Academic literature on the topic 'Medical technology Medical instruments and apparatus Medical instruments and apparatus Medical care'

Because of its advantages of small size, light weight, powerful etc., the single chip microcomputer(sometimes called “SCM”, ”microcontroller”, or ”MCU”) has a very wide range of applications in information appliances, instruments and meter, industrial control, medical apparatus and communication systems. The serial port is one of the most important resources in the microcontroller and has a very important role in the embedded application system. Some application skills of the serial port in experimental teaching and development of embedded products are discussed in this paper, such as the serial port application in program debugging during experiment teaching, multiple serial port expansion technology and implementation method of USB interface during development of embedded application system.

Health is envisaged as a right of the citizens both in the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria and in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Healthcare is subject to regulation by a number of secondary European legislation acts as well as by acts of our domestic legislation. The overall state policy on health care provision and development constitutes a complex set of diverse activities. Its quality is largely the result of strict and good-faith implementation of the normative regulations, addressing both public authorities and individuals. Exercising preventive medical procedures, adequate diagnosis and conducting successful treatment are undoubtedly essential parts of healthcare. This essential part is implemented by healthcare professionals with specific qualifications and by using medicinal products that contribute to achieving positive results in each patient's health in every individual case. In turn, medical equipment such as apparatus, instruments, materials and other supplies, plays an increasingly important and crucial role in the overall process of the actual implementation of medical assistance. Today, secondary European legislation determines medical equipment as a medical device and defines it. The continued development of science in the field of medicine, as well as in other fields, is an important factor in achieving ever greater opportunities for medical care and determines the significant place of medical devices in the provision of healthcare to a particular patient. Using them is often the only way to correctly diagnose a patient, though the cases where the medicinal product itself comes into contact with the patient's body through a medical device are also not isolated. The presence of the appropriate type of medical device and its corresponding level of quality are essential prerequisites for proper diagnosis and conducting a precise treatment procedure to achieve the optimal end effect. To ensure a positive result in the patient's health, medical devices must be safe and meet a number of quality requirements. The safety and quality of medical devices are a prerequisite for the actual realization of the right to healthcare for citizens. This report examines some administrative-juridical remedies for exercising control over medical devices, as well as certain obligations that individuals should carry out when performing activities related to medical devices. Bearing in mind the actual object of protection in medical law - the patient, and that one of the principles of consumer law is to protect the life and health of the consumer as an individual, it is concluded that medical and consumer law have the same object of protection and that is every individual. The report makes a comparative analysis of the administrative-juridical measures taken by the Medicines Executive Agency and by the Consumer Protection Commission. It also compares some of the obligations that private law entities need to observe in medical law in respect to medical devices and those of private parties in consumer law regarding goods.

The training of students of the specialty "Medical rehabilitator - ergotherapist" (educational and qualification degree "bachelor") and "Rehabilitator" (educational and qualification degree "Professional Bachelor") requires continuous improvement of teaching, theoretical and practical training, in accordance with the European requirements for quality health care of the patient and his family. The proper and appropriate organization of the learning process favors building a positive motivation for learning activit, stimulates the development of cognitive interests, which once formed, are becoming effective internal factors for improving the quality and efficiency of learning activity. Motivation is one of the important factors that teachers should use to improve the quality of education. The five key elements of student motivation are extremely important. These include: students; lecturers; content of the study material; methods of teaching and approach to students; influence of the enveloping environment. With this paper, we set our goal to explore students' motivation for active participation in practical training the specialists in "Medical rehabilitation and ergotherapy" and "Rehabilitator". An extensive anonymous survey of 228 respondents was conducted for the period 2016-2018. Respondents are divided into three groups. The first group of students is specialty "Rehabilitator" at the Medical College of the Thracian University - Stara Zagora, second group of students - "Medical rehabilitation and ergotherapy" from the Thracian University - Stara Zagora and a third group of students from the Medical University - Pleven also specialty "Medical rehabilitation and ergotherapy". To conduct the survey a questionnaire was prepared, including 4 questions, and the answers to the questions were determined by a 5-degree scale. The mathematical and statistical processing of the obtained data was performed in the analysis of the results. The summaries of the results indicate the high degree of motivation and satisfaction of the conducted training in all the students surveyed and their desire for professional realization. It is essential for the quality of training in medical rehabilitation to apply the acquired knowledge, practical skills and competences in the training and practical bases, for this purpose, a specific material base (apparatus, instruments and consumables) is required, which is the duty of the medical institutions. The application of innovative elements in training further stimulates students to participate actively in academic education and clinical practice. According to the majority of the students surveyed the level of training is high and fully corresponds to their ideas for quality education.

When George Orwell encountered ideas of a technological utopia sixty-five years ago, he acted the grumpy middle-aged man Reading recently a batch of rather shallowly optimistic “progressive” books, I was struck by the automatic way in which people go on repeating certain phrases which were fashionable before 1914. Two great favourites are “the abolition of distance” and “the disappearance of frontiers”. I do not know how often I have met with the statements that “the aeroplane and the radio have abolished distance” and “all parts of the world are now interdependent” (1944). It is worth revisiting the old boy’s grumpiness, because the rhetoric he so niftily skewers continues in our own time. Facebook features “Peace on Facebook” and even claims that it can “decrease world conflict” through inter-cultural communication. Twitter has announced itself as “a triumph of humanity” (“A Cyber-House” 61). Queue George. In between Orwell and latter-day hoody cybertarians, a whole host of excitable public intellectuals announced the impending end of materiality through emergent media forms. Marshall McLuhan, Neil Postman, Daniel Bell, Ithiel de Sola Pool, George Gilder, Alvin Toffler—the list of 1960s futurists goes on and on. And this wasn’t just a matter of punditry: the OECD decreed the coming of the “information society” in 1975 and the European Union (EU) followed suit in 1979, while IBM merrily declared an “information age” in 1977. Bell theorized this technological utopia as post-ideological, because class would cease to matter (Mattelart). Polluting industries seemingly no longer represented the dynamic core of industrial capitalism; instead, market dynamism radiated from a networked, intellectual core of creative and informational activities. The new information and knowledge-based economies would rescue First World hegemony from an “insurgent world” that lurked within as well as beyond itself (Schiller). Orwell’s others and the Cold-War futurists propagated one of the most destructive myths shaping both public debate and scholarly studies of the media, culture, and communication. They convinced generations of analysts, activists, and arrivistes that the promises and problems of the media could be understood via metaphors of the environment, and that the media were weightless and virtual. The famous medium they wished us to see as the message —a substance as vital to our wellbeing as air, water, and soil—turned out to be no such thing. Today’s cybertarians inherit their anti-Marxist, anti-materialist positions, as a casual glance at any new media journal, culture-industry magazine, or bourgeois press outlet discloses. The media are undoubtedly important instruments of social cohesion and fragmentation, political power and dissent, democracy and demagoguery, and other fraught extensions of human consciousness. But talk of media systems as equivalent to physical ecosystems—fashionable among marketers and media scholars alike—is predicated on the notion that they are environmentally benign technologies. This has never been true, from the beginnings of print to today’s cloud-covered computing. Our new book Greening the Media focuses on the environmental impact of the media—the myriad ways that media technology consumes, despoils, and wastes natural resources. We introduce ideas, stories, and facts that have been marginal or absent from popular, academic, and professional histories of media technology. Throughout, ecological issues have been at the core of our work and we immodestly think the same should apply to media communications, and cultural studies more generally. We recognize that those fields have contributed valuable research and teaching that address environmental questions. For instance, there is an abundant literature on representations of the environment in cinema, how to communicate environmental messages successfully, and press coverage of climate change. That’s not enough. You may already know that media technologies contain toxic substances. You may have signed an on-line petition protesting the hazardous and oppressive conditions under which workers assemble cell phones and computers. But you may be startled, as we were, by the scale and pervasiveness of these environmental risks. They are present in and around every site where electronic and electric devices are manufactured, used, and thrown away, poisoning humans, animals, vegetation, soil, air and water. We are using the term “media” as a portmanteau word to cover a multitude of cultural and communications machines and processes—print, film, radio, television, information and communications technologies (ICT), and consumer electronics (CE). This is not only for analytical convenience, but because there is increasing overlap between the sectors. CE connect to ICT and vice versa; televisions resemble computers; books are read on telephones; newspapers are written through clouds; and so on. Cultural forms and gadgets that were once separate are now linked. The currently fashionable notion of convergence doesn’t quite capture the vastness of this integration, which includes any object with a circuit board, scores of accessories that plug into it, and a global nexus of labor and environmental inputs and effects that produce and flow from it. In 2007, a combination of ICT/CE and media production accounted for between 2 and 3 percent of all greenhouse gases emitted around the world (“Gartner Estimates,”; International Telecommunication Union; Malmodin et al.). Between twenty and fifty million tonnes of electronic waste (e-waste) are generated annually, much of it via discarded cell phones and computers, which affluent populations throw out regularly in order to buy replacements. (Presumably this fits the narcissism of small differences that distinguishes them from their own past.) E-waste is historically produced in the Global North—Australasia, Western Europe, Japan, and the US—and dumped in the Global South—Latin America, Africa, Eastern Europe, Southern and Southeast Asia, and China. It takes the form of a thousand different, often deadly, materials for each electrical and electronic gadget. This trend is changing as India and China generate their own media detritus (Robinson; Herat). Enclosed hard drives, backlit screens, cathode ray tubes, wiring, capacitors, and heavy metals pose few risks while these materials remain encased. But once discarded and dismantled, ICT/CE have the potential to expose workers and ecosystems to a morass of toxic components. Theoretically, “outmoded” parts could be reused or swapped for newer parts to refurbish devices. But items that are defined as waste undergo further destruction in order to collect remaining parts and valuable metals, such as gold, silver, copper, and rare-earth elements. This process causes serious health risks to bones, brains, stomachs, lungs, and other vital organs, in addition to birth defects and disrupted biological development in children. Medical catastrophes can result from lead, cadmium, mercury, other heavy metals, poisonous fumes emitted in search of precious metals, and such carcinogenic compounds as polychlorinated biphenyls, dioxin, polyvinyl chloride, and flame retardants (Maxwell and Miller 13). The United States’ Environmental Protection Agency estimates that by 2007 US residents owned approximately three billion electronic devices, with an annual turnover rate of 400 million units, and well over half such purchases made by women. Overall CE ownership varied with age—adults under 45 typically boasted four gadgets; those over 65 made do with one. The Consumer Electronics Association (CEA) says US$145 billion was expended in the sector in 2006 in the US alone, up 13% on the previous year. The CEA refers joyously to a “consumer love affair with technology continuing at a healthy clip.” In the midst of a recession, 2009 saw $165 billion in sales, and households owned between fifteen and twenty-four gadgets on average. By 2010, US$233 billion was spent on electronic products, three-quarters of the population owned a computer, nearly half of all US adults owned an MP3 player, and 85% had a cell phone. By all measures, the amount of ICT/CE on the planet is staggering. As investigative science journalist, Elizabeth Grossman put it: “no industry pushes products into the global market on the scale that high-tech electronics does” (Maxwell and Miller 2). In 2007, “of the 2.25 million tons of TVs, cell phones and computer products ready for end-of-life management, 18% (414,000 tons) was collected for recycling and 82% (1.84 million tons) was disposed of, primarily in landfill” (Environmental Protection Agency 1). Twenty million computers fell obsolete across the US in 1998, and the rate was 130,000 a day by 2005. It has been estimated that the five hundred million personal computers discarded in the US between 1997 and 2007 contained 6.32 billion pounds of plastics, 1.58 billion pounds of lead, three million pounds of cadmium, 1.9 million pounds of chromium, and 632000 pounds of mercury (Environmental Protection Agency; Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition 6). The European Union is expected to generate upwards of twelve million tons annually by 2020 (Commission of the European Communities 17). While refrigerators and dangerous refrigerants account for the bulk of EU e-waste, about 44% of the most toxic e-waste measured in 2005 came from medium-to-small ICT/CE: computer monitors, TVs, printers, ink cartridges, telecommunications equipment, toys, tools, and anything with a circuit board (Commission of the European Communities 31-34). Understanding the enormity of the environmental problems caused by making, using, and disposing of media technologies should arrest our enthusiasm for them. But intellectual correctives to the “love affair” with technology, or technophilia, have come and gone without establishing much of a foothold against the breathtaking flood of gadgets and the propaganda that proclaims their awe-inspiring capabilities.[i] There is a peculiar enchantment with the seeming magic of wireless communication, touch-screen phones and tablets, flat-screen high-definition televisions, 3-D IMAX cinema, mobile computing, and so on—a totemic, quasi-sacred power that the historian of technology David Nye has named the technological sublime (Nye Technological Sublime 297).[ii] We demonstrate in our book why there is no place for the technological sublime in projects to green the media. But first we should explain why such symbolic power does not accrue to more mundane technologies; after all, for the time-strapped cook, a pressure cooker does truly magical things. Three important qualities endow ICT/CE with unique symbolic potency—virtuality, volume, and novelty. The technological sublime of media technology is reinforced by the “virtual nature of much of the industry’s content,” which “tends to obscure their responsibility for a vast proliferation of hardware, all with high levels of built-in obsolescence and decreasing levels of efficiency” (Boyce and Lewis 5). Planned obsolescence entered the lexicon as a new “ethics” for electrical engineering in the 1920s and ’30s, when marketers, eager to “habituate people to buying new products,” called for designs to become quickly obsolete “in efficiency, economy, style, or taste” (Grossman 7-8).[iii] This defines the short lifespan deliberately constructed for computer systems (drives, interfaces, operating systems, batteries, etc.) by making tiny improvements incompatible with existing hardware (Science and Technology Council of the American Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences 33-50; Boyce and Lewis). With planned obsolescence leading to “dizzying new heights” of product replacement (Rogers 202), there is an overstated sense of the novelty and preeminence of “new” media—a “cult of the present” is particularly dazzled by the spread of electronic gadgets through globalization (Mattelart and Constantinou 22). References to the symbolic power of media technology can be found in hymnals across the internet and the halls of academe: technologies change us, the media will solve social problems or create new ones, ICTs transform work, monopoly ownership no longer matters, journalism is dead, social networking enables social revolution, and the media deliver a cleaner, post-industrial, capitalism. Here is a typical example from the twilight zone of the technological sublime (actually, the OECD): A major feature of the knowledge-based economy is the impact that ICTs have had on industrial structure, with a rapid growth of services and a relative decline of manufacturing. Services are typically less energy intensive and less polluting, so among those countries with a high and increasing share of services, we often see a declining energy intensity of production … with the emergence of the Knowledge Economy ending the old linear relationship between output and energy use (i.e. partially de-coupling growth and energy use) (Houghton 1) This statement mixes half-truths and nonsense. In reality, old-time, toxic manufacturing has moved to the Global South, where it is ascendant; pollution levels are rising worldwide; and energy consumption is accelerating in residential and institutional sectors, due almost entirely to ICT/CE usage, despite advances in energy conservation technology (a neat instance of the age-old Jevons Paradox). In our book we show how these are all outcomes of growth in ICT/CE, the foundation of the so-called knowledge-based economy. ICT/CE are misleadingly presented as having little or no material ecological impact. In the realm of everyday life, the sublime experience of electronic machinery conceals the physical work and material resources that go into them, while the technological sublime makes the idea that more-is-better palatable, axiomatic; even sexy. In this sense, the technological sublime relates to what Marx called “the Fetishism which attaches itself to the products of labour” once they are in the hands of the consumer, who lusts after them as if they were “independent beings” (77). There is a direct but unseen relationship between technology’s symbolic power and the scale of its environmental impact, which the economist Juliet Schor refers to as a “materiality paradox” —the greater the frenzy to buy goods for their transcendent or nonmaterial cultural meaning, the greater the use of material resources (40-41). We wrote Greening the Media knowing that a study of the media’s effect on the environment must work especially hard to break the enchantment that inflames popular and elite passions for media technologies. We understand that the mere mention of the political-economic arrangements that make shiny gadgets possible, or the environmental consequences of their appearance and disappearance, is bad medicine. It’s an unwelcome buzz kill—not a cool way to converse about cool stuff. But we didn’t write the book expecting to win many allies among high-tech enthusiasts and ICT/CE industry leaders. We do not dispute the importance of information and communication media in our lives and modern social systems. We are media people by profession and personal choice, and deeply immersed in the study and use of emerging media technologies. But we think it’s time for a balanced assessment with less hype and more practical understanding of the relationship of media technologies to the biosphere they inhabit. Media consumers, designers, producers, activists, researchers, and policy makers must find new and effective ways to move ICT/CE production and consumption toward ecologically sound practices. In the course of this project, we found in casual conversation, lecture halls, classroom discussions, and correspondence, consistent and increasing concern with the environmental impact of media technology, especially the deleterious effects of e-waste toxins on workers, air, water, and soil. We have learned that the grip of the technological sublime is not ironclad. Its instability provides a point of departure for investigating and criticizing the relationship between the media and the environment. The media are, and have been for a long time, intimate environmental participants. Media technologies are yesterday’s, today’s, and tomorrow’s news, but rarely in the way they should be. The prevailing myth is that the printing press, telegraph, phonograph, photograph, cinema, telephone, wireless radio, television, and internet changed the world without changing the Earth. In reality, each technology has emerged by despoiling ecosystems and exposing workers to harmful environments, a truth obscured by symbolic power and the power of moguls to set the terms by which such technologies are designed and deployed. Those who benefit from ideas of growth, progress, and convergence, who profit from high-tech innovation, monopoly, and state collusion—the military-industrial-entertainment-academic complex and multinational commandants of labor—have for too long ripped off the Earth and workers. As the current celebration of media technology inevitably winds down, perhaps it will become easier to comprehend that digital wonders come at the expense of employees and ecosystems. This will return us to Max Weber’s insistence that we understand technology in a mundane way as a “mode of processing material goods” (27). Further to understanding that ordinariness, we can turn to the pioneering conversation analyst Harvey Sacks, who noted three decades ago “the failures of technocratic dreams [:] that if only we introduced some fantastic new communication machine the world will be transformed.” Such fantasies derived from the very banality of these introductions—that every time they took place, one more “technical apparatus” was simply “being made at home with the rest of our world’ (548). Media studies can join in this repetitive banality. Or it can withdraw the welcome mat for media technologies that despoil the Earth and wreck the lives of those who make them. In our view, it’s time to green the media by greening media studies. References “A Cyber-House Divided.” Economist 4 Sep. 2010: 61-62. “Gartner Estimates ICT Industry Accounts for 2 Percent of Global CO2 Emissions.” Gartner press release. 6 April 2007. ‹http://www.gartner.com/it/page.jsp?id=503867›. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition. Exporting Harm: The High-Tech Trashing of Asia. Seattle: Basel Action Network, 25 Feb. 2002. Benjamin, Walter. “Central Park.” Trans. Lloyd Spencer with Mark Harrington. New German Critique 34 (1985): 32-58. Biagioli, Mario. “Postdisciplinary Liaisons: Science Studies and the Humanities.” Critical Inquiry 35.4 (2009): 816-33. Boyce, Tammy and Justin Lewis, eds. Climate Change and the Media. New York: Peter Lang, 2009. Commission of the European Communities. “Impact Assessment.” Commission Staff Working Paper accompanying the Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE) (recast). COM (2008) 810 Final. Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, 3 Dec. 2008. Environmental Protection Agency. Management of Electronic Waste in the United States. Washington, DC: EPA, 2007 Environmental Protection Agency. Statistics on the Management of Used and End-of-Life Electronics. Washington, DC: EPA, 2008 Grossman, Elizabeth. Tackling High-Tech Trash: The E-Waste Explosion & What We Can Do about It. New York: Demos, 2008. ‹http://www.demos.org/pubs/e-waste_FINAL.pdf› Herat, Sunil. “Review: Sustainable Management of Electronic Waste (e-Waste).” Clean 35.4 (2007): 305-10. Houghton, J. “ICT and the Environment in Developing Countries: Opportunities and Developments.” Paper prepared for the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 2009. International Telecommunication Union. ICTs for Environment: Guidelines for Developing Countries, with a Focus on Climate Change. Geneva: ICT Applications and Cybersecurity Division Policies and Strategies Department ITU Telecommunication Development Sector, 2008. Malmodin, Jens, Åsa Moberg, Dag Lundén, Göran Finnveden, and Nina Lövehagen. “Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Operational Electricity Use in the ICT and Entertainment & Media Sectors.” Journal of Industrial Ecology 14.5 (2010): 770-90. Marx, Karl. Capital: Vol. 1: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, 3rd ed. Trans. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, Ed. Frederick Engels. New York: International Publishers, 1987. Mattelart, Armand and Costas M. Constantinou. “Communications/Excommunications: An Interview with Armand Mattelart.” Trans. Amandine Bled, Jacques Guot, and Costas Constantinou. Review of International Studies 34.1 (2008): 21-42. Mattelart, Armand. “Cómo nació el mito de Internet.” Trans. Yanina Guthman. El mito internet. Ed. Victor Hugo de la Fuente. Santiago: Editorial aún creemos en los sueños, 2002. 25-32. Maxwell, Richard and Toby Miller. Greening the Media. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Nye, David E. American Technological Sublime. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994. Nye, David E. Technology Matters: Questions to Live With. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 2007. Orwell, George. “As I Please.” Tribune. 12 May 1944. Richtel, Matt. “Consumers Hold on to Products Longer.” New York Times: B1, 26 Feb. 2011. Robinson, Brett H. “E-Waste: An Assessment of Global Production and Environmental Impacts.” Science of the Total Environment 408.2 (2009): 183-91. Rogers, Heather. Gone Tomorrow: The Hidden Life of Garbage. New York: New Press, 2005. Sacks, Harvey. Lectures on Conversation. Vols. I and II. Ed. Gail Jefferson. Malden: Blackwell, 1995. Schiller, Herbert I. Information and the Crisis Economy. Norwood: Ablex Publishing, 1984. Schor, Juliet B. Plenitude: The New Economics of True Wealth. New York: Penguin, 2010. Science and Technology Council of the American Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. The Digital Dilemma: Strategic Issues in Archiving and Accessing Digital Motion Picture Materials. Los Angeles: Academy Imprints, 2007. Weber, Max. “Remarks on Technology and Culture.” Trans. Beatrix Zumsteg and Thomas M. Kemple. Ed. Thomas M. Kemple. Theory, Culture [i] The global recession that began in 2007 has been the main reason for some declines in Global North energy consumption, slower turnover in gadget upgrades, and longer periods of consumer maintenance of electronic goods (Richtel). [ii] The emergence of the technological sublime has been attributed to the Western triumphs in the post-Second World War period, when technological power supposedly supplanted the power of nature to inspire fear and astonishment (Nye Technology Matters 28). Historian Mario Biagioli explains how the sublime permeates everyday life through technoscience: "If around 1950 the popular imaginary placed science close to the military and away from the home, today’s technoscience frames our everyday life at all levels, down to our notion of the self" (818). [iii] This compulsory repetition is seemingly undertaken each time as a novelty, governed by what German cultural critic Walter Benjamin called, in his awkward but occasionally illuminating prose, "the ever-always-the-same" of "mass-production" cloaked in "a hitherto unheard-of significance" (48).

In an article entitled "Palming the Planet", Ron Jasper, a marketing executive, is quoted describing his car trip from Seattle to Vancouver: "'The whole way up,' he says with glee ... 'I had my laptop [wirelessly connected to the office]. I was reading my e-mail. At the same time I checked my stock on this' -- he waves a new smart phone, sleek and easily palmed. 'At one point, I was talking on the phone, checking my stock on the laptop and steering with my knee'", he confided, "slightly embarrassed" by his admission. He concludes with the observation: "'These devices are making it possible for everyone to work in ways they never imagined before'". Leaving aside the obvious concerns over highway safety, I want to register the observation that Jasper's enthusiasm for the possibilities offered by his new phone and his elation over his ability to get more work done faster, are not in fact 'never-imagined' ways of working. Visions of efficiency and connectivity have been integral to the representations of communication technologies, especially the telephone, since the beginning of the twentieth century. Looking back on the images and descriptions of the telephone in the early 1900s reveals a similar fascination with the ability to transcend the mundane realities of time and space. The idea that 'faster is better' is not one born of our times, it is one that emerged and evolved out of the preoccupations of an earlier era. The contemporary obsession with faster connections and multiple function technologies is an amplification of a century-old preoccupation with speed and efficiency; just as the passion for "multi-tasking" is today's version of what a 1909 AT&T advertisement referred to as "the multiplication of power". The recurrence of similar utopic and dystopic themes seems to suggest that our hopes and fears about the possibilities of telephonic communication are regenerated with each technological advance. In this paper I explore some of the concepts which inform these representations and suggest that they function simultaneously as a critique and a celebration of the renewal of capitalism that seems to accompany technological progress. Capitalist Reveries In a speech to the New York Electric Club in 1889, Erastus Wiman, president of the Canadian telegraph system remarked: "if to accomplish things quickly, close transactions promptly, and generally to get through with things is a step toward a business man's millennium, then we must be nearing that heavenly expectation". He praises electricity, the telegraph, and the "most marvelous" telephone for making the businessman "almost divine in what he can achieve". Throughout the twentieth century, technology and technological developments have been embraced because they provided the means to radically improve speed, efficiency, and connectivity. As Wiman makes clear though, these attributes were not, and are not now, neutral or arbitrary values. Their worth is located in their application to the flow of goods, information, and ultimately to the circulation of capital. They are valuable because they facilitate a renewal of capitalism itself: the tremendous expansion of both capital and markets occurring at the end of both the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries is not unrelated to the technological developments of these eras. In the Grundrisse, Marx writes that "Capital by its nature drives beyond every spatial barrier. Thus the creation of the physical conditions of exchange -- of the means of communication and transport -- the annihilation of space by time -- becomes an extraordinary necessity for it". Improvements in the speed and flexibility of communication 'renew' capitalism because they overcome the temporal disadvantages associated with distance and facilitate the expansion of markets in geographic space. Perhaps more than any other communication technology, the telephone has encouraged and anticipated capitalism's utopic fantasies. It is no coincidence that in early advertisements, its promoters referred to the telephone as the "annihilator of time and space". Whatever other benefits the telephone came to be seen as offering, its ability to instantaneously transfer information and credit was perceived and promoted as its most perfect attribute. Linking together buyers and sellers in cities all across the country, the telephone re-organised the 'playing field' of capitalism. By making distance an increasingly irrelevant factor in the transaction of business, the telephone rearranged space and distance "to fit the rather strict temporal requirements of the circulation of capital". Time and Money According to Marx, "economy of time, to this all economy ultimately reduces itself". Wiman's celebration of the telegraph and the telephone at the New York Electric Club in 1889 is not much different than Jasper's delight with his smart phone and laptop computer as he careens down the highway towards Vancouver. Simply understood, the ability to save time translates into a saving of money but the relationship between time and money is not a straightforward one. Time and money appear as commensurate albeit inverse values because of the effect of the velocity of circulation on the accumulation of capital. They had come to be linked with the rise of wage labour and the practice of paying workers by the hour and in this sense, "money appears as measure". When in the mid-1700s Benjamin Franklin proclaimed that "time is money", and went on to explain their enigmatic relationship, he was describing more than a simple ratio. He that can earn ten shillings in a day by his labour, and goes abroad, or sits idle, one half of that day, though he spends but sixpence during his diversions or idleness, ought not to reckon that the only expense; he has really spent, or rather thrown away, five shillings besides. Franklin not only equates time spent working with money, but also proposes a conception of unproductive time as a negative cost, a tangible loss against potential profit. Following the logic of his formula, if misspent time is perceived as a deficit, time saved can be counted as a profit. This way of thinking counts all time as potentially profitable in an economic sense and confers a speculative value on time. Telephone advertising in the first decades of the twentieth century made explicit use of this formula and, in so doing, not only asserted the value of the instrument but also provided a way of imagining time in terms of its market value. The text of a 1909 advertisement reads: The mere item of time actually saved by those who use the telephone means an immense increase in the production of the nation's wealth every working day in the year ... just counting the time alone, over $3,000,000 a day is saved by the users of the telephone! Which means adding $3,000,000 a day to the nation's wealth. (Italics in original) Contemporary representations of the telephone continue to employ the idea that savings of transaction time can be accumulated and converted into working capital. In a 1990 article on mobile offices in the financial magazine Money, a Los Angeles attorney is quoted as saying that his cell phone and mobile fax machine have "added two hours to my day and 25% to my annual gross". A 1993 survey of cell phone users by Motorola reported its findings in similar terms. Those canvassed claimed that a cellular phone "added 0.92 hours to their productive working day [and] increased their own or their company's revenues by 19 percent". This kind of temporal accounting involves two basic conceptual manoeuvres which can only occur if time is 'emptied' of its social value or meaning, leaving it available to take on a new and purely economic significance. First, in order to calculate time in terms of both its actual and speculative monetary value, it must be conceived in abstract terms, the value of each minute standardised and conceived as a unit of measurement. Second, and following from the first, because now each minute of the day has the same relative monetary value, the entire 24-hour day, not just the traditional 8-hour workday, comes to be imagined as zone for commercial activity. Prior to the telephone, the partition of the day into work and family time was safeguarded by the physical separation of the business and the domestic spheres. Even the telegraph, because its use was largely restricted to the workplace, did little to challenge the partition between public and private domains. The telephone, as it became increasingly ubiquitous in both offices and homes, disturbed these boundaries and expropriated time previously reserved for rest, relaxation and social activities for all manner of commercial uses. AT&T's declaration in an ad entitled "The Always-on-Duty Telephone" (1910) that "the whole Bell System is on duty 1440 minutes a day" also must have stirred anxiety with its conclusion that "if any of these minutes are not used, their earning power is irrevocably lost". As the "1440 minute" day expanded the potential for profit, it also increased competition and established new expectations. Social Anxieties The logic of capital's never-ending drive to renew itself dictates that time saved by technology is perceived not as "free time" but as potential profit, which must be reinvested or lost. Booster though he was of modern communication technologies, Wiman could not help but observe: One would think that the ability ... to talk freely over the telephone would so facilitate business pursuits and close up transactions so quickly that it would beget leisure, rest and quiet, but such is not the case. The thirst for achievement is so great ... that the more we do, the more we seek to do. We are no more encouraged to use the extra two or .92 hours gained by the cellphone for play or relaxation than we were when the telephone first began to speed up the tempo of our lives. Anxieties about the social effects of communications technologies are not new although they rarely manifest themselves in business discourse. Today, as business and technology publications celebrate each new communications innovation, general interest and women's magazines are more often questioning the impact of cell phones, pagers, palm pilots, and portable computers on family life and mental health. It is somehow both ironic and appropriate that during both periods, concerns about the social effects of telephone -- a medium of disembodied communication -- should manifest as anxieties about its negative corporeal effects. In 1889, an account in the British Medical Journal reported a new medical condition called "aural overpressure", an affliction suffered by those who used the telephone for extended periods of the work day. The "constant strain of the auditory apparatus" by prolonged telephone use was said to be responsible for "nervous excitability, buzzing in the ear, giddiness, and neuralgic pains". The Electrical Review recounted cautionary tales of individuals driven mad by the telephone's "constant ringing". In 2000, we find Scientific American and Time investigating the possible links between cellphone use and brain tumors. Despite the consistently inconclusive findings of multiple scientific studies, the British government ruled that cellphones sold in the United Kingdom must carry health notices that warn "people to be careful about where and how long they use them", and American cellphone retailers have voluntarily begun to include "a one page health-and-safety bulletin" with all cellphones they sell. Warren Susman suggests that examining the anxieties associated with any given technology can provide useful insight into the cultural values at stake for its users. According to the scientific experts of their day, both "aural overpressure" and brain tumors are avoided by reducing the amount of time spent on the telephone, perhaps less time working and possibly more time in the pursuit of other more socially oriented activity. It is possible to look at these panics around physical and mental well-being as a reassertion of the social, of the body, a sort of return of the repressed, at those historical moments the alienating effects of capitalism are being exacerbated by the uses to which we put technology. If, as Marx writes, the "circulation of capital constantly ignites itself anew" then it seems logical that the discourses which circulate around the telephone and communications technologies will continue to renew themselves at key historical moments. Advances in telecommunications at the end of both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have inspired similar desires and elicited comparable anxieties because they have been driven by a common motive: the search for the competitive advantage that drives both capital and technological development alike. References Adam, B. Time and Social Theory. Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1990. Harvey, D. The Urbanization of Capital. Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 1985. Marvin, C. When the Old Technologies Were New. Oxford UP, 1988. Marx, K. Grundrisse. Trans. Martin Nicolaus. New York: Vintage Press, 1973. Susman, W. I. Culture as History: The Transformation of American Society in the Twentieth Century. New York: Pantheon, 1984. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Janin Hadlaw. "Plus Que Ça Change: The Telephone and the History of the Future." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.6 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/plus.php>. Chicago style: Janin Hadlaw, "Plus Que Ça Change: The Telephone and the History of the Future," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 6 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/plus.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Janin Hadlaw. (2000) Plus que ça change: the telephone and the history of the future. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(6). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/plus.php> ([your date of access]).

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Poster 5 Andrada MIREA, Gelu ONOSE, Madalina LEANCA, Florin-Petru GRIGORAS, Mihaela AXENTE, Liliana PADURE, Corina SPOREA Respiratory management in patients with rare progressive neuromuscular diseases Poster 6 Mihaela MANDU, Elena CONSTANTIN, Cristinel Dumitru BADIU, Cosmin Daniel OPREA, Cristina DAIA, Gelu ONOSE Presentation od the Fugl Meyer Assesment scale and related suggesttion in order to enhance its level of implementation in inner neurorehabilitation units Poster 7 ALEXANDRU BOGDAN-CĂTĂLIN, ALINA SIMONA ȘOVREA, ANNE-MARIE CONSTANTIN, ADINA BIANCA BOȘCA, CARMEN GEORGIU, MONICA POPA Complex oral rehabilitation in an elderly patient with periodontal disease who exercises regularly Poster 8 Dorin-Gheorghe TRIFF, Simona POP MORBIDITY BY OSTEO-MUSCULO-ARTICULAR DISEASES IN THE OCCUPATIONAL ENVIRONMENT IN MARAMURES COUNTY. THE IMPORTANCE OF MEDICAL RECOVERY AND RECORDS THROUGH ELECTRONIC DATA MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS Poster 9 Authors Title Abstract Mihaela Antonina CALIN, Marian Romeo CALIN, Constantin Munteanu New evidence on the effects of pelotherapy on local microcirculation Poster 10 Izabela Lazar, Gabriela Dogaru The effectiveness of balnear treatment in the management of psoriasis Poster 11 Dorin-Gheorghe TRIFF, Mușata Dacia BOCOȘ CORRELATIONS OF OSTEOMUSCULO-ARTICULAR DISEASES WITH WORK ABILITY, PERCEIVED SELF EFFICACY AND OCCUPATIONAL STRESSORS AT A REGULAR MEDICAL CHECK-UP IN PRE-UNIVERSITY EDUCATION UNITS Poster 12 Doroteea Teoibas-Serban, Valentin Stan, Dan Blendea PREVENTION OF LUMBAR DISC HERNIATION IN YOUNG ADULT POPULATION: A PRACTICAL APPROACH Poster 13 Călin Corciovă, Cătălina Luca, Robert Fuior, Flavia Corciovă Development a Monitoring Device for Arm Rehabilitation Poster 14 Simona Daniela Zavalichi, Marius Andrei Zavalichi, Sorin Stratulat, Florin Mitu Cardiovascular rehabilitation: challenges in a case of acute myocardial infarction and familial hypercholesterolemia Poster 15 Simona-Isabelle STOICA, Ioana TANASE, Gelu ONOSE Influences and consequences resulting in addictions in general and to chronic alcoholism, especially for patients with spinal cord injury Poster 16 Roxana Dumitrascu, Ana Maria Bumbea, Carmen Albu, Otilia Rogoveanu, Catalin Bostina, Rodica Traistaru, Borcan Madalina BIOMECHANICAL DYSFUNCTIONS OF THE FOOT – MAJOR IMPACT ON THE KINETIC CHAIN Poster 17 Otilia Rogoveanu, Gherghina Florin, Caimac Dan, Trifu Ramona, Cruceru Andra, Beldie C Medical rehabilitation in post-stroke spastic hemiparesis in young patients Poster 18 Ana Maria Bumbea, Otilia Rogoveanu, Roxana Dumitrascu, Bogdan Stefan Bumbea, Catalin Bostina, Albu Carmen, Borcan Madalina PERIPHERAL MAGNETIC STIMULATION - A CHALLENGE IN VERTEBRAL POSTTRAUMATIC RECOVERY Poster 19 Authors Title Abstract Dănuţ PĂCURAR, Mihaela Ramona PĂCURAR KNEE ARTHROPLASTY RECOVERY OF AN CANCER PATIENT Poster 20 Dănuţ PĂCURAR, Mihaela Ramona PĂCURAR THE IMPACT OF OSTEOARTICULAR PATHOLOGY IN POSTSTROKE RECOVERY Poster 21 Borcan Madalina, Bumbea Ana Maria, Bostina Catalin, Radoi Georgeta, Bumbea Bogdan EFFICIENT REHABILITATION TREATMENT IN A CASE WITH MAV-RUPTA MALFORMATION Poster 22 Demirgian Sibel, Nan Simona, Lulea Adela, Lascu Ioana, Marin Viorica Is possible the management of synovial chondromatosis of the hip by arthroscopy or complex balneal treament? Poster 23 Mădălina Codruța Verenca, Sorina Mierlan, Claudiu Elisei Tanase The Efficiency of Medical Treatment of Scoliosis – Paediatrics Poster 24 Florentina NASTASE¹, Alin Laurentiu TATU², Madalina Codruta VERENCA¹ Orthopaedic manifestations of Neurofibromatosis type 1 – case report Poster 25 Simona CARNICIU, Anatolie BACIU, Vasile FEDAS The attenuation of energy metabolic misbalance by means of aerobic, hypoxic, hypothermal adaptation and environment optimization at recreation resort center Poster 26 Irina Anghel, Alexandra Sporici, Magdalena Lapadat, Gelu Onose Complex clinical and therapeutic rehabilitation approach of a patient with Complete AIS/Frankel A quadriplegia post cervical spinal cord injury after accidental fall off a trailer and multiple complications occurring during disease progression - case study Poster 27 Ana-Maria Pelin , Monica Georgescu , Cristina Stefanescu , Costinela Georgescu Molecular treatment strategies in osteoporosis Poster 28

Data are generated and employed for many ends, including governing societies, managing organisations, leveraging profit, and regulating places. In all these cases, data are key inputs into systems that paradoxically are implemented in the name of making societies more secure, safe, competitive, productive, efficient, transparent and accountable, yet do so through processes that monitor, discipline, repress, coerce, and exploit people. (Kitchin, 165) Introduction Provenance refers to the place of origin or earliest known history of a thing. It refers to the custodial history of objects. It is a term that is commonly used in the art-world but also has come into the language of other disciplines such as computer science. It has also been applied in reference to the transactional nature of objects in supply chains and circular economies. In an interview with Scotland’s Institute for Public Policy Research, Adam Greenfield suggests that provenance has a role to play in the “establishment of reliability” given that a “transaction or artifact has a specified provenance, then that assertion can be tested and verified to the satisfaction of all parities” (Lawrence). Recent debates on the unrecognised effects of digital media have convincingly argued that data is fully embroiled within capitalism, but it is necessary to remember that data is more than just a transactable commodity. One challenge in bringing processes of datafication into critical light is how we understand what happens to data from its point of acquisition to the point where it becomes instrumental in the production of outcomes that are of ethical concern. All data gather their meaning through relationality; whether acting as a representation of an exterior world or representing relations between other data points. Data objectifies relations, and despite any higher-order complexities, at its core, data is involved in factualising a relation into a binary. Assumptions like these about data shape reasoning, decision-making and evidence-based practice in private, personal and economic contexts. If processes of datafication are to be better understood, then we need to seek out conceptual frameworks that are adequate to the way that data is used and understood by its users. Deborah Lupton suggests that often we give data “other vital capacities because they are about human life itself, have implications for human life opportunities and livelihoods, [and] can have recursive effects on human lives (shaping action and concepts of embodiment ... selfhood [and subjectivity]) and generate economic value”. But when data are afforded such capacities, the analysis of its politics also calls for us to “consider context” and “making the labour [of datafication] visible” (D’Ignazio and Klein). For Jenny L. Davis, getting beyond simply thinking about what data affords involves bringing to light how continually and dynamically to requests, demands, encourages, discourages, and refuses certain operations and interpretations. It is in this re-orientation of the question from what to how where “practical analytical tool[s]” (Davis) can be found. Davis writes: requests and demands are bids placed by technological objects, on user-subjects. Encourage, discourage and refuse are the ways technologies respond to bids user-subjects place upon them. Allow pertains equally to bids from technological objects and the object’s response to user-subjects. (Davis) Building on Lupton, Davis, and D’Ignazio and Klein, we see three principles that we consider crucial for work on data, darkness and light: data is not simply a technological object that exists within sociotechnical systems without having undergone any priming or processing, so as a consequence the data collecting entity imposes standards and way of imagining data before it comes into contact with user-subjects; data is not neutral and does not possess qualities that make it equivalent to the things that it comes to represent; data is partial, situated, and contingent on technical processes, but the outcomes of its use afford it properties beyond those that are purely informational. This article builds from these principles and traces a framework for investigating the complications arising when data moves from one context to another. We draw from the “data provenance” as it is applied in the computing and informational sciences where it is used to query the location and accuracy of data in databases. In developing “data provenance”, we adapt provenance from an approach that solely focuses on technical infrastructures and material processes that move data from one place to another and turn to sociotechnical, institutional, and discursive forces that bring about data acquisition, sharing, interpretation, and re-use. As data passes through open, opaque, and darkened spaces within sociotechnical systems, we argue that provenance can shed light on gaps and overlaps in technical, legal, ethical, and ideological forms of data governance. Whether data becomes exclusive by moving from light to dark (as has happened with the removal of many pages and links from Facebook around the Australian news revenue-sharing bill), or is publicised by shifting from dark to light (such as the Australian government releasing investigative journalist Andie Fox’s welfare history to the press), or even recontextualised from one dark space to another (as with genetic data shifting from medical to legal contexts, or the theft of personal financial data), there is still a process of transmission here that we can assess and critique through provenance. These different modalities, which guide data acquisition, sharing, interpretation, and re-use, cascade and influence different elements and apparatuses within data-driven sociotechnical systems to different extents depending on context. Attempts to illuminate and make sense of these complex forces, we argue, exposes data-driven practices as inherently political in terms of whose interests they serve. Provenance in Darkness and in Light When processes of data capture, sharing, interpretation, and re-use are obscured, it impacts on the extent to which we might retrospectively examine cases where malpractice in responsible data custodianship and stewardship has occurred, because it makes it difficult to see how things have been rendered real and knowable, changed over time, had causality ascribed to them, and to what degree of confidence a decision has been made based on a given dataset. To borrow from this issue’s concerns, the paradigm of dark spaces covers a range of different kinds of valences on the idea of private, secret, or exclusive contexts. We can parallel it with the idea of ‘light’ spaces, which equally holds a range of different concepts about what is open, public, or accessible. For instance, in the use of social data garnered from online platforms, the practices of academic researchers and analysts working in the private sector often fall within a grey zone when it comes to consent and transparency. Here the binary notion of public and private is complicated by the passage of data from light to dark (and back to light). Writing in a different context, Michael Warner complicates the notion of publicness. He observes that the idea of something being public is in and of itself always sectioned off, divorced from being fully generalisable, and it is “just whatever people in a given context think it is” (11). Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue that publicness is already shadowed by an idea of state ownership, leaving us in a situation where public and private already both sit on the same side of the propertied/commons divide as if the “only alternative to the private is the public, that is, what is managed and regulated by states and other governmental authorities” (vii). The same can be said about the way data is conceived as a public good or common asset. These ideas of light and dark are useful categorisations for deliberately moving past the tensions that arise when trying to qualify different subspecies of privacy and openness. The problem with specific linguistic dyads of private vs. public, or open vs. closed, and so on, is that they are embedded within legal, moral, technical, economic, or rhetorical distinctions that already involve normative judgements on whether such categories are appropriate or valid. Data may be located in a dark space for legal reasons that fall under the legal domain of ‘private’ or it may be dark because it has been stolen. It may simply be inaccessible, encrypted away behind a lost password on a forgotten external drive. Equally, there are distinctions around lightness that can be glossed – the openness of Open Data (see: theodi.org) is of an entirely separate category to the AACS encryption key, which was illegally but enthusiastically shared across the internet in 2007 to the point where it is now accessible on Wikipedia. The language of light and dark spaces allows us to cut across these distinctions and discuss in deliberately loose terms the degree to which something is accessed, with any normative judgments reserved for the cases themselves. Data provenance, in this sense, can be used as a methodology to critique the way that data is recontextualised from light to dark, dark to light, and even within these distinctions. Data provenance critiques the way that data is presented as if it were “there for the taking”. This also suggests that when data is used for some or another secondary purpose – generally for value creation – some form of closure or darkening is to be expected. Data in the public domain is more than simply a specific informational thing: there is always context, and this contextual specificity, we argue, extends far beyond anything that can be captured in a metadata schema or a licensing model. Even the transfer of data from one open, public, or light context to another will evoke new degrees of openness and luminosity that should not be assumed to be straightforward. And with this a new set of relations between data-user-subjects and stewards emerges. The movement of data between public and private contexts by virtue of the growing amount of personal information that is generated through the traces left behind as people make use of increasingly digitised services going about their everyday lives means that data-motile processes are constantly occurring behind the scenes – in darkness – where it comes into the view, or possession, of third parties without obvious mechanisms of consent, disclosure, or justification. Given that there are “many hands” (D’Iganzio and Klein) involved in making data portable between light and dark spaces, equally there can be diversity in the approaches taken to generate critical literacies of these relations. There are two complexities that we argue are important for considering the ethics of data motility from light to dark, and this differs from the concerns that we might have when we think about other illuminating tactics such as open data publishing, freedom-of-information requests, or when data is anonymously leaked in the public interest. The first is that the terms of ethics must be communicable to individuals and groups whose data literacy may be low, effectively non-existent, or not oriented around the objective of upholding or generating data-luminosity as an element of a wider, more general form of responsible data stewardship. Historically, a productive approach to data literacy has been finding appropriate metaphors from adjacent fields that can help add depth – by way of analogy – to understanding data motility. Here we return to our earlier assertion that data is more than simply a transactable commodity. Consider the notion of “giving” and “taking” in the context of darkness and light. The analogy of giving and taking is deeply embedded into the notion of data acquisition and sharing by virtue of the etymology of the word data itself: in Latin, “things having been given”, whereby in French données, a natural gift, perhaps one that is given to those that attempt capture for the purposes of empiricism – representation in quantitative form is a quality that is given to phenomena being brought into the light. However, in the contemporary parlance of “analytics” data is “taken” in the form of recording, measuring, and tracking. Data is considered to be something valuable enough to give or take because of its capacity to stand in for real things. The empiricist’s preferred method is to take rather than to accept what is given (Kitchin, 2); the data-capitalist’s is to incentivise the act of giving or to take what is already given (or yet to be taken). Because data-motile processes are not simply passive forms of reading what is contained within a dataset, the materiality and subjectivity of data extraction and interpretation is something that should not be ignored. These processes represent the recontextualisation of data from one space to another and are expressed in the landmark case of Cambridge Analytica, where a private research company extracted data from Facebook and used it to engage in psychometric analysis of unknowing users. Data Capture Mechanism Characteristics and Approach to Data Stewardship Historical Information created, recorded, or gathered about people of things directly from the source or a delegate but accessed for secondary purposes. Observational Represents patterns and realities of everyday life, collected by subjects by their own choice and with some degree of discretion over the methods. Third parties access this data through reciprocal arrangement with the subject (e.g., in exchange for providing a digital service such as online shopping, banking, healthcare, or social networking). Purposeful Data gathered with a specific purpose in mind and collected with the objective to manipulate its analysis to achieve certain ends. Integrative Places less emphasis on specific data types but rather looks towards social and cultural factors that afford access to and facilitate the integration and linkage of disparate datasets Table 1: Mechanisms of Data Capture There are ethical challenges associated with data that has been sourced from pre-existing sets or that has been extracted from websites and online platforms through scraping data and then enriching it through cleaning, annotation, de-identification, aggregation, or linking to other data sources (tab. 1). As a way to address this challenge, our suggestion of “data provenance” can be defined as where a data point comes from, how it came into being, and how it became valuable for some or another purpose. In developing this idea, we borrow from both the computational and biological sciences (Buneman et al.) where provenance, as a form of qualitative inquiry into data-motile processes, centres around understanding the origin of a data point as part of a broader almost forensic analysis of quality and error-potential in datasets. Provenance is an evaluation of a priori computational inputs and outputs from the results of database queries and audits. Provenance can also be applied to other contexts where data passes through sociotechnical systems, such as behavioural analytics, targeted advertising, machine learning, and algorithmic decision-making. Conventionally, data provenance is based on understanding where data has come from and why it was collected. Both these questions are concerned with the evaluation of the nature of a data point within the wider context of a database that is itself situated within a larger sociotechnical system where the data is made available for use. In its conventional sense, provenance is a means of ensuring that a data point is maintained as a single source of truth (Buneman, 89), and by way of a reproducible mechanism which allows for its path through a set of technical processes, it affords the assessment of a how reliable a system’s output might be by sheer virtue of the ability for one to retrace the steps from point A to B. “Where” and “why” questions are illuminating because they offer an ends-and-means view of the relation between the origins and ultimate uses of a given data point or set. Provenance is interesting when studying data luminosity because means and ends have much to tell us about the origins and uses of data in ways that gesture towards a more accurate and structured research agenda for data ethics that takes the emphasis away from individual moral patients and reorients it towards practices that occur within information management environments. Provenance offers researchers seeking to study data-driven practices a similar heuristic to a journalist’s line of questioning who, what, when, where, why, and how? This last question of how is something that can be incorporated into conventional models of provenance that make it useful in data ethics. The question of how data comes into being extends questions of power, legality, literacy, permission-seeking, and harm in an entangled way and notes how these factors shape the nature of personal data as it moves between contexts. Forms of provenance accumulate from transaction to transaction, cascading along, as a dataset ‘picks up’ the types of provenance that have led to its creation. This may involve multiple forms of overlapping provenance – methodological and epistemological, legal and illegal – which modulate different elements and apparatuses. Provenance, we argue is an important methodological consideration for workers in the humanities and social sciences. Provenance provides a set of shared questions on which models of transparency, accountability, and trust may be established. It points us towards tactics that might help data-subjects understand privacy in a contextual manner (Nissenbaum) and even establish practices of obfuscation and “informational self-defence” against regimes of datafication (Brunton and Nissenbaum). Here provenance is not just a declaration of what means and ends of data capture, sharing, linkage, and analysis are. We sketch the outlines of a provenance model in table 2 below. Type Metaphorical frame Dark Light What? The epistemological structure of a database determines the accuracy of subsequent decisions. Data must be consistent. What data is asked of a person beyond what is strictly needed for service delivery. Data that is collected for a specific stated purpose with informed consent from the data-subject. How does the decision about what to collect disrupt existing polities and communities? What demands for conformity does the database make of its subjects? Where? The contents of a database is important for making informed decisions. Data must be represented. The parameters of inclusion/exclusion that create unjust risks or costs to people because of their inclusion or exclusion in a dataset. The parameters of inclusion or exclusion that afford individuals representation or acknowledgement by being included or excluded from a dataset. How are populations recruited into a dataset? What divides exist that systematically exclude individuals? Who? Who has access to data, and how privacy is framed is important for the security of data-subjects. Data access is political. Access to the data by parties not disclosed to the data-subject. Who has collected the data and who has or will access it? How is the data made available to those beyond the data subjects? How? Data is created with a purpose and is never neutral. Data is instrumental. How the data is used, to what ends, discursively, practically, instrumentally. Is it a private record, a source of value creation, the subject of extortion or blackmail? How the data was intended to be used at the time that it was collected. Why? Data is created by people who are shaped by ideological factors. Data has potential. The political rationality that shapes data governance with regard to technological innovation. The trade-offs that are made known to individuals when they contribute data into sociotechnical systems over which they have limited control. Table 2: Forms of Data Provenance Conclusion As an illuminating methodology, provenance offers a specific line of questioning practices that take information through darkness and light. The emphasis that it places on a narrative for data assets themselves (asking what when, who, how, and why) offers a mechanism for traceability and has potential for application across contexts and cases that allows us to see data malpractice as something that can be productively generalised and understood as a series of ideologically driven technical events with social and political consequences without being marred by perceptions of exceptionality of individual, localised cases of data harm or data violence. References Brunton, Finn, and Helen Nissenbaum. "Political and Ethical Perspectives on Data Obfuscation." Privacy, Due Process and the Computational Turn: The Philosophy of Law Meets the Philosophy of Technology. Eds. Mireille Hildebrandt and Katja de Vries. New York: Routledge, 2013. 171-195. Buneman, Peter, Sanjeev Khanna, and Wang-Chiew Tan. "Data Provenance: Some Basic Issues." International Conference on Foundations of Software Technology and Theoretical Computer Science. Berlin: Springer, 2000. Davis, Jenny L. How Artifacts Afford: The Power and Politics of Everyday Things. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2020. D'Ignazio, Catherine, and Lauren F. Klein. Data Feminism. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2020. Hardt, Michael, and Antonio Negri. Commonwealth. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2009. Kitchin, Rob. "Big Data, New Epistemologies and Paradigm Shifts." Big Data & Society 1.1 (2014). Lawrence, Matthew. “Emerging Technology: An Interview with Adam Greenfield. ‘God Forbid That Anyone Stopped to Ask What Harm This Might Do to Us’. Institute for Public Policy Research, 13 Oct. 2017. <https://www.ippr.org/juncture-item/emerging-technology-an-interview-with-adam-greenfield-god-forbid-that-anyone-stopped-to-ask-what-harm-this-might-do-us>. Lupton, Deborah. "Vital Materialism and the Thing-Power of Lively Digital Data." Social Theory, Health and Education. Eds. Deana Leahy, Katie Fitzpatrick, and Jan Wright. London: Routledge, 2018. Nissenbaum, Helen F. Privacy in Context: Technology, Policy, and the Integrity of Social Life. Stanford: Stanford Law Books, 2020. Warner, Michael. "Publics and Counterpublics." Public Culture 14.1 (2002): 49-90.

Thesis (M.S.) University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 23, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

Nowadays, Point-of-Care (PoC) are making a shifting of the classical medical procedures and treatment protocols, enhancing the performance of medical surveillance in all the world. It is a reliable and very cost-effective solution, specially in mid to low income countries and areas where access to specialized clinical laboratories is very restricted. However, there are several operational challenges and technical issues that must be addressed when aiming for a clinical system based on PoC devices health surveillance, decentralized patient self-testing and centralized data management for devices, pathologies treatment and patient monitoring improvement. The aim of this research is to design, fabricate and test a novel device / technology for PoC instantaneous screening and monitoring of cellular species, to address these issues and add new functionalities to existing devices to create Lab-on-a-Chip devices. The technique used to cellular monitoring is based on direct measurement from samples by means of its inherent electrical impedance, in order to overcome the operational challenges present on the actual PoC devices on the market. The state of the art of PoC devices have been analysed to study their strengths and weakness, and determine the necessary improvements. This is, the development of instrumentation electronics, sensing systems as well as design protocols for truly PoC devices, relying on straight forward standards for economic, low power consumption, versatile, safe and reliable devices. The development of such technologies and devices is entailed to the evolution of these systems as implantable LOC devices for in vivo continuous monitoring of the patients. In this case, the development of simplified low-power electronics and sensing systems, leads to its miniaturization and integration in a single microchip with multiple functionalities. A discrete bench-top system for IA have been designed, fabricated and tested. The design and validation of different instrumentation electronics and sensing systems is presented, as well as design protocols for truly PoC devices. The device has been designed to perform an Impedance Spectrometry (IS) experiment in order to validate the whole device electronics as well as to characterize the sensing system and its interface accurately. A first approach to a portable and compact device for PoC early instantaneous detection of anaemia, relying on hematocrit (HCT) screening, is described. This device has been designed to work directly with fresh whole blood samples. An experimental set-up and protocol of operation have been defined for instant impedance detection to determine the system detection accuracy, sensitivity and coefficient of variation. As you will notice, the device has been developed using prototyping tools from National Instruments for fast development and validation, as well as application functionalities. Moreover, the possibilities of the integration of this technology within other devices, for increased functionalities, have been validated. The experiments were carried out with different instrumentations front-end as well as different sensing systems typologies, and the same back-end electronics for signal processing and system control. The analysed samples and its environment were dramatically different: laboratory sample formed by E. coli 5K strains working as a monitoring functionality of a DEP-enhanced concentrator for automated detection and concentration of bacteriological species. Finally, it has been developed a specific PoC device for HCT detection and validated through a clinical assessment with whole blood samples. The design is based in the previously presented device’s electronic instrumentation and sensing system with the addition of an economic and low power back-end solution. A clinical study has been performed and the results obtained during the experimental procedures are shown, analysed and discussed. We summarize the conclusions obtained after this research and recommend future developments that could be done to develop truly last generation PoC devices and integrated LOC single-chip devices.
L’objectiu de la tesi és la realització d’equipaments electrònics per aplicacions biomèdiques de caràcter Poin-of-Care en entorns d’investigació, control i tractament clínic. Aquest projecte es troba en el marc de les activitats de recerca del grup, on el desenvolupament d’electròniques d’interface amb el mon biomèdic i la recerca de noves tecnologies i aplicacions d’instrumentació són unes de les principals tasques que porten a terme. Donades aquestes consideracions, a l’últim any s’ha definit un camí dintre dels sistemes d’instrumentació PoC orientats al control d’agents biològics cel·lulars amb tècniques d’anàlisi d’impedància. Aquests dispositius estan basats en dos conceptes claus: el disseny d’instrumentació electrònica senzilla, econòmica i de baix consum, així com sistemes de sensat versàtils i d’un sol us. D’aquesta manera, és possible desenvolupar equipaments versàtils, portables i de baix cost que poden aportar gran rendiment en diferents camps de la biomedicina. Amb aquestes premisses, s’ha desenvolupat un equipament d’anàlisi d’impedància independent del sistema de sensat, el que comporta la possibilitat d’utilitzar multitud de tipus de sistemes de sensat. Aquest equipament, consta d’una senzilla instrumentació electrònica basada en un sistema de sensat preparat per diferents tipus de sensors, tot controlat per un microprocessador encarregat del control automatitzat del hardware, post-processat de dades i comunicació amb un ordinador remot. El sistema és capaç de treballar en un rang de freqüències molt ampli, amb diferent tipus de potència de senyal i diferent tipus d’anàlisi i representació, com ara Electrochemical Impedance Spectroscopy (EIS) amb representació amb diagrames de Bode i Nyquist, o la selecció de punts de freqüencials concrets per un tipus d’anàlisi més específic per a un experiment biomèdic més concret, senzill i ràpid. Es tracta d’un equipament econòmic, fiable i senzill per l’anàlisi d’hematòcrit, que aporta avenços com la gran capacitat d’integració en ambients clínics, la possibilitat de fer un control medico sanitari instantani i reportar telemàticament els resultats o la possibilitat d’implementar un sistema de control mèdic integrat i automatitzat.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
There is a growing trend towards the use of point of care testing in resource poor settings, in particular in the diagnosis and treatment of infectious diseases such as Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria. The Alere PIMA CD4 counter is widely used as a point of care device in the staging and management of HIV. While the instrument has been extensively validated and shown to be comparable to central laboratory testing, little is known about the error rates of these devices, as well as the factors that contribute to error rates. This research was a retrospective analysis of error rates from 61 PIMA point of care devices deployed in nine African countries belonging to Medisciens Sans Frontiers. The data was collected between January 2011 and June 2013. The objectives of the study were to determine the overall error rate and, where possible, determine the root cause. Thereafter the study aimed to determine the variables that contribute to the root causes and make recommendations to reduce the error rate. The overall error was determined to be 13.2 percent. The errors were further divided into four root causes and error rates assigned to each root cause based on the error codes generated by the instrument. These error rates were found to be operator error (48.4%), instrument error (2.0%), reagent/cartridge error (1%) and sample error (4.3%). It was found that a high percentage of the errors were ambiguous (44.3%), meaning that they had more than one possible root cause. A systems-based knowledge management approach was used to create a qualitative politicised influence diagram, which described the variables that affect each of the root causes. The influence diagram was subjected to loop analysis where individual loops were described in terms of the knowledge type (tacit or explicit), the knowing type (know-how, know-who, know-what and know-why), and the actors involved with each variable. Where possible, the variable was described as contributing to pre-analytical, analytical or post-analytical error. Recommendations to reduce the error rates for each of the variables were then made based on the findings.

Advanced Evidence is any data of probative quality that is either put away or transmitted in a double frame. In today's universe of propelling advances, more data is being produced, put away and appropriated by electronic means. This requires numerous offices to build the utilization of advanced proof social affair as a regular or standard instrument in their fight against violations. Computerized proof can be helpful in an extensive variety of criminal examinations. Numerous computerized gadgets productively track client action; it is likewise conceivable to recoup erased records, both of which may influence a criminal examination. Data is similar to the backbone for associations of all sizes, sorts and industry areas. It should be overseen and secured, and when there is a break or wrongdoing conferred including spilled or stolen data, the culprits must be recognized and indicted. Expanded Internet entrance has given exponential ascent in refined assaults on Information Technology framework. Keeping in mind the end goal to make our IT framework versatile against the dangers, there is a requirement for Cyber Security. Digital criminology, likewise called PC legal sciences or advanced legal sciences, is the procedure of extricating data and information from PCs to serve as computerized proof - for common purposes or, by and large, to demonstrate and lawfully indict cybercrime. PC crime scene investigation has as of late increased noteworthy Popularity with numerous nearby law authorization organizations. It is at present utilized in extortion, robbery, drug authorization and each other implementation action. Law implementation organizations confront another test in managing digital wrongdoings. Criminal acts are being perpetrated and the confirmation of these exercises is recorded in electronic structure. Also, wrongdoings are being dedicated in the internet. Proof in these violations is quite often recorded in computerized design. It is critical that PC security experts know about a percentage of the necessities of the lawful framework and comprehends the creating field of PC legal sciences. It will clarify why Digital Evidence is a vital part of any crime scene investigation examination and why strict approaches and methodology must exist to manage the administration of confirmation. Digital examination conventions offer specialists some assistance with gathering computerized proof in a forensically substantial manner. Computerized proof is “information that is made, controlled, put away or conveyed by any gadget, PC or PC framework or transmitted over a correspondence framework that is significant to the procedure.” The section will give a brief of how Digital confirmation starts from a large number of sources including seized PC hard-drives and reinforcement media, ongoing email messages, talk room logs, ISP records, site pages, advanced system activity, nearby and virtual databases, computerized catalogs, remote gadgets, memory cards, and computerized cameras. The advanced confirmation is not virtual exist, but rather there are some different components to search for, the computerized proof can be duplicated with boundless contrasts, can be altered effortlessly, difficult to be distinguished the first asset, can be incorporated information check, and can't be seen straightforwardly without specialized procedure. The trust value of this computerized information is a basic question that advanced scientific analysts must consider. For this reason, part “advanced proof” partitioned into seven classifications. This part gives the learning important to handle advanced confirmation in its numerous structures, to utilize this proof to construct a case, to manage the difficulties connected with this kind of confirmation and ways to deal with taking care of computerized proof put away and transmitted utilizing systems as a part of a way that is well on the way to be acknowledged by law. The section presents the procedure of distinguishing, saving, examining and displaying computerized proof in a way that is legitimately satisfactory. It will clarify why Digital Evidence is an imperative part of any crime scene investigation examination and why strict arrangements and techniques must exist to manage the administration of proof. The section will give a brief of how Digital confirmation starts from a huge number of sources including seized PC hard-drives. Further the part will contain order of computerized confirmations where Digital proof can be grouped, looked at, and individualized in a few ways. One of those courses is by the substance of the confirmation. The later Section in the part will contain how the advanced proofs are gathered, what techniques and apparatuses can be utilized to safeguard the computerized confirmations.

Advanced Evidence is any data of probative quality that is either put away or transmitted in a double frame. In today's universe of propelling advances, more data is being produced, put away and appropriated by electronic means. This requires numerous offices to build the utilization of advanced proof social affair as a regular or standard instrument in their fight against violations. Computerized proof can be helpful in an extensive variety of criminal examinations. Numerous computerized gadgets productively track client action; it is likewise conceivable to recoup erased records, both of which may influence a criminal examination. Data is similar to the backbone for associations of all sizes, sorts and industry areas. It should be overseen and secured, and when there is a break or wrongdoing conferred including spilled or stolen data, the culprits must be recognized and indicted. Expanded Internet entrance has given exponential ascent in refined assaults on Information Technology framework. Keeping in mind the end goal to make our IT framework versatile against the dangers, there is a requirement for Cyber Security. Digital criminology, likewise called PC legal sciences or advanced legal sciences, is the procedure of extricating data and information from PCs to serve as computerized proof - for common purposes or, by and large, to demonstrate and lawfully indict cybercrime. PC crime scene investigation has as of late increased noteworthy Popularity with numerous nearby law authorization organizations. It is at present utilized in extortion, robbery, drug authorization and each other implementation action. Law implementation organizations confront another test in managing digital wrongdoings. Criminal acts are being perpetrated and the confirmation of these exercises is recorded in electronic structure. Also, wrongdoings are being dedicated in the internet. Proof in these violations is quite often recorded in computerized design. It is critical that PC security experts know about a percentage of the necessities of the lawful framework and comprehends the creating field of PC legal sciences. It will clarify why Digital Evidence is a vital part of any crime scene investigation examination and why strict approaches and methodology must exist to manage the administration of confirmation. Digital examination conventions offer specialists some assistance with gathering computerized proof in a forensically substantial manner. Computerized proof is “information that is made, controlled, put away or conveyed by any gadget, PC or PC framework or transmitted over a correspondence framework that is significant to the procedure.” The section will give a brief of how Digital confirmation starts from a large number of sources including seized PC hard-drives and reinforcement media, ongoing email messages, talk room logs, ISP records, site pages, advanced system activity, nearby and virtual databases, computerized catalogs, remote gadgets, memory cards, and computerized cameras. The advanced confirmation is not virtual exist, but rather there are some different components to search for, the computerized proof can be duplicated with boundless contrasts, can be altered effortlessly, difficult to be distinguished the first asset, can be incorporated information check, and can't be seen straightforwardly without specialized procedure. The trust value of this computerized information is a basic question that advanced scientific analysts must consider. For this reason, part “advanced proof” partitioned into seven classifications. This part gives the learning important to handle advanced confirmation in its numerous structures, to utilize this proof to construct a case, to manage the difficulties connected with this kind of confirmation and ways to deal with taking care of computerized proof put away and transmitted utilizing systems as a part of a way that is well on the way to be acknowledged by law. The section presents the procedure of distinguishing, saving, examining and displaying computerized proof in a way that is legitimately satisfactory. It will clarify why Digital Evidence is an imperative part of any crime scene investigation examination and why strict arrangements and techniques must exist to manage the administration of proof. The section will give a brief of how Digital confirmation starts from a huge number of sources including seized PC hard-drives. Further the part will contain order of computerized confirmations where Digital proof can be grouped, looked at, and individualized in a few ways. One of those courses is by the substance of the confirmation. The later Section in the part will contain how the advanced proofs are gathered, what techniques and apparatuses can be utilized to safeguard the computerized confirmations.

Advanced Evidence is any data of probative quality that is either put away or transmitted in a double frame. In today's universe of propelling advances, more data is being produced, put away and appropriated by electronic means. This requires numerous offices to build the utilization of advanced proof social affair as a regular or standard instrument in their fight against violations. Computerized proof can be helpful in an extensive variety of criminal examinations. Numerous computerized gadgets productively track client action; it is likewise conceivable to recoup erased records, both of which may influence a criminal examination. Data is similar to the backbone for associations of all sizes, sorts and industry areas. It should be overseen and secured, and when there is a break or wrongdoing conferred including spilled or stolen data, the culprits must be recognized and indicted. Expanded Internet entrance has given exponential ascent in refined assaults on Information Technology framework. Keeping in mind the end goal to make our IT framework versatile against the dangers, there is a requirement for Cyber Security. Digital criminology, likewise called PC legal sciences or advanced legal sciences, is the procedure of extricating data and information from PCs to serve as computerized proof - for common purposes or, by and large, to demonstrate and lawfully indict cybercrime. PC crime scene investigation has as of late increased noteworthy Popularity with numerous nearby law authorization organizations. It is at present utilized in extortion, robbery, drug authorization and each other implementation action. Law implementation organizations confront another test in managing digital wrongdoings. Criminal acts are being perpetrated and the confirmation of these exercises is recorded in electronic structure. Also, wrongdoings are being dedicated in the internet. Proof in these violations is quite often recorded in computerized design. It is critical that PC security experts know about a percentage of the necessities of the lawful framework and comprehends the creating field of PC legal sciences. It will clarify why Digital Evidence is a vital part of any crime scene investigation examination and why strict approaches and methodology must exist to manage the administration of confirmation. Digital examination conventions offer specialists some assistance with gathering computerized proof in a forensically substantial manner. Computerized proof is “information that is made, controlled, put away or conveyed by any gadget, PC or PC framework or transmitted over a correspondence framework that is significant to the procedure.” The section will give a brief of how Digital confirmation starts from a large number of sources including seized PC hard-drives and reinforcement media, ongoing email messages, talk room logs, ISP records, site pages, advanced system activity, nearby and virtual databases, computerized catalogs, remote gadgets, memory cards, and computerized cameras. The advanced confirmation is not virtual exist, but rather there are some different components to search for, the computerized proof can be duplicated with boundless contrasts, can be altered effortlessly, difficult to be distinguished the first asset, can be incorporated information check, and can't be seen straightforwardly without specialized procedure. The trust value of this computerized information is a basic question that advanced scientific analysts must consider. For this reason, part “advanced proof” partitioned into seven classifications. This part gives the learning important to handle advanced confirmation in its numerous structures, to utilize this proof to construct a case, to manage the difficulties connected with this kind of confirmation and ways to deal with taking care of computerized proof put away and transmitted utilizing systems as a part of a way that is well on the way to be acknowledged by law. The section presents the procedure of distinguishing, saving, examining and displaying computerized proof in a way that is legitimately satisfactory. It will clarify why Digital Evidence is an imperative part of any crime scene investigation examination and why strict arrangements and techniques must exist to manage the administration of proof. The section will give a brief of how Digital confirmation starts from a huge number of sources including seized PC hard-drives. Further the part will contain order of computerized confirmations where Digital proof can be grouped, looked at, and individualized in a few ways. One of those courses is by the substance of the confirmation. The later Section in the part will contain how the advanced proofs are gathered, what techniques and apparatuses can be utilized to safeguard the computerized confirmations.