Journal articles on the topic 'Médicaments – Aspect social – Ghana'

RÉSUMÉParce que la prescription et l’utilisation des médicaments sont devenus un aspect normatif des soins de santé pour les personnes âgées, nous cherchons à comprendre comment les individus gérer l’utilisation des médicaments d’ordonnance dans le contexte du vieillissement. Nous soutenons que, pour ceux qui sont ambulatoires, l’utilisation de médicaments est susceptible d’être influencée par des considérations ethno-culturelles en matière de la santé et des expériences avec d’autres approches aux soins de santé. En conséquence, nous avons méné une étude qualitative, avec des entrevues en profondeur, sur un échantillon diversifié de personnes âgées afin d’identifier leurs perceptions et utilisations de médicaments. Nos conclusions dépeignent les personne âgées comme des agents actifs – qui s’appuient sur une vie d’expérience et de connaissances – qui prennent la responsabilité de l’adhésion (our non-adhésion) aux médicaments et leurs effets liés sur leur propre corps. Nous représentons la personne âgée comme une « personne pharmaceutique » dont les expériences du vieillissement sont inextricablement liée à la négociation des soins de santé dépendent sur les médicaments.

Social work is practiced all over the world with the primary aim of helping individuals and improving the welfare of the general society. Ghana is a multi-ethnic society with a multitude of different cultural practices that may affect social work interventions (implementation by practitioners and clients’ response). The main goal of this paper is to show how indigenous cultural practices in Ghana shape the way of supporting children, older people, people living with physical disabilities and mental health disorders, and the socially excluded. This paper relies on available literature and the first-hand account of the author. The extended family system where parenting, kinship, and identity includes the nuclear family as well as grand-parents, aunts, uncles, cousins, and in-laws is prominent in Ghana, especially in rural areas. The positive aspect of this system as shown in this paper shows the merits in a collectivist approach to social welfare. However, some aspects of local cultural practices are shown to limit how vulnerable people have access to needed help. The article indicates the need to prepare social workers in such a way that their practice is adjusted to respond to local cultural practices in order to ensure more people have access to help and reduce the potential of rejection by people in local communities. It also contributes to the discussion on the merits of indigenization of social work.

The contribution of firms towards society in the form of corporate social responsibility has attracted significant concern for many stakeholders, especially among banks in Ghana. It is perceived that; banks especially do Corporate Social Responsibility just because they are the most profitable sector in Ghana. The study sort to examine the kind of relationship that exists between bank performance and CSR in Ghana. Also, to determine how bank size and profitability and it's listing status and foreign ownership influence CSR spending in Ghana. The study sampled 24 commercial banks over seven years from 2010 to 2016. The study analyzed data using statistical tools such as descriptive statistics, correlation analysis, and panel regression analysis. The study found out that engaging in CSR activities increases banks' profitability in Ghana, especially for ROE. Besides, the study concluded that bigger and larger banks are more profitable than small companies, so they are more involved in CSR activities. The study also investigated whether foreign ownership and the listing status of banks influence CSR spending. On this aspect, the study found out that banks' listing status influences CSR spending, but foreign ownership does not. The result implies that listed banks are more public and faces more social pressure hence they spend more on CSR to legitimize their operations.

Medicine (n-nyork) has been one of meaning laden words faced by scholars. This subject has attracted much attention from scholars, but the social aspect of health tied to people’s medical culture has been neglected. The paper examines the reasons and the context within which the medical culture of the Konkomba ensured social equilibrium and well-being. It further examines key medicines and healers that constituted the corpus of the Konkomba health system. Information was sourced from oral interviews, archival and secondary sources. The work focuses on the historiography of indigenous medicine in Ghana, in particular, and Africa in general. In conclusion, it analyses the impact of the Western understanding of medicine indicating that n-nyork (medicine) and ngbanpuan (health) were more holistic within the Konkomba conceptualisation. In that sense, the adoption and non-adaptation of the western view of health has led to more undesirable health situation in the twentieth century. That notwithstanding, the medical culture of the Konkomba still constitute an integral aspect of their medication.

Although the penis forms an important aspect of sexual practices, we know little about how women and men construct the penis in relation to sex and gender in Africa. In this exploratory study from urban Ghana with 34 interviewees, I argue that the changing notions of sex and the penis, in terms of the form they take and in terms of ownership, offer women and men the space to negotiate sexual scripts and to highlight women’s penile preferences. The findings show that while women and men emphasize a biological representation of the penis (due to cultural and religious values), there are nuanced narratives that also acknowledge the social and symbolic importance of the penis to include self-sexual gratification and the use of sex toys. The study contests notions that project female vulnerability vis-a-vis male dominance in matters of sex and that project female sexual choices in Africa.

AbstractThis essay reports on an aspect of Ghana's emerging Hindu religious experience; the localizing of the worship of Krishna, a Hindu deity and a globally circulating emblem of spirituality, in the context of the Radha-Govinda temple community in Accra, Ghana's capital. Representing the Ghanaian portion of International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), this community seeks to perpetuate the Caitanyite Vaisnava heritage in this African worshipping society by implementing its policy of 'Hinduizing' local communities. Local worshippers are receptive to this new religion but do not succumb to the pressure to become Hindus in ISKCON's sense. They are resilient and invest this cultural import with local religious meanings, pressing its rituals into service as spiritual ammunition as they respond to pre-existing challenges and the new limitations that contemporary social transformations have imposed on them. The essay demonstrates how the meanings of lay practitioners who we often assume to be powerless, rather than ISKCON and its powerful local elite agents, largely shape the trajectory of the worship of Krishna in Ghana.

It is well established that health literacy positively affects health outcomes, and social support influences this association. What remains unclear is which aspect of social support (instrumental, informational, and emotional support) is responsible for this effect and whether the influence differs from one population group to another. This study addresses these lacunae. It examines the impact each type of support makes on the relation between functional health literacy (FHL) and self-rated health status among younger and older adults in Ghana. Data were pooled from two cross-sectional surveys, together comprising 521 participants in the Ashanti Region. The results indicated that young adults were more likely to possess sufficient FHL and perceive their health more positively than older adults. While FHL was positively associated with health status, the relation was stronger when young adults received a high level of emotional support. Among older persons, informational support substantially moderated the association between FHL and health status. Thus, social support modifies the relations between FHL and health status among younger and older adults in different ways and to different degrees. Therefore, interventions to improve FHL and health amongst younger and older adults should pay due regard to relevant aspects of social support.

Research exploring illness experiences of young people with sickle cell disease (SCD) has, to date, ignored fatigue, despite the distinctive anemic nature of SCD. To examine adolescents with SCD fatigue experiences, we conducted narrative and picture-elicitation interviews with 24 adolescents in Ghana. A grounded theory, “body as a machine,” was constructed from the narratives. Fatigue represented the most restrictive and disruptive aspect of growing up with SCD. Its meaning and significance laid in what it symbolized. Fatigue represented a socially undesirable feature that was stigmatizing, due to the expectations of high physicality in adolescence. Fatigue was therefore a major threat to “normalcy.” The social significance of the physical body and its capacities shaped the adolescents’ fatigue experiences. Managing fatigue to construct/maintain socially acceptable identities dominated the adolescents’ lives. Consequently, there is a need for a recognition of the significance of fatigue to adequately support young people growing up with SCD.

Technology has revolutionized the culture within contemporary society. Especially for communication and sharing of information, social media has taken the epicenter. The proliferation of social media technologies in our daily communication has infiltrated into all facets of life from education, commerce, family and friends, relations etc. However, an aspect of socio-cultural life which is sex trade has also been influenced by social media technological diffusion. A notable and popular social media platform today purported to be complementing the activities of sex workers is the WhatsApp technology. In view of this, the study focuses on unraveling the actual use of WhatsApp by sex workers in managing their clients. Accordingly, the study employed the qualitative approach with the phenomenological transcendental design to find out actual usage experiences of commercial sex workers in the Cape Coast metropolis of Ghana. A purposive sample based on snowballing technique was used to collect data from fifteen (15) sex workers based on a semi-structured interview guide. A thematic analysis centred on a deductive approach was used to analyze the qualitative data. The findings revealed that sex workers had favourable and positive impressions or attitude towards WhatsApp usage. They also found WhatsApp to be very useful and benefitted immensely from it in various ways. Irrespective of this, sex workers were beset with challenges such as stigma from future leakage of their nude information as well as internet network constraints in using WhatsApp. The study derived a model based on the findings for future validation through quantitative modelling analysis.

(1) Background: Although bullying victimization is a phenomenon that is increasingly being recognized as a public health and mental health concern in many countries, research attention on this aspect of youth violence in low- and middle-income countries, especially sub-Saharan Africa, is minimal. The current study examined the national prevalence of bullying victimization and its correlates among in-school adolescents in Ghana. (2) Methods: A sample of 1342 in-school adolescents in Ghana (55.2% males; 44.8% females) aged 12–18 was drawn from the 2012 Global School-based Health Survey (GSHS) for the analysis. Self-reported bullying victimization “during the last 30 days, on how many days were you bullied?” was used as the central criterion variable. Three-level analyses using descriptive, Pearson chi-square, and binary logistic regression were performed. Results of the regression analysis were presented as adjusted odds ratios (aOR) at 95% confidence intervals (CIs), with a statistical significance pegged at p < 0.05. (3) Results: Bullying victimization was prevalent among 41.3% of the in-school adolescents. Pattern of results indicates that adolescents in SHS 3 [aOR = 0.34, 95% CI = 0.25, 0.47] and SHS 4 [aOR = 0.30, 95% CI = 0.21, 0.44] were less likely to be victims of bullying. Adolescents who had sustained injury [aOR = 2.11, 95% CI = 1.63, 2.73] were more likely to be bullied compared to those who had not sustained any injury. The odds of bullying victimization were higher among adolescents who had engaged in physical fight [aOR = 1.90, 95% CI = 1.42, 2.25] and those who had been physically attacked [aOR = 1.73, 95% CI = 1.32, 2.27]. Similarly, adolescents who felt lonely were more likely to report being bullied [aOR = 1.50, 95% CI = 1.08, 2.08] as against those who did not feel lonely. Additionally, adolescents with a history of suicide attempts were more likely to be bullied [aOR = 1.63, 95% CI = 1.11, 2.38] and those who used marijuana had higher odds of bullying victimization [aOR = 3.36, 95% CI = 1.10, 10.24]. (4) Conclusions: Current findings require the need for policy makers and school authorities in Ghana to design and implement policies and anti-bullying interventions (e.g., Social Emotional Learning (SEL), Emotive Behavioral Education (REBE), Marijuana Cessation Therapy (MCT)) focused on addressing behavioral issues, mental health and substance abuse among in-school adolescents.

Social wellbeing constitutes a critical aspect of one’s health, quality of life, and overall psychosocial wellbeing. Social isolation and perceived loneliness are growing public health concerns as they are considered to be important risk factor for poor physical and mental health outcomes. Not much is known about how the level of one’s social participation is associated with morbid thought and suicidal ideation. In the present study, we aimed to investigate whether social participation shows any significant correlation with morbid thought and suicidal ideation among the elderly population. Methods: Cross-sectional data were collected from Wave 1 of the Study of Global AGEing and Adult Health (SAGE). The sample population consisted 2018 men and women aged 65 years and above from the following countries: China (n = 787), Ghana (n = 278), India (n = 560), and Russia (n = 396). Outcome variables of self-reported occurrence of morbid thoughts and suicide ideation during the past 12 months were reported. Results: A great majority of the participants reported not participating in activities such as public meetings (84.6%), club meeting (49.6%), neighborhood activities (46%), and religious activities (57.2%). Those who reported attending public meetings several times a year had a higher likelihood of reporting having morbid thoughts (predicted probability = 1.24, 95% CI = 1.02, 1.52). However, the association was no longer significant after stratifying by sex. Attending clubs (marginal effect = 0.61, 95% CI = 0.49, 0.76) and neighborhood activities (predicted probability = 0.71, 95% CI = 0.58, 0.88) several times a year showed protective effects against morbid thoughts. Being visited by friends several times a month (predicted probability = 0.52, 95% CI = 0.40, 0.67) and visiting friends (predicted probability = 0.61, 95% CI = 0.50, 0.75) several times a year also showed lower likelihood of morbid thoughts. Similar effects were observed for attending social gatherings with colleagues and social events as well. Conclusions: The present findings suggest that there exist significantly positive associations between participation in social activities and morbid thoughts and suicidal ideation among the elderly population in the sample countries. More in-depth studies are necessary to investigate the barriers to participation in social activities as well as the role of the quality of social relationships with experiencing suicidal thoughts.

It is fitting for this issue of the Christian Journal for Global Health to come to you just before Christmas. We remember the birth of the Christ child, God with us. God with us not just in the ordinariness of human life, but in the calamities, defeats, and suffering entailed in that ordinariness. The coronavirus pandemic, as well as myriad of other human afflictions, is a reminder of those aspects of life. Surely the greatest spiritual lesson of the pandemic is that we are not the masters of our own destiny. The pandemic is a rebuke to the hubris of our age – that human knowledge is the remedy for all ills. Responses to the pandemic have exposed the fissures in our societies as well. While the healthcare community has responded heroically to the challenges, churches have served as a much-needed solace and source of health information, as well as, at times, sources of spread. Some who consider faith non-essential and are antagonistic to it have proposed severe restrictions to much-needed fellowship.
 In the providence of God, we are able to rejoice at the arrival of effective vaccines to prevent SARS CoV-2 infection, the world-wide calamity that has dogged us for nearly an entire year. The vaccines come out-of-time, as it were, having been developed, produced, and tested with a speed that is astonishing. Hopefully, they will enable this devastating infectious disease to be put behind us. If that proves to be possible, it is salutary to ponder what is able to be anticipated and to appreciate the perspicacity of someone like Dr. Jono Quick, whose book, The End of Epidemics, foresaw in 2018 what came to pass in 2020. For additional insights, we are pleased to feature in this issue a guest editorial by Dr. Quick which surveys some of the challenges that the release, use, and equitable global distribution of the vaccines hold for us, as well as the Christian responsibility to follow the data for both individualized whole-person care and community care as acts of love for our global neighbor.
 The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted systemic vulnerabilities, health inequities, and the ongoing diseases and conditions that continue to threaten individuals and populations. The response to the pandemic has affected the global economy and exacerbated hunger and extreme poverty. Progress in global health to control the remaining poliovirus, HIV, malaria and tuberculosis has also been tragically impaired due to the pandemic.1 
 Two original articles describe efforts to evaluate health needs for chronically impoverished villages and then to train Christian health workers in the ways to most effectively service those needs. Claudia Bale reports that the results of surveying Guatemalan villages for health needs and barriers to health produced a variety of themes that provided guidance for the organizations seeking to meet these needs. Sneha Kirubakaran and colleagues evaluated a short course in global health from Australia that sought to prepare Christian health workers for international service.
 This issue features three reviews. Samuel Adu-Gyamfi and his colleagues from Ghana completed an extensive systematic review of the role of missions in Sub-Saharan Africa, finding that although the scope of work changed over time, the aim of sharing the gospel motivated work in a broad scope of activities in development, education, and healthcare which continues to be relevant. Omololu Fagunwa from Nigeria provides a history lesson based on original source documents on how the 1918 influenza pandemic affected the growth of Pentecostalism in Africa. Alexander Miles, Matthew Reeve, and Nathan Grills from University of Melbourne completed a systematic literature review showing evidence of the significant effectiveness of community health workers in dealing with non-communicable diseases in India.
 Two commentaries offer fresh approaches to persisting healthcare issues. Richard Thomas and Niels French describe the population health model and explain how it is particularly suited to a role in the future for mission hospitals and to address a variety of global health concerns. Melody Oereke, Kenneth David, and Ezeofor Onyedikachukwu from Nigeria offer their thoughts on how Christian pharmacists can employ a model for prayer, faith, and action in their professional calling. The coronavirus pandemic has required healthcare and aid organizations to come up with creative solutions to completely novel circumstances if they were to be able to continue their ministries. Daryn Joy Go and her colleagues from International Care Ministries describe their employment of social networking technologies in the Philippines to continue their work in extreme poverty alleviation as well as spiritual nourishment despite lockdown conditions and severe limitations on travel and communication.
 Finally, Pieter Nijssen reviews Creating Shared Resilience: The Role of the church in a Hopeful Future, by David Boan and Josh Ayers. In our world of short-term gain and short attention spans, resilience is a commodity in tragically short supply. Pastor Nijssen’s discussion helpfully expands on an ongoing discussion of how faith and justice must be integrated in any faithful gospel ministry and how this, itself, promotes resilience in the face of crises.
 We call our readers’ attentions to our current call for papers, Environmental Concern and Global Health. Our stewardship of the earth and its resources was part of God’s first command to Adam and Eve and an important aspect of human flourishing throughout the Bible. That stewardship has implications for global health that deserve study and explanation. Click on the link to the call for a list of the subjects we hope to see in submissions on this topic and many others within the unique and broad scope of the journal.
 During this season of both widespread challenge and enduring hope, we pray for peace on earth, and good will to all people.

l s’agit d’un volume paru comme résultat de l’initiative d’Anne-Laure Le Guern, Jean-François Thémines et Serge Martin, initiative qui, depuis 2013, a généré des manifestations scientifiques, des journées d’études organisées autour des carnets de l’IUFM, devenu ESPE et actuellement l’INSPE de Caen. Les carnets édités par la suite sont devenus un espace de réflexion, et un outil d’enseignement-apprentissage, un espace de recherche. Qu’est-ce qu’un carnet en didactique ? Les trois axes de recherche du volume Les carnets aujourd’hui… l’expliquent, avec de exemples des pratiques en classe ou dans le cadre d’autres types d’activités à dominante didactique. Un carnet peut être un objet en papier de dimensions et textures diversifiées, utilisé en différentes manières afin de susciter l’intérêt et la curiosité de l’apprenant. Parmi ses possibilités d’utilisation en classe : au lycée, qu’il s’agisse du lycée de culture générale ou du lycée professionnel, pour créer des liens entre littérature et écriture (« Lecture littéraire, écriture créative », avec des articles appartenant à Anne Schneider, Stéphanie Lemarchand et Yves Renaud) ; en maternelle et à l’école primaire (« Pratiques du carnet à l’école primaire », les articles liés à ce sujet appartenant à Catherine Rebiffé et Roselyne Le Bourgeois-Viron, Dominique Briand, Marie-Laure Guégan, Élise Ouvrard ; le carnet peut également passer du format papier à des adaptations modernes comme le téléphone mobile, le blog... (« D’une approche anthropologique à une approche culturelle », des recherches en ce sens venant de la part d’Élisabeth Schneider, Magali Jeannin, Corinne Le Bars). Sophie Hébert-Loizelet et Élise Ouvrard, ouvrent le volume avec le texte intitulé « Le carnet, une matérialité foisonnante et insaisissable », où elles partent de l’aspect physique d’un carnet vers ses contenus, tout en soulignant que, « depuis une quarantaine d’années » seulement, des spécialistes en critique génétique, des théoriciens des genres littéraires et des universitaires lui accordent l’importance méritée, dans la tentative de « répondre à cette simple question "qu’est-ce qu’un carnet" », parvenant ainsi à en démultiplier « les pistes intellectuelles, théoriques autant que pratiques » (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 9). La diversité des carnets détermine les auteures à souligner, et à juste titre, que le carnet « incarne matériellement et pratiquement une certaine forme de liberté, n’ayant à priori aucune contrainte à respecter et pouvant dès lors recevoir n’importe quelle trace », permettant ainsi « à son détenteur, de manière souvent impromptue, indirecte […], de se découvrir, par tâtonnements, par jaillissements » (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 10). Le premier contact avec un carnet étant d’ordre esthétique, on comprend bien la « magie » qu’il peut exercer sur l’élève, l’invitant ainsi, en quelque sorte, à sortir de la salle de cours, à se sentir plus libre. Le carnet est en même temps un bon aide-mémoire. Ses dimensions invitent à synthétiser la pensée, à la relecture, une « relecture à court terme » et une « relecture à long terme » (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 15), toutes les deux enrichissantes. Le carnet devient effectivement outil d’apprentissage et objet de recherche. Les contributions présentes dans ce livre, soulignent les auteures par la suite, représentent des regards croisés (du 23 mars 2016) sur « l’objet carnet, en proposant des recherches académiques, anthropologiques ou didactiques mais également des comptes rendus d’expériences sur le terrain » dans le but de « prendre en considération l’utilisation des carnets dans leur grande hétérogénéité de la maternelle à l’université pour rendre compte des voyages, mais aussi de lectures et d’apprentissage dans les disciplines aussi variées que le français, l’histoire, les arts visuels, ou les arts plastiques, et ce dans différents milieux institutionnels » (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 17). Prenons le premier axe de recherche mentionné plus haut, celui de la lecture littéraire et de l’écriture créative. Se penchant sur d’autorité de différents spécialistes dans le domaine, tels Pierre Bayard et Nathalie Brillant-Rannou, les deux premiers textes de cet axe insistent sur la modalité d’intégrer « l’activité du lecteur et son rapport à la littérature » par le carnet de lecture dans le cadre de la didactique de la littérature. Le troisième texte représente une exploitation du carnet artistique qui « favorise un meilleur rapport à l’écriture » et modifie la relation que les élèves de 15 à 17 ans du canton Vaud de Suisse ont avec le monde (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 19). Nous avons retenu de l’article d’Anne Schneider, l’exploitation de la notion de bibliothèque intérieure, telle qu’elle est vue par Pierre Bayard, bibliothèque incluant « nos livres secrets » en relation avec ceux des autres, les livres qui nous « fabriquent » (Schneider 2019 : 36). Ces livres figurent dans les carnets personnels, avec une succession de titres lus ou à lire, commentaires, dessins, jugements. Pour ce qui est de l’expérience en lycée professionnel (l’article de Stéphanie Lemarchand), on souligne l’attention accordée au « sujet lecteur » par le biais du carnet de lecture, plus exactement la réalisation d’une réflexion personnelle et les possibilités d’exprimer cette réflexion personnelle. Ici encore, il faut signaler la notion d’« autolecture » introduite par Nathalie Brillant-Rannou, l’enseignant se proposant de participer au même processus que ses élèves. En ce sens, la démarche auprès des élèves d’une école professionnelle, moins forts en français et en lecture, s’avère particulièrement intéressante. On leur demande d’écrire des contes que leurs collègues commentent, ou de commenter un film à l’aide du carnet de lecture qui devient carnet dialogique, non pas occasion du jugement de l’autre, mais d’observer et de retenir, devenant ainsi « un embrayeur du cours » (Lemarchand 2019 : 45). Le passage aux textes littéraires – des contes simples aux contes plus compliqués et des films de science-fiction aux livres de science-fiction – devient normal et incitant, permettant petit à petit le passage vers la poésie. L’utilisation du carnet dialogique détermine les élèves à devenir conscients de l’importance de leur point de vue, ce qui fait que ceux-ci commencent à devenir conscients d’eux-mêmes et à choisir des méthodes personnelles pour améliorer leur niveau de compétences, la démarche de l’enseignant devenant elle aussi de plus en plus complexe. Le premier article, du deuxième axe, celui visant les pratiques du carnet à l’école primaire, article signé par Catherine Rebiffé et Roselyne Le Bourgeois-Viron, présente le résultat d’une recherche qui « s’appuie sur les liens entre échanges oraux et trace écrite, mais aussi sur la dimension retouchable, ajustable de l’objet carnet réunissant dessins, photographies et dictée, afin d’initier les élèves à l’écrit » (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 19). Pour ce qui est de l’enseignement de l’histoire à des élèves du cycle 3, avec une pensée critique en construction et une difficulté de comprendre un vocabulaire plus compliqué et les langages spécialisés, Dominique Briand propose le carnet Renefer, un choix parfait à son avis, vu que « l’artiste qui réalise les estampes sur le conflit [de la Grande Guerre] s’adresse à une enfant [de huit ans], sa fille » (Briand 2019 : 97), appelée par Renefer lui-même « Belle Petite Monde ». Un autre aspect important est lié au message transmis par l’image envisagée dans cette perspective. Il s’agit en effet de filtrer l’information en sorte que la violence et la souffrance soient perçues à des degrés émotionnels différents, pour laisser à l’élève la possibilité de débats, de réflexions. Les textes qui accompagnent les images du carnet Renefer, succincts mais suggestifs, s’adaptent également au niveau d’âge et implicitement de compréhension. Les élèves sont sensibilisés, invités à voir le côté humain, le brin de vie et d’espoir qui peuvent se cacher derrière une situation réaliste. Le carnet Renefer didactisé amène les élèves « à apprendre l’histoire dans une démarche active et clairement pluridisciplinaire qui laisse une place importante à l’histoire des arts » (Briand 2019 : 105). Le carnet d’artiste comme instrument didactique, plus exactement celui de Miquel Barceló qui a séjourné en Afrique et dont les carnets d’artiste témoignent de ses voyages et de l’utilisation des moyens locaux pour peindre ou même pour faire sécher les peintures est proposé par Marie-Laure Guégan. En passant par des crayons aquarelles, Miquel Barceló va ajouter du relief dans les pages peintes de ses carnets (« papiers d’emballage, billets de banque [par leur graphisme ils peuvent devenir le motif textile d’une robe de femme, par exemple], paquets de cigarettes, boîtes de médicaments » qui sont collés ou bien collés et arrachés par la suite). Pour réaliser des nuances différentes ou une autre texture, il y rajoute des « débris de tabac ou de fibre végétale agrégés de la terre, du sable ou de pigments » (Guégan 2019 : 117). Il est aidé par l’observation profonde de la nature, des changements perpétuels, du mélange des matières qui se développent, se modifient le long des années. Ainsi, il intègre dans ses peintures « le temps long (des civilisations), le temps moyen (à l’aune d’une période politique), le temps court (à la dimension de l’individu) » (Guégan 2019 : 121), aussi bien que l’espace, la lumière, l’ombre, les matières, le corps, l’inventivité. Toutes ces qualités recommandent déjà l’auteur pour l’exploitation didactique dans le primaire, il y vient avec un modèle d’intégration de l’enfant dans le monde. L’article de Marie-Laure Guégan parle de l’intégration du travail sur les carnets de l’artiste dans la réalisation de la couverture d’un carnet de voyage par les élèves du cycle 3 en CM2, (cycle de consolidation). D’où la nécessité d’introduire la peinture ou les carnets d’artistes « non comme modèles à imiter, mais comme objets de contemplation et de réflexion » (Guégan 2019 : 128). Dans l’article suivant, Élise Ouvrard parle d’un type de carnet qui permet l’exploitation des pratiques interdisciplinaires à l’école primaire, domaine moins approfondi dans le cadre de ces pratiques ; le but spécifique est celui de la « construction de la compétence interculturelle » qui « s’inscrit plus largement dans l’esprit d’une approche d’enseignement-apprentissage par compétences » (Ouvrard 2019 : 132). L’accent mis sur la compétence est perçu par Guy de Boterf, cité par Élise Ouvrard, comme « manifestation dans l’interprétation », à savoir la possibilité de « construire sa propre réponse pertinente, sa propre façon d’agir » (Cf. Ouvrard 2019 : 132 cité de Le Boterf 2001 :40) dans un processus qui vise la création de liens entre les éléments assimilés (ressources, activités et résultats pour une tâche donnée). Le professeur devient dans ce contexte, la personne qui traduit des contenus en actions qui servent « à mettre en œuvre, à sélectionner des tâches de difficulté croissante qui permettront aux élèves de gagner progressivement une maîtrise des compétences » (Ouvrard 2019 : 133). Cette perspective fait du carnet « un outil permettant de tisser des liens entre la culture scolaire et les expériences hors de la classe, mais aussi de décloisonner des apprentissages, de s’éloigner de l’approche par contenus-matière » (Ouvrard 2019 : 133). C’est un cadre d’analyse qui intègre la perspective didactique du français aussi bien que l’anthropologie de l’écriture. L’activité pratique consiste dans le travail sur des carnets de voyage avec des élèves en CM1 et CM2, venant de deux écoles différentes et qui préparent et effectuent un voyage en Angleterre. Les étapes du parcours visent : - entretiens individuels pré- et post-expérimentation des quatre enseignants concernés ; - fiche de préparation des séances autour du carnet ; - questionnaire pré- et post-expérimentation soumis aux élèves ; - entretiens collectifs post-expérimentation des élèves ; - photographies des carnets à mi-parcours de l’expérimentation et à la fin du parcours. L’analyse des documents a prouvé que les élèves ont réagi de manière positive. Ils ont apprécié le carnet comme plus valeureux que le cahier. Le premier permet un rapport plus complexe avec le milieu social, avec la famille, avec la famille d’accueil dans le cadre du voyage, même des visioconférences avec la famille. À partir des carnets de voyage on peut initier le principe des carnets de l’amitié qui permet au carnet d’un élève de circuler dans un petit groupe et s’enrichir des ajouts des autres collègues. On peut avoir également l’occasion de découvrir des talents des élèves, de mieux les connaître, de mettre l’accent sur leur autonomie. Différentes disciplines peuvent s’y intégrer : le français, l’anglais, l’histoire, les mathématiques, la géographie, la musique, les arts. Important s’avère le décloisonnement des disciplines par le choix de créneaux distincts pour l’utilisation-exploitation des carnets de voyage. Le dernier groupement d’articles, axé sur le passage d’une approche anthropologique à une approche culturelle, tente d’envisager un avenir pour le carnet. En tant que spécialiste des pratiques scripturales adolescentes, partant de la théorie de Roger T. Pédauque pour le document, Elisabeth Schneider se concentre dans son article sur le téléphone mobile par ce qu’on appelle « polytopie scripturale qui caractérise l’interaction des processus d’écriture, des activités et des déplacements avec le téléphone mobile » (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 21), celui-ci s’encadrant du point de vue épistémologique, dans les catégories « signe », « forme » et « médium », tridimensionnalité qui permet de « comprendre les enjeux actuels concernant l’auctorialité, la structure du document, par exemple, mais aussi d’en revisiter l’histoire » (Schneider 2019 : 164). L’importance du blog pédagogique comme carnet médiatique multimodal, résultat du travail avec des étudiants sous contrat Erasmus ou type Erasmus venus à l’ESPE de Caen pour mettre en lumière l’expérience interculturelle, est démontrée par Magali Jeannin. Son article prend comme point d’encrage les notions d’« hypermobilité » pour les individus avec une identité « hypermoderne », en pleine « mouvance » et « liquidité » (Jeannin 2019 : 169), qui, des fois, dans le cas des étudiants, pourrait se concrétiser en « expérience interculturelle » et « tourisme universitaire ». L’intérêt de l’auteure va vers l’interrogation, « les enjeux et les moyens d’une didactique de l’implication du sujet en contexte interculturel » par un « blog pédagogique des étudiants étrangers » lié au cours sur les compétences interculturelles. Ainsi, parmi les enjeux du « blog pédagogique des étudiants à l’étranger » comme carnet multimodal comptent : donner à l’expérience culturelle la valeur subjective qui évite la réification du sujet en investissant « la langue et la culture cibles comme des faits et pratiques sociaux (inter)subjectifs » (Jeannin 2019 : 171) et même transsubjectifs d’après le modèle du blog libre ; le blog-carnet devient un espace de rencontre entre carnet de voyage et carnet de lecture, carnet d’expérience, carnet d’ethnographie (avec un mélange entre langue cible et langue source) ; il s’inscrit « dans une tradition de l’écriture de l’expérience en classe de FLE » (Jeannin 2019 : 173). Les écrits en grande mesure programmés du blog pédagogique sont ensuite exploités ; ils répondent en même temps « à des besoins personnels » et à des « fins universitaires » (Jeannin 2019 : 174). Par ce procédé, le réel est pris comme un processus non pas comme une simple représentation. Toujours avec une visée interculturelle, le dernier article de cette série fait référence à l’Institut régional du travail social Normandie-Caen, dont le but est de former « les futurs travailleurs sociaux » (Hébert-Loizelet, & Ouvrard 2019 : 21), par une recherche franco-québécoise qui concerne l’implication des mobilités internationales pour études. Ce volume représente un outil particulièrement important en didactique, un outil que je recommande chaleureusement en égale mesure aux enseignants et aux chercheurs spécialisés. Si je me suis arrêtée sur quelques articles, c’est parce qu’il m’a semblé important d’insister sur des côtés qui sont moins exploités par les enseignants roumains et qui mériteraient de l’être.

Encouraging sustainable tourism is an essential aspect of driving economic growth, social responsibility and safeguarding the ecology. This study, therefore, aimed at examining how Public-Private Partnership (PPP) in sustainable tourism development helps eradicate poverty in tourism host communities. A qualitative design was employed by using a semi-structured interview to collect primary data from experts from diverse backgrounds using both purposive and snowball sampling techniques. The findings were thematically analysed and discussed by focusing on general issues related to sustainable tourism and how PPP implementation in the tourism sector has impacted on the economic, social and environmental conditions of the tourism destination areas in Ghana. The findings indicate that the potential of PPP development for long-term economic infrastructural needs of tourism destination have not been sufficiently realized. We suggest that the sole involvement of the private sector and a poor commitment from government has led to a failure to create enough jobs to improve prosperity among the local people in these tourism host communities. Nonetheless, PPP development and implementation have improved the preservation of traditional values, cultural heritage and inter-cultural tolerance in the tourism destination areas. As a result, tourism host communities have seen a positive impact on intercultural interaction, business activities, entrepreneurial development and economic empowerment to eradicate poverty in the host communities. Commitment and the poor involvement of the tourism host communities can have long-term negative effects on poverty eradication in the locales.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify knowledge sharing practices used among parents with children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Design/methodology/approach The study was based on qualitative philosophical foundations, where phenomenological case study design was used to make an in-depth understanding of how parents whose children are diagnosed with ASD shared knowledge among themselves. The population for this research consists of parents whose children have been diagnosed with ASD in Ghana. The study sampled for the study was 12 parents and was selected from 4 autism awareness centres in Ghana to obtain data through the use of focus group discussion and analysed with the aid of thematic analysis. Findings The study showed that the dimensions of knowledge sharing practices used by parents with autistic children were after-action review/lesson learnt, brainstorming, mentoring, coaching system, discussion forum, face-to-face meeting, documentation, peer assistance and storytelling. Finally, the study also revealed that knowledge sharing practices used by parents with autistic children help them in their daily engagement. Social implications An aspect of the training of social workers should focus on how to assist parents, family and neighbours of children with ASD. The government through the needed ministries and agencies should create a social support system to assist parents and families with children with ASD. Counsellors should avail their services to parents with children with ASD as early as possible to avoid or ameliorate some of the emotional and psychological challenges of these parents. Originality/value The paper offers a comprehensive overview on how knowledge sharing transforms the individual to learn and accept autistic condition in Ghana.

This research note aims to draw attention to a little-studied aspect in the history of archaeology: the relationship between university training and international students. The article provides a brief background to the social and political context of international student recruitment in the UK (principally, but not exclusively, from the Commonwealth) before turning to the status of museum training courses in the Institute in the 1950s, which, it is argued, was a key concern for students coming from abroad. Six of these students are then briefly introduced: Richard Nunoo (Ghana), Justus Dojuma Akeredólu (Nigeria), Mom Chao Subhadradis Diskul (Thailand), Syed Ashfaq Naqvi (Pakistan), Braj Basi Lal (India) and Bijan Bihari Lal (India).

Identification of potential individuals for leadership roles is a critical aspect of a succession management programme, as other aspects of the programme depend on an effective identification. This study evaluates how the University of Cape Coast (UCC) in Ghana identifies potential non-academic senior members for directorship roles. We collected qualitative data through in-depth interviewing of nine directors at the university. We analysed the data using constant comparison analysis by developing three themes, under each of which we presented similar categories of data. We found that the criteria for identification of potential directors include seniority; both internal and external sources; and familiarity with the culture, the legal framework, and the higher educational system. We conclude that UCC does not operate a structured, formal succession management but fills leadership vacancies through the traditional recruitment and selection method, an all-inclusive approach which we argue is not suitable for identifying and developing potential individuals for leadership positions.

The nation-building literature of the early 1960s argued that decolonized countries need to overcome pre-colonial ethnic identities and generate national cultures. Africa is the most critical test case of this aspect of modernization theory as it has by far the largest ethnolinguistic fractionalization. We use data from the Afrobarometer to compare the cultures of 85 ethnolinguistic groups, each represented by at least 100 respondents, from 25 African countries. We compared these groups and their nations on items that address cultural modernization and emancipation: ideologies concerning inclusive-exclusive society (gender egalitarianism, homophobia, and xenophobia), submissiveness to authority, and the societal role of religion. Previous research has shown that these are some of the most important markers of cultural differences in the modern world. Hierarchical cluster analysis yielded very homogeneous national clusters and not a single ethnolinguistic cluster cutting across national borders (such as Yoruba of Benin and Yoruba of Nigeria, Ewe of Ghana, and Ewe of Togo, etc.). Only three ethnolinguistic groups (3.5%) remained unattached to their national cluster, regardless of the clustering method. The variation between nations ( F values) was often considerably greater than the variation between ethnolinguistic groups. Medial distances between the groups of each country correlated highly with GDP per person ( r = −.54), percentage men employed in agriculture ( r = .64), percentage men employed in services ( r = −.63), and phone subscriptions per person ( r = −.61). In conclusion, economic development and modernization diminish cultural differences between ethnolinguistic groups within nations, highlighting those between them.

This essay focuses on sensory aspects of care in situations surrounding defecation in hospitals and other care institutions. Sensory activity does not merely encompass pleasant experiences that enhance healing and well-being. Anthropologists—and other disciplines as well—have paid little attention to unpleasant and disgusting experiences that our senses meet and that may rather increase pain and suffering in the context of care. Our essay therefore reflects on a common but highly uncomfortable aspect of being a—sometimes bedridden—patient: defecation. The sensory effects of human defecation are well known. They affect at least four of the five traditional senses. But equally repulsive are the social and emotional effects that defecation in a hospital context has on both patients and professional and other care providers. The essay is based on anthropological observations and the authors’ personal experiences in Bangladesh, Ghana and the Netherlands and covers a wide variety of cultural and politicoeconomic conditions. It further draws on (scarce) scientific publications as well as on fictional sources. Extensive quotations from these various sources are presented to convey the lived sensorial experience of disgust and overcoming disgust more directly to the reader.

Participatory methods gain increasing popularity in the area of sustainable development and environmental change. The reason is not only to get information from experts or key actors in the area, but also the aspect of participation and education. In this article, we focus on analyzing the experience of using the participative deliberative method of World Café in various cultural environments and various topics of global environmental change. Complex problems in the area of global environmental change, represented here by the adaptation to climate change, the assessment of ecosystem services, and climate smart agriculture, require the involvement of diverse actors in the decision-making process. The resulting knowledge, gained through the application of scientific inputs and their confrontation with the experience and values of the individual actors, provide the basis for adaptive decision-making and contribute to solving environmental problems. Participatory methods also enable the social learning of the actors involved, support knowledge co-production through sharing and exchange of experience, which ultimately promotes the more effective implementation of scientific knowledge into practice. On examples from the Czech Republic, Kyrgyzstan and Ghana, we illustrate the possibilities of participatory methods to support policy and decision-making in the area of global environmental change.

L’anthropologie médicale est un sous-champ de l’anthropologie socioculturelle qui s’intéresse à la pluralité des systèmes médicaux ainsi qu’à l’étude des facteurs économiques, politiques et socioculturels ayant un impact sur la santé des individus et des populations. Plus spécifiquement, elle s’intéresse aux relations sociales, aux expériences vécues, aux pratiques impliquées dans la gestion et le traitement des maladies par rapport aux normes culturelles et aux institutions sociales. Plusieurs généalogies de l’anthropologie médicale peuvent être retracées. Toutefois, les monographies de W.H.R. Rivers et d’Edward Evans-Pritchard (1937), dans lesquelles les représentations, les connaissances et les pratiques en lien avec la santé et la maladie étaient considérées comme faisant intégralement partie des systèmes socioculturels, sont généralement considérées comme des travaux fondateurs de l’anthropologie médicale. Les années 1950 ont marqué la professionnalisation de l’anthropologie médicale. Des financements publics ont été alloués à la discipline pour contribuer aux objectifs de santé publique et d’amélioration de la santé dans les communautés économiquement pauvres (Good 1994). Dans les décennies qui suivent, les bases de l’anthropologie médicale sont posées avec l’apparition de nombreuses revues professionnelles (Social Science & Medicine, Medical Anthropology, Medical Anthropology Quarterly), de manuels spécialisés (e.g. MacElroy et Townsend 1979) et la formation du sous-groupe de la Society for Medical Anthropology au sein de l’American Anthropological Association (AAA) en 1971, qui sont encore des points de références centraux pour le champ. À cette époque, sous l’influence des théories des normes et du pouvoir proposées par Michel Foucault et Pierre Bourdieu, la biomédecine est vue comme un système structurel de rapports de pouvoir et devient ainsi un objet d’étude devant être traité symétriquement aux autres systèmes médicaux (Gaines 1992). L’attention portée aux théories du biopouvoir et de la gouvernementalité a permis à l’anthropologie médicale de formuler une critique de l’hégémonie du regard médical qui réduit la santé à ses dimensions biologiques et physiologiques (Saillant et Genest 2007 : xxii). Ces considérations ont permis d’enrichir, de redonner une visibilité et de l’influence aux études des rationalités des systèmes médicaux entrepris par Evans-Pritchard, et ainsi permettre la prise en compte des possibilités qu’ont les individus de naviguer entre différents systèmes médicaux (Leslie 1980; Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 62). L’aspect réducteur du discours biomédical avait déjà été soulevé dans les modèles explicatifs de la maladie développés par Arthur Kleinman, Leon Eisenberg et Byron Good (1978) qui ont introduit une distinction importante entre « disease » (éléments médicalement observables de la maladie), « illness » (expériences vécues de la maladie) et « sickness » (aspects sociaux holistes entourant la maladie). Cette distinction entre disease, illness et sickness a joué un rôle clé dans le développement rapide des perspectives analytiques de l’anthropologie médicale de l’époque, mais certaines critiques ont également été formulées à son égard. En premier lieu, Allan Young (1981) formule une critique des modèles explicatifs de la maladie en réfutant l'idée que la rationalité soit un model auquel les individus adhèrent spontanément. Selon Young, ce modèle suggère qu’il y aurait un équivalant de structures cognitives qui guiderait le développement des modèles de causalité et des systèmes de classification adoptées par les personnes. Au contraire, il propose que les connaissances soient basées sur des actions, des relations sociales, des ressources matérielles, avec plusieurs sources influençant le raisonnement des individus qui peuvent, de plusieurs manières, diverger de ce qui est généralement entendu comme « rationnel ». Ces critiques, ainsi que les études centrées sur l’expérience des patients et des pluralismes médicaux, ont permis de constater que les stratégies adoptées pour obtenir des soins sont multiples, font appel à plusieurs types de pratiques, et que les raisons de ces choix doivent être compris à la lumière des contextes historiques, locaux et matériaux (Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 63). Deuxièmement, les approches de Kleinman, Eisenberger et Good ont été critiquées pour leur séparation artificielle du corps et de l’esprit qui représentait un postulat fondamental dans les études de la rationalité. Les anthropologues Nancy Scheper-Hughes et Margeret Lock (1987) ont proposé que le corps doit plutôt être abordé selon trois niveaux analytiques distincts, soit le corps politique, social et individuel. Le corps politique est présenté comme étant un lieu où s’exerce la régulation, la surveillance et le contrôle de la différence humaine (Scheper-Hughes et Lock 1987 : 78). Cela a permis aux approches féministes d’aborder le corps comme étant un espace de pouvoir, en examinant comment les discours sur le genre rendent possible l’exercice d’un contrôle sur le corps des femmes (Manderson, Cartwright et Hardon 2016). Les premiers travaux dans cette perspective ont proposé des analyses socioculturelles de différents contextes entourant la reproduction pour contrecarrer le modèle dominant de prise en charge médicale de la santé reproductive des femmes (Martin 1987). Pour sa part, le corps social renvoie à l’idée selon laquelle le corps ne peut pas être abordé simplement comme une entité naturelle, mais qu’il doit être compris en le contextualisant historiquement et socialement (Lupton 2000 : 50). Finalement, considérer le corps individuel a permis de privilégier l’étude de l’expérience subjective de la maladie à travers ses variations autant au niveau individuel que culturel. Les études de l’expérience de la santé et la maladie axées sur l’étude des « phénomènes tels qu’ils apparaissent à la conscience des individus et des groupes d’individus » (Desjarlais et Throop 2011 : 88) se sont avérées pertinentes pour mieux saisir la multitude des expériences vécues des états altérés du corps (Hofmann et Svenaeus 2018). En somme, les propositions de ces auteurs s’inscrivent dans une anthropologie médicale critique qui s’efforce d’étudier les inégalités socio-économiques (Scheper-Hughes 1992), l’accès aux institutions et aux savoirs qu’elles produisent, ainsi qu’à la répartition des ressources matérielles à une échelle mondiale (Manderson, Cartwright et Hardon 2016). Depuis ses débuts, l’anthropologie médicale a abordé la santé globale et épidémiologique dans le but de faciliter les interventions sur les populations désignées comme « à risque ». Certains anthropologues ont développé une perspective appliquée en épidémiologie sociale pour contribuer à l’identification de déterminants sociaux de la santé (Kawachi et Subramanian 2018). Plusieurs de ces travaux ont été critiqués pour la culturalisation des pathologies touchant certaines populations désignées comme étant à risque à partir de critères basés sur la stigmatisation et la marginalisation de ces populations (Trostle et Sommerfeld 1996 : 261). Au-delà des débats dans ce champ de recherche, ces études ont contribué à la compréhension des dynamiques de santé et de maladie autant à l’échelle globale, dans la gestion des pandémies par l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé (OMS), qu’aux échelles locales avec la mise en place de campagnes de santé publique pour faciliter l’implantation de mesures sanitaires, telles que la vaccination (Dubé, Vivion et Macdonald 2015). L’anthropologie a contribué à ces discussions en se penchant sur les contextes locaux des zoonoses qui sont des maladies transmissibles des animaux vertébrés aux humains (Porter 2013), sur la résistance aux antibiotiques (Landecker 2016), comme dans le cas de la rage et de l’influenza (Wolf 2012), sur les dispositifs de prévention mis en place à une échelle mondiale pour éviter l’apparition et la prolifération d’épidémies (Lakoff 2010), mais aussi sur les styles de raisonnement qui sous-tendent la gestion des pandémies (Caduff 2014). Par ailleurs, certains auteur.e.s ont utilisé le concept de violence structurelle pour analyser les inégalités socio-économiques dans le contexte des pandémies de maladies infectieuses comme le sida, la tuberculose ou, plus récemment, l’Ébola (Fassin 2015). Au-delà de cet aspect socio-économique, Aditya Bharadwaj (2013) parle d’une inégalité épistémique pour caractériser des rapports inégaux dans la production et la circulation globale des savoirs et des individus dans le domaine de la santé. Il décrit certaines situations comme des « biologies subalternes », c’est à dire des états de santé qui ne sont pas reconnus par le système biomédical hégémonique et qui sont donc invisibles et vulnérables. Ces « biologies subalternes » sont le revers de citoyennetés biologiques, ces dernières étant des citoyennetés qui donnes accès à une forme de sécurité sociale basée sur des critères médicaux, scientifiques et légaux qui reconnaissent les dommages biologiques et cherche à les indemniser (Petryna 2002 : 6). La citoyenneté biologique étant une forme d’organisation qui gravite autour de conditions de santé et d’enjeux liés à des maladies génétiques rares ou orphelines (Heath, Rapp et Taussig 2008), ces revendications mobilisent des acteurs incluant les institutions médicales, l’État, les experts ou encore les pharmaceutiques. Ces études partagent une attention à la circulation globale des savoirs, des pratiques et des soins dans la translation — ou la résistance à la translation — d’un contexte à un autre, dans lesquels les patients sont souvent positionnés entre des facteurs sociaux, économiques et politiques complexes et parfois conflictuels. L’industrie pharmaceutique et le développement des technologies biomédicales se sont présentés comme terrain important et propice pour l’analyse anthropologique des dynamiques sociales et économiques entourant la production des appareils, des méthodes thérapeutiques et des produits biologiques de la biomédecine depuis les années 1980 (Greenhalgh 1987). La perspective biographique des pharmaceutiques (Whyte, Geest et Hardon 2002) a consolidé les intérêts et les approches dans les premières études sur les produits pharmaceutiques. Ces recherches ont proposé de suivre la trajectoire sociale des médicaments pour étudier les contextes d’échanges et les déplacements dans la nature symbolique qu’ont les médicaments pour les consommateurs : « En tant que choses, les médicaments peuvent être échangés entre les acteurs sociaux, ils objectivent les significations, ils se déplacent d’un cadre de signification à un autre. Ce sont des marchandises dotées d’une importance économique et de ressources recelant une valeur politique » (traduit de Whyte, Geest et Hardon 2002). D’autres ont davantage tourné leur regard vers les rapports institutionnels, les impacts et le fonctionnement de « Big Pharma ». Ils se sont intéressés aux processus de recherche et de distribution employés par les grandes pharmaceutiques à travers les études de marché et les pratiques de vente (Oldani 2014), l’accès aux médicaments (Ecks 2008), la consommation des produits pharmaceutiques (Dumit 2012) et la production de sujets d’essais cliniques globalisés (Petryna, Lakoff et Kleinman 2006), ainsi qu’aux enjeux entourant les réglementations des brevets et du respect des droits politiques et sociaux (Ecks 2008). L’accent est mis ici sur le pouvoir des produits pharmaceutiques de modifier et de changer les subjectivités contemporaines, les relations familiales (Collin 2016), de même que la compréhensions du genre et de la notion de bien-être (Sanabria 2014). Les nouvelles technologies biomédicales — entre autres génétiques — ont permis de repenser la notion de normes du corps en santé, d'en redéfinir les frontières et d’intervenir sur le corps de manière « incorporée » (embodied) (Haraway 1991). Les avancées technologiques en génomique qui se sont développées au cours des trois dernières décennies ont soulevé des enjeux tels que la généticisation, la désignation de populations/personnes « à risque », l’identification de biomarqueurs actionnables et de l’identité génétique (TallBear 2013 ; Lloyd et Raikhel 2018). Au départ, le modèle dominant en génétique cherchait à identifier les gènes spécifiques déterminant chacun des traits biologiques des organismes (Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 332). Cependant, face au constat que la plupart des gènes ne codaient par les protéines responsables de l’expression phénotypique, les modèles génétiques se sont depuis complexifiés. L’attention s’est tournée vers l’analyse de la régulation des gènes et de l’interaction entre gènes et maladies en termes de probabilités (Saukko 2017). Cela a permis l’émergence de la médecine personnalisée, dont les interventions se basent sur l’identification de biomarqueurs personnels (génétiques, sanguins, etc.) avec l’objectif de prévenir l’avènement de pathologies ou ralentir la progression de maladies chroniques (Billaud et Guchet 2015). Les anthropologues de la médecine ont investi ces enjeux en soulevant les conséquences de cette forme de médecine, comme la responsabilisation croissante des individus face à leur santé (Saukko 2017), l’utilisation de ces données dans l’accès aux assurances (Hoyweghen 2006), le déterminisme génétique (Landecker 2011) ou encore l’affaiblissement entre les frontières de la bonne santé et de la maladie (Timmermans et Buchbinder 2010). Ces enjeux ont été étudiés sous un angle féministe avec un intérêt particulier pour les effets du dépistage prénatal sur la responsabilité parentale (Rapp 1999), l’expérience de la grossesse (Rezende 2011) et les gestions de l’infertilité (Inhorn et Van Balen 2002). Les changements dans la compréhension du modèle génomique invitent à prendre en considération plusieurs variables en interaction, impliquant l’environnement proche ou lointain, qui interagissent avec l’expression du génome (Keller 2014). Dans ce contexte, l’anthropologie médicale a développé un intérêt envers de nouveaux champs d’études tels que l’épigénétique (Landecker 2011), la neuroscience (Choudhury et Slaby 2016), le microbiome (Benezra, DeStefano et Gordon 2012) et les données massives (Leonelli 2016). Dans le cas du champ de l’épigénétique, qui consiste à comprendre le rôle de l’environnement social, économique et politique comme un facteur pouvant modifier l’expression des gènes et mener au développement de certaines maladies, les anthropologues se sont intéressés aux manières dont les violences structurelles ancrées historiquement se matérialisent dans les corps et ont des impacts sur les disparités de santé entre les populations (Pickersgill, Niewöhner, Müller, Martin et Cunningham-Burley 2013). Ainsi, la notion du traumatisme historique (Kirmayer, Gone et Moses 2014) a permis d’examiner comment des événements historiques, tels que l’expérience des pensionnats autochtones, ont eu des effets psychosociaux collectifs, cumulatifs et intergénérationnels qui se sont maintenus jusqu’à aujourd’hui. L’étude de ces articulations entre conditions biologiques et sociales dans l’ère « post-génomique » prolonge les travaux sur le concept de biosocialité, qui est défini comme « [...] un réseau en circulation de termes d'identié et de points de restriction autour et à travers desquels un véritable nouveau type d'autoproduction va émerger » (Traduit de Rabinow 1996:186). La catégorie du « biologique » se voit alors problématisée à travers l’historicisation de la « nature », une nature non plus conçue comme une entité immuable, mais comme une entité en état de transformation perpétuelle imbriquée dans des processus humains et/ou non-humains (Ingold et Pálsson 2013). Ce raisonnement a également été appliqué à l’examen des catégories médicales, conçues comme étant abstraites, fixes et standardisées. Néanmoins, ces catégories permettent d'identifier différents états de la santé et de la maladie, qui doivent être compris à la lumière des contextes historiques et individuels (Lock et Nguyen 2010). Ainsi, la prise en compte simultanée du biologique et du social mène à une synthèse qui, selon Peter Guarnaccia, implique une « compréhension du corps comme étant à la fois un système biologique et le produit de processus sociaux et culturels, c’est-à-dire, en acceptant que le corps soit en même temps totalement biologique et totalement culturel » (traduit de Guarnaccia 2001 : 424). Le concept de « biologies locales » a d’abord été proposé par Margaret Lock, dans son analyse des variations de la ménopause au Japon (Lock 1993), pour rendre compte de ces articulations entre le matériel et le social dans des contextes particuliers. Plus récemment, Niewöhner et Lock (2018) ont proposé le concept de biologies situées pour davantage contextualiser les conditions d’interaction entre les biologies locales et la production de savoirs et de discours sur celles-ci. Tout au long de l’histoire de la discipline, les anthropologues s’intéressant à la médecine et aux approches de la santé ont profité des avantages de s’inscrire dans l’interdisciplinarité : « En anthropologie médical, nous trouvons qu'écrire pour des audiences interdisciplinaires sert un objectif important : élaborer une analyse minutieuse de la culture et de la santé (Dressler 2012; Singer, Dressler, George et Panel 2016), s'engager sérieusement avec la diversité globale (Manderson, Catwright et Hardon 2016), et mener les combats nécessaires contre le raccourcies des explications culturelles qui sont souvent déployées dans la littérature sur la santé (Viruell-Fuentes, Miranda et Abdulrahim 2012) » (traduit de Panter-Brick et Eggerman 2018 : 236). L’anthropologie médicale s’est constituée à la fois comme un sous champ de l’anthropologie socioculturelle et comme un champ interdisciplinaire dont les thèmes de recherche sont grandement variés, et excèdent les exemples qui ont été exposés dans cette courte présentation.

IntroductionThis paper explores the different meanings that individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds associate with being authentic. It builds on previous research (Menendez 11) that found quantitative differences in terms of the meanings individuals from Eastern and Western backgrounds tend to associate with being authentic. Using qualitative analysis, it describes in more detail how individuals from these two backgrounds construct their different meanings of authenticity.Authenticity has become an overriding moral principle in contemporary Western societies and has only recently started to be contested (Feldman). From cultural products to individuals’ discourses, authenticity pervades Western culture (Lindholm; Potter; Vannini and Williams). On an individual level, the ideal of authenticity is reflected in the maxim “be true to yourself.” The social value of authenticity has a relatively recent history in the Western world of approximately 200 years (Trilling). It started to develop alongside the notion of individuality during modernity (Taylor, Sources; Trilling). The Romantic movement consolidated its cultural influence (Taylor, Sources). In the 1960s, the Hippy movement revived authenticity as a countercultural discourse, although it has progressively become mainstream through consumer culture and therapeutic discourses (Binkley).Most of the studies in the literature on authenticity as a cultural phenomenon are theoretical, conducted from a philosophical perspective (Ferrara; Guignon; Taylor, Ethics), but few of them are empirical, mostly from sociology (Erickson; Franzese, Thine; Turner, Quest; Vannini, Authenticity). Part of this dearth of empirical research on authenticity is due to the difficulties that researchers encounter in attempting to define what it means to be authentic (Franzese, Authenticity 87). Sociologists study the phenomenological experience of being true to oneself, but are less attentive to the metaphysical notion of being a “true self” (Vannini, Dead 236–37). Trying to preserve this open approach, without judging individuals on how “authentic” they are, is what makes defining authenticity difficult. For this reason, sociologists have defined being authentic in a broad sense as “an individual’s subjective sense that their behaviour, appearance, self, reflects their sense of core being. One’s sense of core being is composed of their values, beliefs, feelings, identities, self-meanings, etc.” (Franzese, Authenticity 87); this is the definition of authenticity that I use here. Besides being scarce, the sociological empirical studies on authenticity have been conducted with individuals from Western backgrounds and, thus, have privileged authenticity as a Western cultural construct. This paper tries to contribute to this field of research by: (1) contributing more empirical investigation and (2) providing cross-cultural comparison between individuals from Eastern and Western backgrounds.The literature on cross-cultural values associates Eastern societies with collective (Hofstede, Hofstede and Mirkov 95–97; 112–17) and material or survival (Inglehart and Welzel 51–57; 61–65) values, while Western societies tend to be linked to the opposite kind of values: individual, post-material or self-expression (WVS). For example, societies that score high in survival values are likely to be African (e.g., Zimbabwe) Middle Eastern (e.g., Morocco and Jordan) or Asian (e.g., Bangladesh) countries, while societies that score high in self-expression values tend to be European (e.g., Sweden) or English speaking (e.g., Australia) countries. Nevertheless, there are some exceptions, the case of Japan, for example, which tends to score high in self-expression values despite being an “Eastern” society (WVS). These differences also tend to be reflected among Eastern minorities living in Western countries (Chua and Rubenfeld). Collective values emphasise harmony in relations and prioritise the needs of the group over the individual; on the other hand, individual values emphasise self-expression. Material or survival values accentuate the satisfaction of “basic” needs, in Abraham Maslow’s terms (21), such as physiological or security needs, and imply practising thrift and delaying immediate gratification; by contrast, post-material or self-expression values stress the satisfaction of “higher” needs, such as freedom of speech, equality, or aesthetic needs.The sociologist Ralph Turner (Real) created a theoretical framework to organize individuals’ discourses around authenticity: the “impulsive” and “institutional” categories. One of Turner’s assumptions is particularly important in understanding the differences between these two categories: individuals tend to consider the self as an objective entity that, despite only existing in their minds, feels “real” to them. This can have consequences for the meanings they ascribe to certain internal subjective states, such as cognitions or emotions, which can be interpreted as indicators of their authentic selves (990–91).The institutional and impulsive categories are two different ways of understanding authenticity that present several differences (991–95). Two among them are most relevant to understand the differences that I discuss in this paper. The first one has to do with the individual’s locus of the self, whether the self is conceptualized as located “outside” or “inside” the individual. Impulsive interpretations of authenticity have an internal sense of authenticity as “being,” while institutional conceptualizations have an external sense of authenticity as “becoming.” For “impulsives,” the authentic self is something that must be searched for. Impulsives look within to discover their “true self,” which is often in opposition to society’s roles and its expectations of the individual. On the other hand, for “institutionals” authentic is achieved through external effort (Turner, Quest 155); it is something that individuals achieve through regular practice, often aligned with society’s roles and their expectations of the individual (Turner, Real 992).The second difference has to do with the management of emotions. For an institutional understanding of authenticity, individuals are true to their own authentic selves when they are in full control of their capacities and emotions. By contrast, from an impulsive point of view, individuals are true to themselves when they are spontaneous, accepting and freely expressing their emotions, often by breaking the internal or external controls that society imposes on them (Turner, Real 993).Although individuals can experience both types of authenticity, previous research on this topic (Menendez) has shown that institutional experiences tend to happen more frequently among Easterners, and impulsive experiences tend to occur more frequently among Westerners. In this paper, I show how Easterners and Westerners construct institutional and impulsive meanings of authenticity respectively; what kind of authenticity work individuals from these two backgrounds do when they conceptualize their authentic selves; how they interpret internal subjective states as expressions of who they are; and what stories they tell themselves about who they are.I suggest that these stories, although they may look purely individual, can also be social. Individuals from Western backgrounds tend to interpret impulsive experiences of authenticity as expressing their authentic selves, as they are informed by the individual and post-material values of Western societies. In contrast, individuals from Eastern backgrounds tend to interpret institutional experiences of authenticity as expressing their authentic selves, as they have been socialized in the more collective and material values of Eastern societies.Finally, and before I proceed to the analysis, I would like to acknowledge a limitation of this study. The dichotomies that I use to explain my argument, such as the Western and Eastern or the impulsive and institutional categories, can constitute a limitation for this paper because they cannot reflect nuances. They can be easily contested. For example, the division between Eastern and Western societies is often seen as ideological and Turner’s distinction between institutional and impulsive experiences of authenticity can create artificial separations between the notions of self and society or reason and passion (Solomon 173). However, these concepts have not been used for ideological or simplifying purposes, but to help explain distinguishable cultural orientations towards authenticity in the data.MethodologyI completed 20 interviews (from 50 minutes to 2 hours in length) with 20 students at La Trobe University (Australia), between September 2012 and April 2013. The 20 interviewees (9 females and 11 males), ranged from 18 to 58 years old (the median age was 24 years old). The sample was theoretically designed to cover as many diverse cultural backgrounds as possible. I asked the interviewees questions about: moments they had experienced that felt either authentic and inauthentic, what constitutes a life worth-living, and the impact their cultural backgrounds might have had on their conceptions of their true selves.The 20 interviewees were born in 13 different countries. According to the extensive dataset on cultural values, the World Values Survey (WVS), these 13 countries have different percentages of post-materialists—individuals who choose post-material instead of material values (Inglehart and Welzel 54–56). Table 1 shows the percentages of post-materialists in each of the interviewees’ countries of birth. Table 1: Percentages of post-materialists in the interviewees’ countries of birth Country % of post-materialists WVS Wave United Kingdom 22.8 2005 – 2009 Australia 20.5 2010 – 2014 United States 16.7 2010 – 2014 Israel 11.6 2000 – 2004 Finland 11.3 2005 – 2009 Greece (Turkey) 10.7 2010 – 2014 South Africa 7.7 2005 – 2009 Malaysia 5.6 2010 – 2014 Ghana 4.2 2010 – 2014 India 4 2005 – 2009 China 2.5 2010 – 2014 Egypt 1.1 2010 – 2014 Note: These data are based on the 4-item post-materialism index question (Y002) of World Values Survey (WVS). I use three different waves of data (2000–2004, 2005–2009, and 2010–2014). Greece did not have any data in World Values Survey, so its data have been estimated considering the results from Turkey, which is the most similar country in geographical and cultural terms that had data available.In my model, I consider “Western” societies as those that have more than 10% post-materialists, while “Eastern” societies have less than 10% post-materialists. As shown in Table 1 and mentioned earlier, Western countries (English speaking or European) tend to have higher percentages of post-materialists than Eastern societies (African, Asian and Middle Eastern).Thus, as Table 2 shows, the interviewees who were born in a Western society are ascribed to one group, while individuals born in an Eastern society are ascribed to another group. Although many overseas-born interviewees have lived in Australia for periods that range from 6 months to 10 years, they were ascribed to the “East” and “West” groups solely based on their country of birth. Even though these individuals may have had experiences of socialization in Australia, I assume that they have been primarily socialized in the values of their ethnic backgrounds and the countries where they were born, via their parents’ educational values or through direct experience, during the time that they lived in their countries of birth. According to my definition of authenticity, individuals’ values inform their understanding of authenticity, therefore, the values from their ethnic backgrounds can also influence their understanding of authenticity.In the first phase of the analysis, I used Grounded Theory (Charmaz), with categories directly emerging from the data, to analyse my interviewees’ stories. In the second stage, I reviewed these categories in combination with Turner’s categories of impulsive and institutional, applying them to classify the stories.Table 2: Distribution of participants between “East” and “West” West (n=11) East (n=9) Australia (n=5) China (n=2) United Kingdom (n=2) India (n=2) United States (n=1) South Korea (n=1) Greece (n=1) South Africa (n=1) Finland (n=1) Egypt (n=1) Israel (n=1) Ghana (n=1) Malaysia (n=1) ResultsAlthough I interviewed 20 participants, due to space-constraints, I illustrate my argument with only 4 interview extracts from 4 of the interviewees: 2 interviewees from Western backgrounds and 2 from Eastern backgrounds. However, these stories are representative of the trends found for the whole sample. I show how Easterners and Westerners construct their authentic selves in institutional and impulsive senses respectively through the two key characteristics that I presented in the introduction: locus of the self and management of emotions.In the first instance, Rachel (from Australia, 24 years old), a Western respondent, shows an impulsive locus of the self as “being.” Authenticity is discovered through self-acceptance of an uncomfortable emotion, like a “bad mood:”I think the times when I want to say, ‘oh, I wasn’t myself’, I usually was. My bad moods are more ‘me’. My bad moods are almost always the ‘real me’. [So you consider that your authentic self is something that is there, inside you, that you have to discover, or it is something outside yourself, that you can achieve?] I think it is something that you have to discover for yourself. I think it is different for everyone. [But would you say that it is something that is there already or it is something that you become?] No, I think it is something that is there already.On the other hand, Rani (from China, 24 years old), an Eastern respondent, interprets authenticity as “becoming;” authenticity does not pre-exist—as in the case of Rachel—but is something “external” to her idea of self. Rani becomes herself by convincing herself that she conforms to society’s ideals of physical beauty. Unlike the process of self-acceptance that Rachel described, Rani develops authentic selfhood by “lying” to herself or, as she says, “through some lies”:I have heard this sentence, like ‘you have to be yourself to others’, but I think it is really hard to do this. I think people still need some ‘acting’ things in their life. You need to act, not to say to act as another person, but sometimes like let’s say to be polite or make other people like you, you need acting. And sometimes if you are doing the ‘acting things’ a lot, you are going to believe this is true (she laughs). [Like others will believe that you are something that you are not?] I think at the beginning, maybe that’s not, but… because some people wake up every morning and say to the mirror, ‘you are very beautiful, you are the most beautiful girl in the world’, then, you will be happy and you will actually become beautiful. I think it is not like lie to yourself, but it is just being confident. Maybe at the beginning you are not going to believe that you are beautiful… like, what is this sentence? ‘Being true to yourself’, but actually doing this everyday, then that’s true, you will become, you will be confident. [So that means you can be yourself also through…] Through some lies. [So you don’t think that there is something inside you that you have to kind of discover?] No.Eastern and Western respondents also tend to interpret emotions differently. Westerners are more likely to interpret them in more impulsive terms than Easterners, who interpret them in a more institutional light. As we can see in the following extract, Sean, a Western respondent (born in Australia, but raised in England, 41 years old), feels inauthentic because he could not express his dislike of a co-worker he did not get along with:In a six months job I had before I came to Australia, I was an occupational therapist in a community. There was a girl in the administration department who was so rude. I wanted to say: ‘look darling you are so rude. It is really unpleasant talking to you. Can you just be nice? It would be just so much better and you will get more done and you will get more from me’. That’s what I should have said, but I didn’t say it. I didn’t, why? Maybe it is that sort of culture of not saying things or maybe it is me not being assertive enough. I don’t think I was being myself. Because my real self wanted to say: ‘look darling, you are not helping matters by being a complete bitch’. But I didn’t say that. I wasn’t assertive enough.In a similar type of incident, Ben, an Eastern respondent (from Ghana, 32 years old), describes an outburst he had with a co-worker who was annoying him. Unlike Sean, Ben expressed his anger to the co-worker, but he does not consider this to be a manifestation of his authentic self. For Ben, to act authentically one must control their emotions and try help others:I don’t know if that is myself or if that is not myself, but sometimes I get angry, I get upset, and I am the open type. I am the type that I can’t keep something in me, so sometimes when you make me annoyed, I just response. There is this time about this woman, in a class, that I was in Ghana. She was an older woman, a respected woman, she kept annoying me and there was one day that I couldn’t take it any longer, so I just burst up and I just… I don’t know what I said, I just… said a lot of bad things to her. The woman, she was shocked. I also felt shocked because I thought I could control myself, so that’s me… I don’t want to hide my feelings, I just want to come out with what I think when you make me annoyed, but those times, when I come out, I don’t like them, because I think it contradicts who I really am, someone who is supposed to help or care. I don’t like that aspect. You know somebody could be bossy, so he or she enjoys shouting everybody. I don’t enjoy that, but sometimes it is something that I cannot even control. Someone pushes me to the limit, and I just can’t keep that anger, and it comes out. I won’t say that is ‘me,’ I wouldn’t say that that is me. I don’t think that is a ‘true me’. [Why?] Because the true me would enjoy that experience the way I enjoy helping people instead.Unlike the two accounts from Rachel and Rani, these two last passages from Sean and Ben describe experiences of inauthenticity, where the authentic self cannot be expressed. What is important in these two passages is not their behaviour, but how they attribute their own emotions to their sense of authentic selfhood. Sean identifies his authentic self with the “impulsive” self who expresses his emotions, while Ben identifies his authentic self with the “institutional” self who is in control of his emotions. Sean feels inauthentic because he could not express his angry feelings to the co-worker, whereas Ben feels inauthentic because he could not control his outburst. Ben still hesitates about which side of himself can be attributed to his authentic self, for example, he says that he is “the open type” or that he does not want to “hide [his] feelings”, but he eventually identifies his authentic self with his institutional self.The choices that Sean and Ben make about the emotions that they attribute to their authentic selves could be motivated by their respective ethnic backgrounds. Like Rachel, Sean identifies his authentic self with a socially unacceptable emotion: anger. Consistent with his Western background, Sean’s sense of authenticity emphasizes the needs of the individual over the group and sees suppression of emotions as repressive. On the other hand, Ben reasons that since he does not enjoy being angry as much as he enjoys helping others, expressing anger is not a manifestation of authenticity. His authentic self is linked to his institutional self. Ben’s values are infused with altruism, which reflects the collective values that tend to be associated with his Eastern background. For him, suppression of emotions might not mean repression, but can foster authenticity instead.DiscussionBoth ways of interpreting authenticity, impulsive and institutional, look for self-consistency and the need to tell a coherent story to ourselves about who we are. The results section of this paper showed how Easterners and Westerners conceptualize authenticity. Easterners understand authenticity differently to Western discourses of the authentic. These alternative understandings offer viable solutions to the self-consistency problem. They present external, rather than internal, ways of conceiving the authentic self, and regulative, rather than expressive, approaches to emotions. As I mentioned earlier, Eastern societies are associated with collective and material values, while Western ones are related to individual and post-material values. These divisions in terms of values are reflected in individuals’ self-constructs. Individuals in Western societies tend to have a more independent idea of the self, whereas individuals in Eastern societies are more likely to have an interdependent one (Kitayama). An interdependent idea of the self values connectedness and conceptualizes the self in relation to others, so it can generate an institutional approach to authenticity, where the idea of the authentic self is not something that individuals search for inside themselves, but something that individuals become through their participation in social roles. This was evident in the example of Rani, whose idea of being authentic as “becoming” seemed to be an extension of her more interdependent self-construct and the need to fit in society.A regulative approach to emotions has also been associated with Easterners (Cheung and Park), on the basis of their collective values and interdependent self-constructs. For individuals from a Western background, with a more independent sense of self, as in the case of Sean, suppressing emotions tends to be seen negatively as being inauthentic, a form of repression. However, for individuals with interdependent self-constructs, this can be not only less harmful (feeling less inauthentic), but can even be beneficial because they tend to prioritize the needs of others (Le and Impett). This is evident in the example of Ben, for whom suppressing aanger does not make him feel inauthentic because he identifies his authentic self with the self that is in control of his emotions and helps others. This understanding of authenticity is aligned with the collective values of his ethnic background.In sum, ideas of authenticity seem to vary culturally according to the repertoires and values systems that inform them. 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