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1

Obrist, Barbara. "Wind Diagrams and Medieval Cosmology." Speculum 72, no. 1 (January 1997): 33–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865863.

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2

Buonanno, Roberto, and Claudia Quercellini. "The equations of medieval cosmology☆." New Astronomy 14, no. 3 (April 2009): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.newast.2008.10.005.

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3

Hodges, Richard. "The cosmology of the early medieval emporia?" Archaeological Dialogues 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2004): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203804221213.

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This characteristically thoughtful essay by Frans Theuws illustrates how far our analysis of central places in the early Middle Ages has advanced. Like his study of Maastricht (2001), it reveals a close reading of the archaeological and historical sources. Indeed, as Michael McCormick's encyclopaedic volume (2001) on the origins of the medieval economy shows with stunning authority, as archaeologists we have taken huge strides since Philip Grierson quipped, ‘It has been said that the spade cannot lie, but it owes this merit in part to the fact that it cannot speak’ (1959, 129). Hence it comes as no surprise that Theuws is exploring the ‘relationship between forms of exchange and the imaginary world from which “value” is derived’ (p. 121).
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4

Henson, Chelsea S. "Sexuality, Sociality, and Cosmology in Medieval Literary Texts." Medieval Feminist Forum 49, no. 1 (October 18, 2013): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/1536-8742.1954.

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5

Rudavsky, T. M. "Philosophical Cosmology in Judaism." Early Science and Medicine 2, no. 2 (1997): 149–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338297x00104.

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AbstractIn this paper I shall examine the philosophical cosmology of medieval Jewish thinkers as developed against the backdrop of their views on time and creation. I shall concentrate upon the Neoplatonic and Aristotelian traditions, with a particular eye to the interweaving of astronomy, cosmology and temporality. This interweaving occurs in part because of the influence of Greek cosmological and astronomical texts upon Jewish philosophers. The tension between astronomy and cosmology is best seen in Maimonides' discussion of creation. Gersonides, on the other hand, is more willing to incorporate astronomical material into his cosmological thinking. By examining these motifs, we shall arrive at a greater understanding of the dimension of temporality within Jewish philosophy.
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6

Abdul, Malek. "Quō Vādis theoretical physics and cosmology? from Newton’s Metaphysics to Einstein’s Theology." Annals of Mathematics and Physics 6, no. 1 (June 2, 2023): 065–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17352/amp.000081.

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The crisis in modern theoretical physics and cosmology has its root in its use, along with theology as a ruling-class tool, since medieval Europe. The Copernican revolution overthrowing the geocentric cosmology of theology led to unprecedented social and scientific developments in history. But Isaac Newton’s mathematical idealism-based and on-sided theory of universal gravitational attraction, in essence, restored the idealist geocentric cosmology; undermining the Copernican revolution. Albert Einstein’s theories of relativity proposed since the turn of the 20th century reinforced Newtonian mathematical idealism in modern theoretical physics and cosmology, exacerbating the crisis and hampering further progress. Moreover, the recognition of the quantum world - a fundamentally unintuitive new realm of objective reality, which is in conflict with the prevailing causality-based epistemology, requires a rethink of the philosophical foundation of theoretical physics and cosmology in particular and of natural science in general.
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Carolina Sparavigna, Amelia. "The Ten Spheres of Al-Farabi: A Medieval Cosmology." International Journal of Sciences, no. 06 (2014): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18483/ijsci.517.

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8

Porath, Or. "The Cosmology of Male-Male Love in Medieval Japan." Journal of Religion in Japan 4, no. 2-3 (2015): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00402007.

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Scholars have investigated the Japanese tradition of male-male love that arose in the context of the secular and commercial culture of the early modern era. Less often noted is the role of male-male sexuality within a religious framework. This article sheds light on the unexplored religious dimension of medieval Japanese male-male sexuality through an analysis of Ijiri Matakurō Tadasuke’s Nyakudō no kanjinchō (1482) and its Muromachi variant. Both works glorify male-male sexual acts and endorse their proper practice. I suggest that Kanjinchō attempts to perpetuate power relations that maintain the superiority of adult monks over young acolytes. Kanjinchō achieves this through constructing its own cosmology, built on a Buddhist cosmogony, soteriology, a pantheon of divinities and ethical norms, which, in effect, endows homoeroticism with sacrality. My analysis of Kanjinchō provides a nuanced understanding of male-male sexuality in Japanese Buddhism and the ideological context in which the text is embedded.
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9

Yoshiko Reed, Annette. "Was there science in ancient Judaism? Historical and cross-cultural reflections on "religion" and "science"." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 461–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600303.

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This article considers the place of scientific inquiry in ancient Judaism with a focus on astronomy and cosmology. It explores how ancient Jews used biblical interpretation to situate "scientific" knowledge in relation to "religious" concerns. In the Second Temple period (538 B.C.E.-70 C.E.) biblical interpretation is often used to integrate insights from Mesopotamian and Greek scientific traditions. In classical rabbinic Judaism (70-600 C.E.) astronomy became marked as an esoteric discipline, and cosmology is understood in terms of Ma'aseh Bereshit, a category that blurs the boundaries between "science" and "religion." Whereas modern thinkers often see Judaism and "science" as incompatible, medieval Jewish thinkers built on these ancient traditions; some even viewed themselves as heirs to a Jewish intellectual tradition that included astronomy, cosmology, medicine and mathematics.
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10

Morrison, Robert G. "Cosmology and Cosmic Order in Islamic Astronomy." Early Science and Medicine 24, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 340–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00244p02.

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Abstract This article analyzes how the astronomy of Islamic societies in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries can be understood as cosmological. By studying the Arabic translations of the relevant Greek terms and then the definitions of the medieval Arabic dictionaries, the article finds that Arabic terms did not communicate order in the way implied by the Greek ho kósmos (ὁ κόσμος; the cosmos). Yet, astronomers of the period sometimes discussed cosmic order in addition to describing the cosmos. This article finds, too, that a new technical term, nafs al-amr (the fact of the matter) became part of later discussions of cosmic order.
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11

Goddu, A. "Mechanics and Cosmology in the Medieval and Early Modern Period." Annals of Science 66, no. 2 (April 2009): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790701664788.

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12

Malino, Jonathan W. "Time Matters: Time, Creation, and Cosmology in Medieval Jewish Philosophy." AJS Review 30, no. 2 (October 27, 2006): 462–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009406310203.

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13

Davenport, Anne. "Scotus as the Father of Modernity. The Natural Philosophy of the English Franciscan Christopher Davenport in 1652." Early Science and Medicine 12, no. 1 (2007): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338207x166399.

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AbstractThis article examines the philosophical teaching of a colorful Oxford alumnus and Roman Catholic convert, Christopher Davenport, also known as Franciscus à Sancta Clara or Francis Coventry. At the peak of Puritan power during the English Interregnum and after five of his Franciscan confrères had perished for their missionary work, our author tried boldly to claim modern cosmology and atomism as the unrecognized fruits of medieval Scotism. His hope was to revive English pride in the golden age of medieval Oxford and to defend English Franciscans as more legitimately patriotic and scientifically progressive than Puritan millenarians.
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14

Donahue, William. "Book Review: Mechanics in Early Modern Cosmology: Mechanics and Cosmology in the Medieval and Early Modern Period." Journal for the History of Astronomy 40, no. 4 (November 2009): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860904000408.

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15

Parker, Sarah Jeanne S. "Vernacular Cosmologies: Models of the Universe in Old English Literature." Early Science and Medicine 26, no. 1 (May 21, 2021): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02610002.

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Abstract This article describes a tradition of early medieval cosmological thought in the prose and poetry of the Old English corpus. This Old English cosmology uses a small set of cosmological building blocks and a relatively limited vocabulary to describe and explore a variety of structural models of the Universe. In these texts – which include but are not limited to the Old English Prose Boethius, Ælfric’s De temporibus Anni, the Old English Phoenix, and The Order of the World – each structural model relies on a combination of terms for heaven, the firmament, and a cosmic-scale ocean and seafloor. These models, each distinct, appear to fall into two loose categories which may represent two schools of thought in vernacular cosmology.
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16

PECKER, JEAN-CLAUDE. "The provocative razor of William of Occam." European Review 12, no. 2 (May 2004): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000183.

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A consideration of medieval astronomy and the views of the philosopher William of Occam leads to a consideration of the ambiguities in the application of the principle of Occam's razor as it applies to problems in science, including the constants applicable to Einstein's Theory of General Relativity and cosmology. The principle can both be used to eliminate unnecessary irrelevancies, but also to constrain the development of imaginative theories.
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17

Liu, Yi, and Casey Lee. "Medieval Daoist Concepts of the Middle Kingdom." Journal of Chinese Humanities 4, no. 2 (March 22, 2019): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340063.

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AbstractThe ancient Chinese people believed that they existed at the center of the world. With the arrival of Buddhism in China came a new cosmic worldview rooted in Indian culture that destabilized the Han [huaxia 華夏] people’s long-held notions of China as the Middle Kingdom [Zhongguo 中國] and had a profound influence on medieval Daoism. Under the influence of Buddhist cosmology, Daoists reformed their idea of Middle Kingdom, for a time relinquishing its signification of China as the center of the world. Daoists had to acknowledge the existence of multiple kingdoms outside China and non-Han peoples [manyi 蠻夷] who resided on the outskirts of the so-called Middle Kingdom as potential followers of Daoism. However, during the Tang dynasty, this capacious attitude ceased to be maintained or passed on. Instead, Tang Daoists returned to a notion of Middle Kingdom that reinstated the traditional divide between Han and non-Han peoples.
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18

Panzica, Aurora. "L’hypothèse de la cessation des mouvements célestes au xive siècle : Nicole Oresme, Jean Buridan et Albert de Saxe." Vivarium 56, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2018): 83–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341350.

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Abstract Aristotelian cosmology implies the plurality of celestial motion for the process of generation and corruption in the sublunar world. In order to investigate the structure of the cosmos and the degree of dependence of the sublunar on the supralunar region, medieval Latin commentators on Aristotle explored the consequences of the cessation of celestial motion. This paper analyses the position of some philosophers of the fourteenth-century Parisian school, namely Nicole Oresme, John Buridan and Albert of Saxony.
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19

Hutchison, Keith. "An Angel's View of Heaven: The Mystical Heliocentricity of Medieval Geocentric Cosmology." History of Science 50, no. 1 (March 2012): 33–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327531205000102.

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20

Abuali, Eyad. "Visualizing the soul: Diagrams and the subtle body of light (jism laṭīf) in Shams al-Dīn al-Daylamī’s The Mirror of Souls (Mirʿāt al-arwāḥ)." Critical Research on Religion 9, no. 2 (May 13, 2021): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20503032211015299.

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Light is a discursive tool that Sufis have drawn upon over the centuries in order to elucidate systems of thought and practice. In medieval Islamic thought, light was closely associated with the soul as well as conceptions of sight and the eye. It also occupied an important place in cosmology. By the twelfth- and thirteenth-centuries, Sufis began to consider notions of light more systematically, creating close correspondences between vision, cosmology, and anthropology within Sufi thought. This coincided with the increased production of complex diagrams in Sufi texts. This article shows that these developments were interrelated. By analyzing Shams al-Dīn al-Daylamī’s (d. 587/1191) diagrams alongside his theories of light with respect to the nature of the soul and body, it demonstrates that the theory of the soul as light played an important part in shaping Sufi thought, practice, and visual culture.
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21

van Bladel, Kevin. "Heavenly cords and prophetic authority in the Quran and its Late Antique context." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 2 (June 2007): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000419.

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AbstractThe asbāb mentioned in five passages of the Quran have been interpreted by medieval Muslims and modern scholars as referring generally to various “ways”, “means”, and “connections”. However, the word meant something more specific as part of a biblical-quranic “cosmology of the domicile”. The asbāb are heavenly ropes running along or leading up to the top of the sky-roof. This notion of sky-cords is not as unusual as it may seem at first, for various kinds of heavenly cords were part of Western Asian cosmologies in the sixth and seventh centuries ce. According to the Quran, a righteous individual may ascend by means of these cords to heaven, above the dome of the sky, where God resides, only with God's authorization. The heavenly cords are a feature of quranic cosmology and part of a complex of beliefs by which true prophets ascend to heaven and return bearing signs.
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22

Chelysheva, Irina P. "The Masroor Temple Complex: Hindu Cosmology in Stone." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2022): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021621-1.

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The article dwells upon the unique object of ancient Indian architecture — the monolithic rock temple of Masroor in Himachal Pradesh, the north-western part of India. Based on the notes of European travelers, who discovered it, and reports of British ASI staff members, the author attempts to describe this monument in detail, referring to sketches and plans, drawn at the beginning of the 20th century which to date remain the only authentic source of research on the subject. Summarizing publications of Indian and Western research scholars, the author analyses various theories regarding the probable period of its construction describes historical and religious conditions, which could contribute to undertaking such a large-scale project, and considers possible reasons for its subsequent destruction and falling into oblivion. The author draws obvious parallels between the monolithic temple of Masroor and the world-famous Cambodian temple Angkor Wat, which serves as yet another justification of the profound religious and cultural influence of India in the South-Asian region in the early medieval period. Narration is supplemented by the author’s personal impressions from several visits to the complex site and original photos of the temple.
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23

Powell, James M., Pierre Duhem, and Roger Ariew. "Medieval Cosmology: Theories of Infinity, Place, Time, Void, and the Plurality of Worlds." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 2 (1987): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204290.

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24

Emerton, Norma E., Pierre Duhem, and Roger Ariew. "Medieval Cosmology: Theories of Infinity, Place, Time, Void, and the Plurality of Worlds." American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (February 1987): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862805.

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25

Rupiewicz, Romana. "The Motion of Celestial Bodies in Medieval Iconography: Christian Assimilation of Ancient Cosmology." IKON 13 (January 2020): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ikon.5.121565.

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26

Freudenthal, Gad. "Time Matters: Time, Creation, and Cosmology in Medieval Jewish Philosophy. T. M. Rudavsky." Isis 92, no. 1 (March 2001): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385082.

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27

Gorbachov, Yaroslav. "What Do We Know about *Čьrnobogъ and *Bělъ Bogъ?" Russian History 44, no. 2-3 (June 23, 2017): 209–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04402011.

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As attested, the Slavic pantheon is rather well-populated. However, many of its numerous members are known only by their names mentioned in passing in one or two medieval documents. Among those barely attested Slavic deities, there are a few whose very existence may be doubted. This does not deter some scholars from articulating rather elaborate theories about Slavic mythology and cosmology. The article discusses two obscure Slavic deities, “Black God” and “White God,” and, in particular, reexamines the extant primary sources on them. It is argued that “Black God” worship was limited to the Slavic North-West, and “White God” never existed.
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28

Cooper, Glen M. "Approaches to the Critical Days in Late Medieval and Renaissance Thinkers." Early Science and Medicine 18, no. 6 (2013): 536–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-0186p0003.

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Galen’s astrological doctrine of the critical days, as found in his De diebus decretoriis (Critical Days), Book III, was at the center of a long discussion in the Latin West about the relationship between astrology and medicine. The main problem was that Galen’s views could not be made to square with the prevailing cosmology, which derived both from Aristotle and Abū Maʿshar. The views of selected Latin thinkers concerning the critical days, from Pietro d’Abano, down through Girolamo Cardano, are considered in the context of a fourfold scheme that aims to classify the main approaches to the critical days. The criticisms of Pico della Mirandola are discussed, as well as two kinds of responses to him: the progressive views of Giovanni Mainardi and Girolamo Fracastoro, as well as the conservative views of Thomas Bodier and Girolamo Cardano.
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29

McNeill, T. E., and N. B. Aitchison. "Armagh and the Royal Centres in Early Medieval Ireland: Monuments, Cosmology, and the Past." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 825. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169452.

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30

Grčić, Mirko. "Geographical image of the world in the London Psalter Maps from the 13th century." Zbornik radova - Geografski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu, no. 69 (2021): 25–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrgfub2169025g.

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The subjects of this paper are two maps from the 13th century Psalter, found in London. These are the Psalter World Map and the Psalter List Map. Both maps are designed in the shape of a circular disk, modeled on medieval mappae mundi T-O type. The first is a pictorial map, the second is descriptive. The primary goal of these maps was not to objectively present geographical reality, but to express biblical symbolism and medieval Christian cosmology and thus serve as a reminder in devotional practice. By their deconstruction, we discover not only the religious Christian view of the world, but also the historical and cultural representations of medieval people projected on a geographical basis. Maps from the London Psalter have so far been viewed more as a "religious document" than as an objective "geographical image" and a "historical document". Therefore, they were rarely used as a historicalgeographical source. The aim of this paper is to deconstruct the text and context of the mentioned two maps and thus interpret their imaginative geography and geographical representations, the meaning of symbols and toponyms, which may be of interest to researchers dealing not only with historical cartography but also with historical and human geography.
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31

Andreev, Gennady Petrovich. "Maimonides’ Metaphysics and Cosmology in “The Guide for Perplexed” and in “The Epistle to the Sages of Marseille”." Philosophy of Religion: Analytic Researches 5, no. 1 (2021): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2587-683x-2021-5-1-32-46.

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Rabbi Moshe ben Maimon (Maimonides) in the Second part of his main philosophical treatise The Guide for Perplexed analyzes geocentric cosmology which was for his epoch as paradigm. Also there he considers peripatetic ideas on Pre-eternity of the Universe and concept of multitude of worlds. He challenges and queries Post-Ptolemaic concept of epicycles what is so indistinctive for 12th century. Also two Medieval Jewish mysterious doctrines named Ma’ase Bereshit (Action of Creation) and Ma’ase Merqava (Action of Charriot) are analyzed by him in light of popular for Jewish High Middle Age interpretation as Physics and Metaphysics respectively. Mystical Talmudic teaching on Kise ha-Kavod (the Throne of [Divine] Glory) is interpreted as Peripatetic view on superlunary world. In The Epistle to the Sages of Marseille Maimonides sets some criteria up for rational faith and regards fundamental arguments against astrology by dividing pre-scientific cosmology and superstitions. He considers concept of rea’ya brura (pure viewing or clear proof) in epistemological and ontological sense. To rabbi Moshe logic of mathematical proof (and Pre-Scientific Knowledge at all) and sensual perception have got more weight than Biblical prophets literary words.
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32

Ilnitchi, Gabriela. "MUSICA MUNDANA, ARISTOTELIAN NATURAL PHILOSOPHY AND PTOLEMAIC ASTRONOMY." Early Music History 21 (September 4, 2002): 37–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127902002024.

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Emanating from a cosmos ordered according to Pythagorean and Neoplatonic principles, the Boethian musica mundana is the type of music that ‘is discernible especially in those things which are observed in heaven itself or in the combination of elements or the diversity of seasons’. At the core of this recurring medieval topos stands ‘a fixed sequence of modulation [that] cannot be separated from this celestial revolution’, one most often rendered in medieval writings as the ‘music of the spheres’ (musica spherarum). In the Pythagorean and Neoplatonic cosmological traditions, long established by the time Boethius wrote his De institutione musica, the music of the spheres is just one possible manifestation of the concept of world harmony. It pertains to a universe in which musical and cosmic structures express the same mathematical ratios, each of the planets produces a distinctive sound in its revolution and the combination of these sounds themselves most often forms a well-defined musical scale. Although the Neoplatonic world harmony continued to function in medieval cosmology as the fundamental conceptual premise, the notion of the music of the spheres, despite its popularity among medieval writers, was generally treated neither at any significant length nor in an innovative fashion. Quite exceptional in this respect is the treatise that forms the subject of the present study, a text beginning Desiderio tuo fili carissime gratuito condescenderem and attributed to an anonymous bishop in the late thirteenth-century manuscript miscellany now in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Barb. lat. 283, fols. 37r-42v) but probably coming from a Franciscan convent in Siena. This seldom considered work affords a remarkable and special insight into the ways in which old and new ideas converged, intermingled and coexisted in the dynamic and sometimes volatile cross-currents of medieval scholarship.
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Goldstein and Hon. "Scientific Methodology in Medieval Astronomy and Cosmology: The Case of Levi ben Gerson (1288–1344)." Aleph 20, no. 1-2 (2020): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aleph.20.1-2.0229.

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Darras, Muhammad Abdullah. "Islamic eco-cosmology in Ikhwan al-Safa’s view." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v2i1.133-161.

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This research aims to describe the root cause of ecological crisis happening atthe moment in terms of the cosmological-metaphysical views, by doing researchon the thoughts of a classical Muslim philosophical scientist group in 10th centuryAD called Ikhwan al-Safa’. To the author, Ikhwan al-Safa’ has a clear idea inviewing the universe holistically and intact as it is. Actually, this non-reductiveview was the typical main feature of medieval Islamic classical thought. However,the main reason of choosing the works of Ikhwan al-Safa’, especially their magnumopus Rasa>’il Ikhwa>n al-S{afa’> , in the research is that Ikhwan al-Safa’ has puta lot of attention on the “wisdom of universe” in the ontological and epistemologicalstructure of knowledge that were developed in their work. With the mainconcepts such Love of Universe and Soul of Universe, Ikhwan al-Safa’ have givena holistic vision about the wisdom of the universe and the wisdom of the environmentitself.Pengkajian dalam artikel ini bertujuan untuk menguraikan akar masalah terjadinyakrisis ekologi yang terjadi saat ini dengan berangkat dari titik pijak berdasarkanperspektif kosmologis-metafisik. Yakni dengan melakukan penelitian terhadappemikiran kosmologi kelompok keilmuan-filosofis muslim klasik abad ke-10 Myang bernama Ikhwan al-Safa’. Bagi penulis, Ikhwan al-Safa’ memiliki pemikiranyang jernih dalam melihat alam semesta. Yakni melihat alam secara holistik dan utuh sebagaimana adanya. Sebenarnya pandangan khas yang non-reduktif inimenjadi ciri utama pemikiran klasik Islam abad pertengahan. Namun pemilihanpenelitian terhadap pemikiran Ikhwan al-Safa’ –terutama dalam karya magnumopusnyaRasa>’il Ikhwa>n al-S{afa>’ ini, lebih disebabkan karena kelompok ini bagipenulis, telah menaruh perhatian yang sangat kuat terhadap “kearifan alam”dalam struktur ontologis dan epistemologis keilmuan yang dikembangkan dalamkarya mereka. Dengan menguraikan beberapa konsep utama dalam kosmologiIkhwan al-Safa’, seperti alam sebagai sebuah kesatuan, jiwa semesta, dan cintasemesta, kita akan melihat bagaimana Ikhwan al-Safa’ memberikan sebuah visiholistik mengenai kearifan alam semesta dan kearifan lingkungan itu sendiri.
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Andreev, Gennadii P. "Comparison of Six Days of the Creation in Masoretic Version and Onkelos Targum in the Historical and Philosophical Contexts." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 6 (2023): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2023-6-215-221.

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The article is dedicated to the first chapter of the Book of Genesis in the Targum Onkelos, the most important Jewish translation of the Pentateuch into Aramaic. The paper deals with terms related to the structure of space, time and eternity. In the Targum of Onkelos, the influence of Ptolemaic cosmology and geography, as well as the worldview of the era of the formation of the Mishna, are observed. The creator of the translation uses the term kadmin (originality, eternity), which al­lows us to interpret that Onkelos in a sense allows the existence of the world for an indefinitely long time in the past. In the theological aspect, the author of the Targum uses the Tetragrammaton, which is translated into Russian as the word “Lord”, instead of the Hebrew elohim (plural form). The author of the article inter­prets this unconditionally monotheistic term as a struggle against Gnosticism and Manichaeism, which was relevant in the 2nd century AD. The Aramaic term rekiya, which Onkelos translates into Hebrew rakia, means not so much “firma­ment” as extension, and this article discusses its possible translation as “space”. If a number of concepts “signs”, “holidays”, “days” and “years” are used in the He­brew Torah as synonymous, then in the Aramaic text “signs” and “times” are sepa­rately distinguished, and it is separately indicated that the luminaries are needed to count days and years. This shows the influence of Late Antique astrology, popu­lar among the Jews too. The author of this Targum not only created an interpreta­tion of the biblical text, but also created his own aspects of Jewish cosmology, which were used by Jewish interpreters to build their medieval cosmology.
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36

Cole, Richard. "When Gods Become Bureaucrats." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 2 (April 2020): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000048.

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AbstractEven gods are not always above bureaucracy. Societies very different from each other have entertained the idea that the heavens might be arranged much like an earthly bureaucracy, or that mythological beings might exercise their power in a way that makes them resembles bureaucrats. The best-known case is the Chinese “celestial bureaucracy,” but the idea is also found in (to take nearly random examples) Ancient Near Eastern cosmology, the Hebrew Bible, Late Antiquity, and modern popular culture. The primary sources discussed in this essay pertain to an area of history where bureaucracy was historically underdeveloped, namely medieval Scandinavia. Beginning with the Glavendrup runestone from the 900s, I examine a way of thinking about divine power that seems blissfully bureaucracy-free. Moving forwards in time to Adam of Bremen’s description of the temple at Uppsala (1040s–1070s), I find traces of a tentative, half-formed bureaucracy in the fading embers of Scandinavian paganism. In the 1220s, well into the Christian era, I find Snorri Sturluson concocting a version of Old Norse myth which proposes a novel resolution between the non-bureaucratic origins of his mythological corpus and the burgeoning bureacratization of High Medieval Norway. Although my focus is on medieval Scandinavia, transhistorical comparisons are frequently drawn with mythological bureaucrats from other times and places. In closing, I synthesise this comparative material with historical and anthropological theories of the relationship between bureaucracy and the divine.
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37

Panzica, Aurora. "Air and Friction in the Celestial Region: Some medieval solutions to the difficulties of the Aristotelian theory concerning the production of celestial heat." Early Science and Medicine 24, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00244p03.

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This paper explores the medieval debates concerning problems with the Aristotelian theory of the production and transmission of solar heat as presented in De Caelo II, 7 and Meteorologica I, 3. In these passages, Aristotle states that celestial heat is generated by the friction set up in the air by the motion of celestial bodies. This statement is difficult to reconcile with Aristotle’s cosmology, which presupposes that the heavenly bodies are not surrounded by air, but by aether, and that the celestial spheres are perfectly smooth, and therefore cannot cause any friction. In their commentaries on De Caelo and on Meteorologica, the Latin commentators elaborated a model that solves these difficulties. In this attempt, they invoke a non-mechanical principle, namely celestial influence.
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38

Ebstein, Michael. "The Circular Vision of Existence: From Ismāʿīlī Writings to the Works of Ibn al-ʿArabī." Shii Studies Review 2, no. 1-2 (April 17, 2018): 156–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24682470-12340020.

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AbstractThe purpose of the article is to analyze the symbol of the circle and elucidate its significance in two medieval Islamic corpora: classical Ismāʿīlī writings, composed in the 4th/10th-6th/12th centuries, and the works of the famous Andalusī mystic Muḥyī l-Dīn Ibn al-ʿArabī (560/1165-638/1240). The discussion in the article focuses on two main areas: cosmology and sacred human history. Attention is also given to notions that are in this context unique to Ibn al-ʿArabī. The study reveals that the symbol of the circle and cyclical conceptions figure prominently in both Ismāʿīlī and Akbarian thought; moreover, the article demonstrates how Ismāʿīlī teachings are important for understanding the background against which Ibn al-ʿArabī developed his distinctive circular vision of existence.
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39

Mallory, J. P. "Armagh and the Royal Centres in Early Medieval Ireland: Monuments, Cosmology, and the Past.N. B. Aitchison." Speculum 72, no. 3 (July 1997): 777–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3040763.

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40

Gómez Aranda, Mariano. "Scientific Perspectives on Psalm 148 in Medieval Jewish Exegesis." Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge 7 (April 1, 2022): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v7i.13637.

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Psalm 148 is a hymn inviting all beings in the celestial world and the earthly world to praise God. Even though the Psalm seems simple and easy to understand, two questions have been raised in the history of the exegesis of this Psalm: why are these specific creatures and no others mentioned in the Psalm?, and why are they placed in this particular order? In Ancient Judaism no much attention was given to the explanation of this Psalm from a scientific perspective; however, in the thirteenth century, in the context of the reception of Aristotelianism in southern France, important exegetes such as David Qimhi and Menahem ha-Meiri interpreted this Psalm to the light of Aristotelian cosmology, and more especifically in consonance with scientific ideas exposed in Aristole’s Meteorology. Abraham ibn Ezra was the first Jewish exegete who wrote a systematic commentary on Psalm 148 to demonstrate that the biblical text describes the structure, composition and laws of the Universe according to Aristotelian principles. Ibn Ezra’s scientific comments on this Psalm were the starting point for the future scientific analysis of later exegetes in southern France, such as David Qimhi and Menahem ha-Meiri. It is the purpose of this article to analyze how Psalm 148 has been interpreted by these three Jewish exegetes from a scientific perspective and to prove how later exegetes explained, developed or even refuted the scientific interpretations of their predecessors. It also examines the sources that Ibn Ezra may have used to know Aristotle’s ideas.
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41

Di Sciacca, Claudia. "Feeding the dragon: The devouring monster in Anglo-Saxon eschatological imagery." SELIM. Journal of the Spanish Society for Medieval English Language and Literature. 24, no. 1 (September 12, 2019): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/selim.24.2019.53-104.

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This essay deals with two intertwined eschatological motifs of the literary and iconographic culture of early medieval England: the devouring devil, especially in the guise of a dragon, and the mouth of hell, fashioned as the jowls of a zoomorphic monster, arguably a distinctively English adaptation of the anthropomorphic mouth of hell of classical descent. The following analysis will outline the intricate, creative interplay of crucial themes of Christian eschatology and demonology, on which theimagery of the demonic devouring dragon and the mouth of hell can be said to ultimately rely. In particular, it will be argued that the coalescence of these two widespread motifs into the distinctively Anglo-Saxon imagery of the zoomorphic mouth of hell may have been triggered by the cosmology and eschatology of two apocrypha especially popular in early medieval England, the Seven Heavens apocryphon and the Gospel of Nicodemus, especially its section on the Descensus ad Inferos. The discussion of relevant textual, manuscript, and iconographic evidence willafford intriguing insights into the shaping of this syncretic blending, as well as hinting at the milieu where such a blending may have been if not initiated, then at least endorsed and popularised.Keywords: Anglo-Saxon eschatology; apocrypha; mouth of hell; source studies; manuscript studies
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42

Palmer, Ada. "Pomponio Leto’s Lucretius, the Quest for a Classical Technical Lexicon, and the Negative Space of Humanist Latin Knowledge." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 8, no. 3 (August 21, 2023): 221–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-08030004.

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Abstract Annotations in Pomponio Leto’s manuscript of Lucretius (now in Naples) reveal patterns in his engagement with the text, especially a focus on rare grammatical forms, participles, adverbs, time, and technical vocabulary usable for scientific, medical, and ontological discussion. Leto and fellow scholars of the studia humanitatis undertook an ambitious linguistic intervention, attempting to create a new classicizing Latin, which rejected simplified Medieval forms and adhered strictly to classical models. This led humanists to seek out everything rare, irregular, and absent from Medieval texts, and often to overshoot their ancient models in complexity, composing hyper-ornamented Latin no native speaker would produce. Thus negative space – all that was unknown, rare, and obscure in rediscovered classics – stands alongside Cicero and Virgil as a major shaper of Renaissance Latin style. The determination of humanists to reject scholastic Latin also meant rejecting the corpus of useful technical vocabulary developed in preceding centuries for discussions of such topics as cognition, perception, ontology, and cosmology. To rival the scholastics, humanists like Leto needed to develop a classical technical lexicon capable of discussing such topics with rigor. Leto’s annotations show how, while searching this newly rediscovered text, he was striving to (re)construct a classical Latin technical lexicon which we might say never existed.
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43

Grant, Edward. "Medieval Cosmology: Theories of Infinity, Place, Time, Void, and the Plurality of Worlds. Pierre Duhem , Roger Ariew." Speculum 62, no. 4 (October 1987): 927–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2851801.

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44

O'Boyle, Cornelius. "Book Review: Duhem Englished: Medieval Cosmology: Theories of Infinity, Place, Time, Void and the Plurality of Worlds." Journal for the History of Astronomy 19, no. 1 (February 1988): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868801900113.

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45

Peters, Edward. "Medieval Cosmology: Theories of Infinity, Place, Time, Void, and the Plurality of Worlds. Pierre Duhem , Roger Ariew." Isis 78, no. 2 (June 1987): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/354446.

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46

Matrosov, Valeriy A., and Tatiana A. Gudach. "Evolution of the views on the Moon in Arab-speaking Medieval society." RUDN Journal of World History 15, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2023-15-1-81-97.

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For decades, some branches of medieval Muslim cosmology, including astrology, were considered insufficiently academic, and commonly they received less attention than they worth, as a result, entire scientific layers turned out to be not much studied. Within the framework of this study, the authors attempted to highlight one of the aspects of the cosmological system - the approaches of scientists of the Arab-Muslim world to the Moon - covering various traditions, regions, eras (within the “classical” period of development of Islamic medieval science). On the basis of seven treatises and comparative typological methods, the features of both the “academic” (astronomy) and “mystical” (astrology) schools were revealed, and an attempt was made to combine the features of both of them within a single system. Despite the fact that, as seems, astrology should involve a wide variety of approaches and solutions, the authors managed to show that the Moon is found only among astronomers as an independent and valuable object of research. At the same time, aspects of its consideration and methods of scientific description vary widely. Astrological science assumed the use of the Moon only as a tool in the construction of tables and systems, and over the centuries has undergone little change. Of particular interest in the study was the appeal to the work of Abu al-Abbas alFarghani (IX cent.) and Abdul-Hasan al-Isfahani (XIV cent.), little known to the Russian reader.
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47

Chajes, Levana Meira. "Shituf : Primordial Partnership as Ontological Structure and Discursive Strategy in Medieval Spain." Jewish Quarterly Review 114, no. 2 (March 2024): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2024.a929053.

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Abstract: This study examines the central category of shituf in the medieval kabbalistic treatise, Ma‘arekhet ha-elohut . I argue that shituf is fundamental to the metaphysics of the Ma‘arekhet and demonstrate its significance to the hermeneutics, sefirotic theosophy, doctrine of emanation, and cosmology of this seminal work. This reflects its importance in the anonymous author’s historical context, even as his usage betrays undeniable idiosyncratic transvaluations that distinguish it from its functions in other contemporary texts—in the halakhic writings of his milieu, in Tibonine translations of medieval philosophical texts, and in the polemical writings of his apparent teacher, Shlomo Ibn Aderet. By comparing and contrasting its meanings in these variegated literary milieus, I expose the unusual discourse of unity found in the Ma‘arekhet , which betrays the author’s apparent intention to shift the orientation of the key term from its dominant usage in the era. Despite the novelty with which the author deploys the term shituf , I argue that polemical and halakhic associations lurk behind it and cast his unusual approach to the question of divine unity in sharp relief. The distinctive use of shituf in the Ma‘arekhet thus reflects a fraught moment in the early history of kabbalah, in which a kabbalist chose to deal with the issue of divine unity in a manner all his own. This examination thus provides a heretofore unexposed vantage point for the current reassessment of the intersectionalities of philosophy, theology, religious polemics, and kabbalah in this period.
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48

Wilms, Sabine. "The Transmission of Medical Knowledge on ̒Nurturing the Fetus̓ in Early China." Asian Medicine 1, no. 2 (July 16, 2005): 276–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342105777996584.

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Early and medieval Chinese medical authors produced, preserved, and transmitted medical information on ̒nurturing the fetus̓ as an important aspect of literature on ̒nurturing life̓ and ensuring the continuation of the family lineage. This article demonstrates the origin and development of a textual tradition from the Mawangdui manuscripts in the early second century BCE to early medieval formularies such as the Beiji qianjin yaofang and material found in the Japanese compendium lshimpiō. In this process, early descriptions of the month-by-month development of the fetus and corresponding instructions for the mother were preserved almost literally, but gradually supplemented with elements that reflected developments in medical theory and practice. These include correlations between months, five phases, and internal organs according to the theory of systematic correspondences; detailed descriptions of acupuncture channels and points prohibited during each month of pregnancy; medicinal formulas for the prevention and treatment of disorders of pregnancy; and, lastly, ten line drawings that depict the monthly changes in the naked body of a pregnant woman and her fetus, as well as prohibited acupuncture channels and points. Texts on ̒nurturing the fetus̓ thus show the influence of cosmology and yin-yang theory, formulary literature, acumoxa charts and prohibitions, and vessel and visceral theory, but most importantly, a growing attention to the genderspecific medical needs of female bodies in the context of ̒formulas for women.̓
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49

Gangui, Alejandro. "The Barolo Palace: Medieval Astronomy in the Streets of Buenos Aires." Culture and Cosmos 15, no. 01 (June 2011): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0115.0207.

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Cultural heritage relating to the sky in the form of sundials, old observatories and the like, are commonly found in many cities in the Old World, but rarely in the New. This paper examines astronomical heritage embodied in the Barolo Palace in Buenos Aires. While references to Dante Alighieri and his poetry are scattered in streets, buildings and monuments around the Western world, in the city of Buenos Aires, the only street carrying Dante’s name is less than three blocks long and, appropriately, is a continuation of Virgilio street. A couple of Italian immigrants—a wealthy businessman, Luis Barolo, and an imaginative architect, Mario Palanti—foresaw this situation nearly a century ago, and did not save any efforts or money with the aim of getting Dante and his cosmology an appropriate monumental recognition, in reinforced concrete. The Barolo Palace is a unique combination of both astronomy and the worldview displayed in the Divine Comedy, Dante’s poetic masterpiece. It is known that the Palace’s design was inspired by the great poet, but the details are not recorded; this paper relies on Dante’s text to consider whether it may add to our understanding of the building. Although the links of the Palace’s main architectural structure with the three realms of the Comedy have been studied in the past, its unique astronomical flavor has not been sufficiently emphasized. The word of God, as interpreted by the Fathers of the Church in Sacred Scripture, Aristotle’s physics and Ptolemy’s astronomy, all beautifully converge in Dante’s verses, and the Barolo Palace reflects this.
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50

Stevens, Wesley M. "Book Review: A Medieval Cosmology: De mundi celestis terrestrisque constitutione: A Treatise on the Universe and the Soul." Journal for the History of Astronomy 19, no. 1 (February 1988): 62–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868801900112.

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