment sites included emergency department (n = 33; 39.3%), non-healthcare facility (n = 24; 28.6%), admission to a health care facility (n = 8; 9.5%), and other/unknown (n = 19; 22.6%). CONCLUSIONS Abuse and misuse of these dietary supplements was uncommon, and outcomes were mild. Further research should be performed to determine use and outcomes of abuse/misuse of other dietary supplements in this population.

The screening of cancer is important in secondary prevention in clinical oncology. The cervical cancer screening by pelvic examination and Pap smear test is the standard practice worldwide. However, the coverage of the screening is an important consideration in public health. Some specific vulnerable populations are considered to have a low chance of having access to health care services including cancer screening. Here, the authors summarize and present data on cervical cancer screening among migrant workers from a health care center in Bangkok, Thailand. Recorded data on cervical cancer screening in a 1 year period (2018) were reviewed. During this period, there were 1456 cervical screening records. Of these records, 1398 were local Thai and 58 were migrant workers (50 Myanmar workers and 8 Cambodian workers). In our screening, there was no detection of cancer among local Thai females (0 %), however, 2 cases of abnormal cervical cancer screening results (CIN) were found among migrant workers (3.45 %). The incidence of a positive finding was significantly higher among migrant workers than local females. Of interest, migrant workers are an underprivileged group that usually receive limited health cancer services. In fact, migrant workers are limited to receive health screening as a worldwide problem [1, 2]. The low rate of getting cancer screening is well described among migrant workers in the EU [2]. Promoting the care in all clinical aspects and not only cancer screening, is suggested for the migrant workers. Finally, according to our knowledge, this is the first note on the incidence of abnormal pap smear results among migrant Asian workers in Southeast Asia

Abstract The aim of this presentation is to reveal the importance of engaging older refugee community members in creating partnerships with local healthcare providers to implement culturally responsive interventions. Such engagement invites older refugees’ participation and encourages continued connection to country of origin beliefs and culture, particularly within the sphere of healthcare and medical family therapy. Cambodian and Laotian refugee families in coastal Alabama were interviewed via qualitative community-based participatory research and ethnographic, in-depth interviews focused on familial and communal processes. Local healthcare providers engaged in focus group discussions regarding cultural processes associated with health beliefs and behaviors and in periodic outreach through culturally responsive health fairs. We found that older adults play important roles in refugee populations as community leaders, problem-solvers, and legacy-carriers upholding traditional values and cultural continuity. They also maintain and promote continuity by employing traditional, complementary, or alternative medicine (TCAM). Recursive processes also emerged as older individuals sought care from younger community members in times of sickness, including having younger generations provide language translation and transportation to local healthcare centers and hospitals and in navigating the United States healthcare system. In addition, community members joined with local healthcare providers to aide in health and healthcare literacy among refugees and to educate local physicians on culturally responsive interventions. Implications include the inclusion of older adults in health decisions and the promotion and maintenance of community partnerships with health agencies that both encourage TCAM utilization and also allow for access to ongoing, appropriate treatment within the US healthcare system.

Abstract Background Despite a dramatic reduction in HCV drug costs and simplified models of care, many countries lack important information on prevalence and risk factors to structure effective HCV services. Methods A cross-sectional, multi-stage cluster survey of HCV seroprevalence in adults 18 years and above was conducted, with an oversampling of those 45 years and above. One hundred forty-seven clusters of 25 households were randomly selected in two sets (set 1=24 clusters ≥18; set 2=123 clusters, ≥45). A multi-variable analysis assessed risk factors for sero-positivity among participants ≥45. The study occurred in rural Moung Ruessei Health Operational District, Battambang Province, Western Cambodia. Results A total of 5098 individuals and 3616 households participated in the survey. The overall seroprevalence was 2.6% (CI95% 2.3–3.0) for those ≥18 years, 5.1% (CI95% 4.6–5.7) for adults ≥ 45 years, and 0.6% (CI95% 0.3–0.9) for adults 18–44. Viraemic prevalence was 1.9% (CI95% 1.6–2.1), 3.6% (CI95% 3.2–4.0), and 0.5% (CI95% 0.2–0.8), respectively. Men had higher prevalence than women: ≥18 years male seroprevalence was 3.0 (CI95% 2.5–3.5) versus 2.3 (CI95% 1.9–2.7) for women. Knowledge of HCV was poor: 64.7% of all respondents and 57.0% of seropositive participants reported never having heard of HCV. Risk factor characteristics for the population ≥45 years included: advancing age (p< 0.001), low education (higher than secondary school OR 0.7 [95% CI 0.6–0.8]), any dental or gum treatment (OR 1.6 [95% CI 1.3–1.8]), historical routine medical care (medical injection after 1990 OR 0.7 [95% CI 0.6–0.9]; surgery after 1990 OR 0.7 [95% CI0.5–0.9]), and historical blood donation or transfusion (blood donation after 1980 OR 0.4 [95% CI 0.2–0.8]); blood transfusion after 1990 OR 0.7 [95% CI 0.4–1.1]). Conclusions This study provides the first large-scale general adult population prevalence data on HCV infection in Cambodia. The results confirm the link between high prevalence and age ≥45 years, lower socio-economic status and past routine medical interventions (particularly those received before 1990 and 1980). This survey suggests high HCV prevalence in certain populations in Cambodia and can be used to guide national and local HCV policy discussion.

Background. Hepatitis C (HCV) is the most common chronic blood-borne infection in the United States and affects Asian and non-Asian Americans comparably. Injection drug use, the most common national transmission risk, is not as prevalent in Asian-Americans, but prior studies do not include many Cambodian Americans. Lowell, Massachusetts has the second largest population of Cambodian Americans, allowing a direct comparison of HCV-infected Cambodian and non-Cambodian Americans not previously done. Improving our understanding of HCV risks in this unique community may improve their linkage to care. Methods. In this cross-sectional study, medical data were collected regarding HCV risk factors for HCV-infected Cambodian and non-Cambodian Americans seen at Lowell Community Health Center from 2009 to 2012. Results. Cambodian Americans (n = 128) were older (mean age 53 vs 43 years old) and less likely to be male (41% vs 67%, P < .001) compared with non-Cambodians (n = 541). Cambodians had lower rates of injection drug use (1.6% vs 33.6%, P < .001) and any drug use (2.3% vs 82.1%, P < .001). More Cambodians were born between 1945 and 1965 (66.4% vs 44.5%). Within this birth cohort, more Cambodians had no other risk factor (82% vs 69%, P = .02). Fewer Cambodians had chronic HCV (53% vs 74%, P < .001). Conclusions. Birth between 1945 and 1965 was the major HCV risk factor for Cambodian Americans. Cambodians had lower rates of injection drug use or any drug use history. Risk behavior screening fails to describe HCV transmission for Cambodian Americans and creates a barrier to their linkage to care.

The essay juxtaposes three moments of medical infrastructure and technology aid in Phnom Penh, Cambodia: 1960, 2010, and 2005. The operative terms of these moments are relationship terms: ‘friendship’, ‘partnership’, and ‘orphan’. The 1960 gift of a hospital, equipment, and training made a friend, and reciprocity involved political alignment at the level of the nation-state. The 2010 gift of equipment and training made a partner, and reciprocity involved brand alignment spread across diverse government ministries, public hospitals, private universities, and private businesses. Focusing on the materiality of technology and infrastructure gifts brings us to the orphan. The orphan is a gift that turns toxic. Its toxicity is health-threatening if there is no infrastructure to secure it. The elaborate partnerships required to identify and secure orphan sources of radiation show how gifts of medical technology and infrastructure exist beyond their immediate utility to humans. What technology of partnership will the medical physicist of 2050 unearth, and what ethic of relationality will come to care for, repair, and secure it?

Abstract Background In Siem Pang, northeastern Cambodia, malaria transmission persists in remote forested areas populated by ethnic minorities. Engaging affected communities in health education campaigns is challenging due to language, access and literacy constraints. During 2018, a newly established medical research station conducted a health education programme in local villages harnessing traditional songs, arts and crafts, along with theatre, comedy and health talks and quizzes. Health education topics were proposed by community leaders and focused on maternal and child health and malaria. This article describes a process evaluation of these activities, the community's response and whether this was an appropriate form of health education in this context. Methods In-depth interviews were conducted with community members, leaders and performers. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed and translated to English for thematic analysis. Results In total, 65 interviews were conducted; 20 of these were follow-up interviews with respondents interviewed prior to the performances. Respondents were able to recall the key health messages about malaria, antenatal care and infant vaccination. They also showed good awareness of malaria transmission and prevention and described how they enjoyed the events and appreciated the efforts of the project team. Conclusions In isolated communities in Cambodia, a health education programme harnessing performance and arts engaged the whole community and its messages were readily recalled and prompted reflection.

Abstract Background Japanese encephalitis (JE), caused by the mosquito-borne JE virus, is a vaccine-preventable disease endemic to much of Asia. Travellers from non-endemic areas are susceptible if they travel to a JE endemic area. Although the risk to travellers of JE is low, the consequences may be severe. Methods Here, we describe three cases of JE in British travellers occurring in 2014–15. In addition, we report, through interviews with survivors and their families, personal experiences of life after JE. Results Three cases of JE were diagnosed in British travellers in 2014/15. One was acquired in Thailand, one in China and one in either Thailand, Laos or Cambodia. All three patients suffered severe, life-threatening illnesses, all were admitted to intensive care units and required medical evacuation back to the UK. One patient suffered a cardiac arrest during the acute stage but made a good recovery. The other two patients remain significantly paralysed and ventilator dependent. All three cases had clear indications for vaccination, and all have been left with life-changing neurological sequelae. Conclusions Travel health providers should be aware of the severity of JE, as well as the risk, allowing travellers to make fully informed decisions on JE vaccination.

“Anything that’s human is mentionable, and anything that is mentionable can be more manageable. The people around can help us know that we are not alone.” Fred Rogers In spite of the efforts of public health physicians to prevent burn injury through fire prevention, awareness campaigns and educational programs, still burn injuries continue to present a significant social and financial burden through patient mortality, morbidity, and long term disability. Life after burns is a continuous struggle to improve quality of life in society, seeking employment to remain functional, acceptance in community without any stigmatization and medical support to combat health problems. Cost of medical care and rehabilitation is enormous and can be avoided through community oriented prevention of burns and later on effective rehabilitation in particular community. The causes and types of burn injuries determine prevention and rehabilitation plans. Especially when burns are associated with violence, terrorism conflicts and fights. The conflicts include inter racial differences; inter religious assassinations, revengeful traditions, attempted murders, honor killings, domestic violence and terrorism in a community.1 The use of acid to produce facial burns in women was witnessed in many rural communities in developing countries.2 The first recorded acid attacks in developing countries occurred in Bangladesh in 1967, followed by India in 1982, and Cambodia in 1993. Since then, research has witnessed an increase in the amount and severity of acid attacks in the region. However, this can be traced to significant underreporting in the 1980s and 1990s, along with a general lack of research for this phenomenon during that period.3 Acid attacks were reported in many parts of the world. Since the 1990s, Bangladesh had been reporting the highest number of attacks and highest incidence rates for women with 3,512 Bangladeshi people acid attacked between 1999 and 2013.3 Although acid attacks occur all over the world, including in Europe and the United States, this type of gender based violence is concentrated in rural communities of India, Bangladesh and Pakistan where the implementation of regulations needs further exploration. In Pakistan, the majority of these attacks occurred in the summer. According to a report, up to 150 attacks on women occurred every year. They also reported that the attacks were often the result in rise of domestic abuse, and the majority of victims were female.4 The gender violence increased the morbidity rates in burns survivors. The efforts to produce community oriented prevention and rehabilitation of the adult burn survivors and to measure their health outcomes, preventing social isolation, providing social support and better quality of life after burn injury are almost negligible. WHO working groups states that quality of life is an individual perception of their position in life in context of culture and values system which they live in relation to their goals, expectations, standard and concerns.5 Eventual outcome depends on injury severity, individual physical characteristics of patient’s motivation, and social support by family and friends.5 It was documented that large number of people living with burn scars need social support more than healthy people for better quality of life.6 There is a dire need for better understanding of multifaceted determinants of burn injuries and quality of life in adult survivors in the context of society norms and cultural pressures in community settings, in order to plan better preventive strategies to combat this public health problem. Prevention efforts are urgently needed to reduce the rate of these unacceptably high burn injuries, and should be developed on a local level in response to risk factors identified in individual areas. Community oriented prevention and rehabilitation of burns is a cost effective strategy. Community participation, use of appropriate technology, accessibility and equitable distribution of preventive and rehabilitative services are its components. Thus efforts should be directed to decrease sufferings of the burn survivors in society and social support systems should be developed to improve quality of life of burn victims through community oriented prevention and rehabilitation of burns.

Abstract Issue/Problem Cambodian Americans have high rates of mental health conditions, diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Unique risk factors include history of malnutrition, torture, social isolation, and poor social determinants of health. Community CARES is a trauma-informed model applicable to any trauma community with complex chronic health and mental health problems. Description of the problem High-touch, high-tech approaches can improve access to culturally and linguistically appropriate medication therapy management (MTM) services. Over 12 months, pharmacists teamed with community health workers (CHWs) to provide MTM services in Connecticut and California. Face-to-face consultations occurred in Connecticut, while patients and CHWs in California used teleconferencing with the pharmacist in Connecticut. Project goals: improve drug therapy outcomes, reduce inappropriate medication use, improve medication adherence, display cost savings. Results 96 patients, average age 69, completed the project. Patients averaged 6.6 medical conditions and 10.3 medications. Pharmacists identified 604 medication-related problems, resolving 93%. Drug therapy outcomes increased 35%, medication adherence improved 23%, inappropriate medication use decreased 35%, and depression screening scores improved 25%. Return on investment ratio was 6:1, a savings of $3032/patient/year. Health improvements from face-to-face and telehealth MTM consultations were similar. Lessons Healthcare workforce is optimized by linking CHWs with pharmacists and technology to deliver cost-effective MTM services. The approach is generalizable to populations challenged by distance, disability, language, or culture. Public health care policies need to reflect team approaches and value-based payment models. Main messages: The virtual cross-cultural team MTM model for underserved populations has the potential to meet the triple aim goals of better care, better health, and lower costs in multiple settings. Key messages Virtual cross-cultural team MTM model for underserved populations. Meets the triple aim goals of better care, better health, and lower costs in multiple settings.

Abstract Non islet cell tumor hypoglycemia (NICTH) is a rare paraneoplastic syndrome generally seen in tumors of mesenchymal and hepatic origin. This syndrome is characterized by life threatening hypoglycemia caused by over expression of high molecular weight insulin-like growth factor 2 (IGF 2). The main stay of treatment is surgical resection of the tumor with no clear medical management being reported as standard of care. We present the case of a 72 year old Cambodian man with no history of diabetes mellitus who presented to our institution with severe hypoglycemia complicated by a seizure and was found to have hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). Hypoglycemia occurred during times of fasting. Laboratory evaluation revealed a serum glucose of 30mg/dl with insulin level of 2.2 mcIU/mL [2.6 - 24.9 mcIU/ml], C-Peptide of 0.17 ng/mL [0.80 - 3.85 ng/ml], BHB <0.1 mmol/L [0.0 - 0.3 mmol/L] and Proinsulin of <0.4 pmol/L [< or = 18.8 pmol/L]. Hypoglycemic agents screening was negative. Insulin Antibody was negative <0.4 U/mL [<0.4 U/mL] and adrenal insufficiency and hypothyroidism was ruled out. Patient was found to have an elevated IGF 2: IGF 1 ratio of 78 confirming the diagnosis of NICTH. IGF 2 level was 780 ng/ml [333 - 967 ng/ml] while IGF-1 was < 10 ng/ml [32-200 ng/ml] He was not a candidate for surgery due to portal vein involvement and tumor radioembolization was unsuccessful. Despite Prednisone dose of 10 mg twice daily and frequent complex carbohydrate meals, he still continued to have hypoglycemia ultimately requiring hospitalization. During hospitalization, he was treated with 50% dextrose infusion, 37.5 grams of dextrose gel every three hours and frequent small meals. Hypoglycemia remained refractory and a trial of diazoxide was ineffective. He was then started on octreotide with titration to 100mg every 8 hours with significant reduction in hypoglycemic episodes. He continues to remain on octreotide, Prednisolone 20mg twice a day, dextrose gel and dextrose infusion. Goal is to wean dextrose infusion and transition him to Pasireotide 40mg monthly. Hepatocellular carcinoma has been associated with NICTH in the literature. NICTH is characterized by an IGF2:IGF1 ratio >10 as there is no commercially available assay for big IGF II. Definitive treatment involves surgical resection or tumor debulking. Octreotide has antiangiogenic and antineoplastic properties and unfortunately, few studies have shown improved survival and quality of life in patients with advanced HCC. In the case of our patient, tumor was unresectable and NICTH improved with octreotide and prednisolone.

This article explores resilience as it is experienced by refugees in the context of a relational community, visiting the notions of trauma, a thicker description of resilience and the trajectory toward positive growth through community. It calls for going beyond a Western biomedical therapeutic approach of exploration and adopting more of an emic perspective incorporating the worldview of the refugees. The challenge is for service providers working with refugees (who have experienced trauma) to move forward from a ‘harm minimisation’ model of care to recognition of a facilitative, productive community of people who are in a transitional phase between homelands. Contextualising Trauma Prior to the 1980s, the term ‘trauma’ was not widely used in literature on refugees and refugee mental health, hardly existing as a topic of inquiry until the mid-1980’s (Summerfield 422). It first gained prominence in relation to soldiers who had returned from Vietnam and in need of medical attention after being traumatised by war. The term then expanded to include victims of wars and those who had witnessed traumatic events. Seahorn and Seahorn outline that severe trauma “paralyses you with numbness and uses denial, avoidance, isolation as coping mechanisms so you don’t have to deal with your memories”, impacting a person‘s ability to risk being connected to others, detaching and withdrawing; resulting in extreme loneliness, emptiness, sadness, anxiety and depression (6). During the Civil War in the USA the impact of trauma was referred to as Irritable Heart and then World War I and II referred to it as Shell Shock, Neurosis, Combat Fatigue, or Combat Exhaustion (Seahorn & Seahorn 66, 67). During the twenty-five years following the Vietnam War, the medicalisation of trauma intensified and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) became recognised as a medical-psychiatric disorder in 1980 in the American Psychiatric Association international diagnostic tool Diagnostic Statistical Manual (DSM–III). An expanded description and diagnosis of PTSD appears in the DSM-IV, influenced by the writings of Harvard psychologist and scholar, Judith Herman (Scheper-Hughes 38) The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV) of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) outlines that experiencing the threat of death, injury to oneself or another or finding out about an unexpected or violent death, serious harm, or threat of the same kind to a family member or close person are considered traumatic events (Chung 11); including domestic violence, incest and rape (Scheper-Hughes 38). Another significant development in the medicalisation of trauma occurred in 1998 when the Victorian Foundation for Survivors of Torture (VFST) released an influential report titled ‘Rebuilding Shattered Lives’. This then gave clinical practice a clearer direction in helping people who had experienced war, trauma and forced migration by providing a framework for therapeutic work. The emphasis became strongly linked to personal recovery of individuals suffering trauma, using case management as the preferred intervention strategy. A whole industry soon developed around medical intervention treating people suffering from trauma related problems (Eyber). Though there was increased recognition for the medicalised discourse of trauma and post-traumatic stress, there was critique of an over-reliance of psychiatric models of trauma (Bracken, et al. 15, Summerfield 421, 423). There was also expressed concern that an overemphasis on individual recovery overlooked the socio-political aspects that amplify trauma (Bracken et al. 8). The DSM-IV criteria for PTSD model began to be questioned regarding the category of symptoms being culturally defined from a Western perspective. Weiss et al. assert that large numbers of traumatized people also did not meet the DSM-III-R criteria for PTSD (366). To categorize refugees’ experiences into recognizable, generalisable psychological conditions overlooked a more localized culturally specific understanding of trauma. The meanings given to collective experience and the healing strategies vary across different socio-cultural groupings (Eyber). For example, some people interpret suffering as a normal part of life in bringing them closer to God and in helping gain a better understanding of the level of trauma in the lives of others. Scheper-Hughes raise concern that the PTSD model is “based on a conception of human nature and human life as fundamentally vulnerable, frail, and humans as endowed with few and faulty defence mechanisms”, and underestimates the human capacity to not only survive but to thrive during and following adversity (37, 42). As a helping modality, biomedical intervention may have limitations through its lack of focus regarding people’s agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress (Eyber). The benefits of a Western therapeutic model might be minimal when some may have their own culturally relevant coping strategies that may vary to Western models. Bracken et al. document case studies where the burial rituals in Mozambique, obligations to the dead in Cambodia, shared solidarity in prison and the mending of relationships after rape in Uganda all contributed to the healing process of distress (8). Orosa et al. (1) asserts that belief systems have contributed in helping refugees deal with trauma; Brune et al. (1) points to belief systems being a protective factor against post-traumatic disorders; and Peres et al. highlight that a religious worldview gives hope, purpose and meaning within suffering. Adopting a Thicker Description of Resilience Service providers working with refugees often talk of refugees as ‘vulnerable’ or ‘at risk’ populations and strive for ‘harm minimisation’ among the population within their care. This follows a critical psychological tradition, what (Ungar, Constructionist) refers to as a positivist mode of inquiry that emphasises the predictable relationship between risk and protective factors (risk and coping strategies) being based on a ‘deficient’ outlook rather than a ‘future potential’ viewpoint and lacking reference to notions of resilience or self-empowerment (342). At-risk discourses tend to focus upon antisocial behaviours and appropriate treatment for relieving suffering rather than cultural competencies that may be developing in the midst of challenging circumstances. Mares and Newman document how the lives of many refugee advocates have been changed through the relational contribution asylum seekers have made personally to them in an Australian context (159). Individuals may find meaning in communal obligations, contributing to the lives of others and a heightened solidarity (Wilson 42, 44) in contrast to an individual striving for happiness and self-fulfilment. Early naturalistic accounts of mental health, influenced by the traditions of Western psychology, presented thin descriptions of resilience as a quality innate to individuals that made them invulnerable or strong, despite exposure to substantial risk (Ungar, Thicker 91). The interest then moved towards a non-naturalistic contextually relevant understanding of resilience viewed in the social context of people’s lives. Authors such as Benson, Tricket and Birman (qtd. in Ungar, Thicker) started focusing upon community resilience, community capacity and asset-building communities; looking at areas such as - “spending time with friends, exercising control over aspects of their lives, seeking meaningful involvement in their community, attaching to others and avoiding threats to self-esteem” (91). In so doing far more emphasis was given in developing what Ungar (Thicker) refers to as ‘a thicker description of resilience’ as it relates to the lives of refugees that considers more than an ability to survive and thrive or an internal psychological state of wellbeing (89). Ungar (Thicker) describes a thicker description of resilience as revealing “a seamless set of negotiations between individuals who take initiative, and an environment with crisscrossing resources that impact one on the other in endless and unpredictable combinations” (95). A thicker description of resilience means adopting more of what Eyber proposes as an emic approach, taking on an ‘insider perspective’, incorporating the worldview of the people experiencing the distress; in contrast to an etic perspective using a Western biomedical understanding of distress, examined from a position outside the social or cultural system in which it takes place. Drawing on a more anthropological tradition, intervention is able to be built with local resources and strategies that people can utilize with attention being given to cultural traditions within a socio-cultural understanding. Developing an emic approach is to engage in intercultural dialogue, raise dilemmas, test assumptions, document hopes and beliefs and explore their implications. Under this approach, healing is more about developing intelligibility through one’s own cultural and social matrix (Bracken, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1767). This then moves beyond using a Western therapeutic approach of exploration which may draw on the rhetoric of resilience, but the coping strategies of the vulnerable are often disempowered through adopting a ‘therapy culture’ (Furedi, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1769). Westoby and Ingamells point out that the danger is by using a “therapeutic gaze that interprets emotions through the prism of disease and pathology”, it then “replaces a socio-political interpretation of situations” (1769). This is not to dismiss the importance of restoring individual well-being, but to broaden the approach adopted in contextualising it within a socio-cultural frame. The Relational Aspect of Resilience Previously, the concept of the ‘resilient individual’ has been of interest within the psychological and self-help literature (Garmezy, qtd. in Wilson) giving weight to the aspect of it being an innate trait that individuals possess or harness (258). Yet there is a need to explore the relational aspect of resilience as it is embedded in the network of relationships within social settings. A person’s identity and well-being is better understood in observing their capacity to manage their responses to adverse circumstances in an interpersonal community through the networks of relationships. Brison, highlights the collective strength of individuals in social networks and the importance of social support in the process of recovery from trauma, that the self is vulnerable to be affected by violence but resilient to be reconstructed through the help of others (qtd. in Wilson 125). This calls for what Wilson refers to as a more interdisciplinary perspective drawing on cultural studies and sociology (2). It also acknowledges that although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. To date, within sociology and cultural studies, there is not a well-developed perspective on the topic of resilience. Resilience involves a complex ongoing interaction between individuals and their social worlds (Wilson 16) that helps them make sense of their world and adjust to the context of resettlement. It includes developing a perspective of people drawing upon negative experiences as productive cultural resources for growth, which involves seeing themselves as agents of their own future rather than suffering from a sense of victimhood (Wilson 46, 258). Wilson further outlines the display of a resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from what might have been otherwise negative migration experiences (Wilson 47). Wu refers to ‘imagineering’ alternative futures, for people to see beyond the current adverse circumstances and to imagine other possibilities. People respond to and navigate their experience of trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways (Wilson 29). Trauma can cripple individual potential and yet individuals can also learn to turn such an experience into a positive, productive resource for personal growth. Grief, despair and powerlessness can be channelled into hope for improved life opportunities. Social networks can act as protection against adversity and trauma; meaningful interpersonal relationships and a sense of belonging assist individuals in recovering from emotional strain. Wilson asserts that social capabilities assist people in turning what would otherwise be negative experiences into productive cultural resources (13). Graybeal (238) and Saleeby (297) explore resilience as a strength-based practice, where individuals, families and communities are seen in relation to their capacities, talents, competencies, possibilities, visions, values and hopes; rather than through their deficiencies, pathologies or disorders. This does not present an idea of invulnerability to adversity but points to resources for navigating adversity. Resilience is not merely an individual trait or a set of intrinsic behaviours that can be displayed in ‘resilient individuals’. Resilience, rather than being an unchanging attribute, is a complex socio-cultural phenomenon, a relational concept of a dynamic nature that is situated in interpersonal relations (Wilson 258). Positive Growth through a Community Based Approach Through migrating to another country (in the context of refugees), Falicov, points out that people often experience a profound loss of their social network and cultural roots, resulting in a sense of homelessness between two worlds, belonging to neither (qtd. in Walsh 220). In the ideological narratives of refugee movements and diasporas, the exile present may be collectively portrayed as a liminality, outside normal time and place, a passage between past and future (Eastmond 255). The concept of the ‘liminal’ was popularised by Victor Turner, who proposed that different kinds of marginalised people and communities go through phases of separation, ‘liminali’ (state of limbo) and reincorporation (qtd. in Tofighian 101). Difficulties arise when there is no closure of the liminal period (fleeing their former country and yet not being able to integrate in the country of destination). If there is no reincorporation into mainstream society then people become unsettled and feel displaced. This has implications for their sense of identity as they suffer from possible cultural destabilisation, not being able to integrate into the host society. The loss of social supports may be especially severe and long-lasting in the context of displacement. In gaining an understanding of resilience in the context of displacement, it is important to consider social settings and person-environment transactions as displaced people seek to experience a sense of community in alternative ways. Mays proposed that alternative forms of community are central to community survival and resilience. Community is a source of wellbeing for building and strengthening positive relations and networks (Mays 590). Cottrell, uses the concept of ‘community competence’, where a community provides opportunities and conditions that enable groups to navigate their problems and develop capacity and resourcefulness to cope positively with adversity (qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 4, 5). Chaskin, sees community as a resilient entity, countering adversity and promoting the well-being of its members (qtd. in Canavan 6). As a point of departure from the concept of community in the conventional sense, I am interested in what Ahmed and Fortier state as moments or sites of connection between people who would normally not have such connection (254). The participants may come together without any presumptions of ‘being in common’ or ‘being uncommon’ (Ahmed and Fortier 254). This community shows little differentiation between those who are welcome and those who are not in the demarcation of the boundaries of community. The community I refer to presents the idea as ‘common ground’ rather than commonality. Ahmed and Fortier make reference to a ‘moral community’, a “community of care and responsibility, where members readily acknowledge the ‘social obligations’ and willingness to assist the other” (Home office, qtd. in Ahmed and Fortier 253). Ahmed and Fortier note that strong communities produce caring citizens who ensure the future of caring communities (253). Community can also be referred to as the ‘soul’, something that stems out of the struggle that creates a sense of solidarity and cohesion among group members (Keil, qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 17). Often shared experiences of despair can intensify connections between people. These settings modify the impact of oppression through people maintaining positive experiences of belonging and develop a positive sense of identity. This has enabled people to hold onto and reconstruct the sociocultural supplies that have come under threat (Sonn and Fisher 17). People are able to feel valued as human beings, form positive attachments, experience community, a sense of belonging, reconstruct group identities and develop skills to cope with the outside world (Sonn and Fisher, 20). Community networks are significant in contributing to personal transformation. Walsh states that “community networks can be essential resources in trauma recovery when their strengths and potential are mobilised” (208). Walsh also points out that the suffering and struggle to recover after a traumatic experience often results in remarkable transformation and positive growth (208). Studies in post-traumatic growth (Calhoun & Tedeschi) have found positive changes such as: the emergence of new opportunities, the formation of deeper relationships and compassion for others, feelings strengthened to meet future life challenges, reordered priorities, fuller appreciation of life and a deepening spirituality (in Walsh 208). As Walsh explains “The effects of trauma depend greatly on whether those wounded can seek comfort, reassurance and safety with others. Strong connections with trust that others will be there for them when needed, counteract feelings of insecurity, hopelessness, and meaninglessness” (208). Wilson (256) developed a new paradigm in shifting the focus from an individualised approach to trauma recovery, to a community-based approach in his research of young Sudanese refugees. Rutter and Walsh, stress that mental health professionals can best foster trauma recovery by shifting from a predominantly individual pathology focus to other treatment approaches, utilising communities as a capacity for healing and resilience (qtd. in Walsh 208). Walsh highlights that “coming to terms with traumatic loss involves making meaning of the trauma experience, putting it in perspective, and weaving the experience of loss and recovery into the fabric of individual and collective identity and life passage” (210). Landau and Saul, have found that community resilience involves building community and enhancing social connectedness by strengthening the system of social support, coalition building and information and resource sharing, collective storytelling, and re-establishing the rhythms and routines of life (qtd. in Walsh 219). Bracken et al. suggest that one of the fundamental principles in recovery over time is intrinsically linked to reconstruction of social networks (15). This is not expecting resolution in some complete ‘once and for all’ getting over it, getting closure of something, or simply recovering and moving on, but tapping into a collective recovery approach, being a gradual process over time. Conclusion A focus on biomedical intervention using a biomedical understanding of distress may be limiting as a helping modality for refugees. Such an approach can undermine peoples’ agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress. Drawing on sociology and cultural studies, utilising a more emic approach, brings new insights to understanding resilience and how people respond to trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways for positive personal growth while navigating the experience. This includes considering social settings and person-environment transactions in gaining an understanding of resilience. Although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. 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