Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Medieval Daoism / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Medieval Daoism.

Journal articles on the topic 'Medieval Daoism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 41 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Medieval Daoism.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Raz, Gil. "‘Conversion of the Barbarians’ [Huahu ] Discourse as Proto Han Nationalism." Medieval History Journal 17, no. 2 (October 2014): 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945814545862.

Full text

Abstract:

In the early medieval period, many Chinese viewed the growing popularity of Buddhism, and the rapid integration of Buddhism into Chinese religious life, as a challenge to their own civilisation. A major aspect of the resistance to the growing dominance of Buddhism was a discourse known as the ‘conversion of the barbarians’. This basic narrative of this discourse claimed that Laozi had journeyed west to India where he either became the Buddha or taught the Buddha. This discourse, which was elaborated in several Daoist texts into complex cosmological and mytho-historical narratives thus asserted the primacy of Daoism and relegated Buddhism to a secondary teaching, inferior to Daoism, suitable for ‘barbarians’ but not for Chinese. This article discusses the development of this discourse, focusing on texts written by Daoists during the fifth century when this discourse was particularly vehement. In this article I will show that this discourse was not merely resistant to Buddhism, but was also critical of various Daoist groups that had accepted Buddhist ideas and practices. Significantly, this discourse associated Daoism with the essence of Chinese civilisation, rather than as a distinct teaching.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Liu, Yi, and Casey Lee. "Medieval Daoist Concepts of the Middle Kingdom." Journal of Chinese Humanities 4, no. 2 (March 22, 2019): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340063.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe ancient Chinese people believed that they existed at the center of the world. With the arrival of Buddhism in China came a new cosmic worldview rooted in Indian culture that destabilized the Han [huaxia 華夏] people’s long-held notions of China as the Middle Kingdom [Zhongguo 中國] and had a profound influence on medieval Daoism. Under the influence of Buddhist cosmology, Daoists reformed their idea of Middle Kingdom, for a time relinquishing its signification of China as the center of the world. Daoists had to acknowledge the existence of multiple kingdoms outside China and non-Han peoples [manyi 蠻夷] who resided on the outskirts of the so-called Middle Kingdom as potential followers of Daoism. However, during the Tang dynasty, this capacious attitude ceased to be maintained or passed on. Instead, Tang Daoists returned to a notion of Middle Kingdom that reinstated the traditional divide between Han and non-Han peoples.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Chen, Huaiyu. "The Road to Redemption: Killing Snakes in Medieval Chinese Buddhism." Religions 10, no. 4 (April 4, 2019): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10040247.

Full text

Abstract:

In the medieval Chinese context, snakes and tigers were viewed as two dominant, threatening animals in swamps and mountains. The animal-human confrontation increased with the expansion of human communities to the wilderness. Medieval Chinese Buddhists developed new discourses, strategies, rituals, and narratives to handle the snake issue that threatened both Buddhist and local communities. These new discourses, strategies, rituals, and narratives were shaped by four conflicts between humans and animals, between canonical rules and local justifications, between male monks and feminized snakes, and between organized religions and local cultic practice. Although early Buddhist monastic doctrines and disciplines prevented Buddhists from killing snakes, medieval Chinese Buddhists developed narratives and rituals for killing snakes for responding to the challenges from the discourses of feminizing and demonizing snakes as well as the competition from Daoism. In medieval China, both Buddhism and Daoism mobilized snakes as their weapons to protect their monastic property against the invasion from each other. This study aims to shed new light on the religious and socio-cultural implications of the evolving attitudes toward snakes and the methods of handling snakes in medieval Chinese Buddhism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Yu, Fu. "The Early Buddho-Daoist Encounter as Interreligious Learning in the Chinese Context." International Journal of Asian Christianity 3, no. 2 (September 3, 2020): 184–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00302006.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This paper contends that the methodological tool of comparative theology, arising from and developing in Euro-American academia, resonates strongly with the historical interreligious learning praxis of China. Attention to comparative theology may indeed help us rethink the formation of a Chinese cultural identity vis-à-vis its religious others. A malleable way of doing comparative theology may offer nothing less than the mutual transformation of the interreligious interlocutors in a way consonant with Chinese history. A historical review of the interaction between Chinese Buddhism and Daoism shows that the adoption of Daoist terminology and concepts facilitated the Buddhist entry into the local milieu, while medieval Chinese Buddhism became paradigmatic for the elaboration of Daoist doctrine. The Buddho-Daoist interaction coheres with the enterprise of comparative theology with respect to the nature of interaction between religious traditions, the appropriative yet distinctive religious self-identification, and the transformation of the self and the other.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Baldrian-Hussein, Farzeen. "Great Clarity. Daoism and Alchemy in Early Medieval China." T'oung Pao 93, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 523–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/008254307x246982.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Eskildsen, Stephen. "Mystical Ascent and Out-of-Body Experience in Medieval Daoism." Journal of Chinese Religions 35, no. 1 (June 2007): 36–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/073776907803501197.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Jan De Meyer. "Great Clarity: Daoism and Alchemy in Early Medieval China (review)." China Review International 14, no. 1 (2008): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.0.0037.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Campany, Robert Ford. "Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. By Livia Kohn." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 75, no. 1 (January 29, 2007): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfl035.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Trinh, Thuy Duong, and Thanh Tùng Nguyễn. "THE IMMORTAL PHẠM VIÊN – AN OUTSTANDING FIGURE OF VIETNAMESE DAOISM IN THE LATE MEDIEVAL PERIODS." Vietnamese Studies Review 18, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31535/vs.2020.18.2.121.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Steavu, Dominic. "Paratextuality, Materiality, and Corporeality in Medieval Chinese Religions." Journal of Medieval Worlds 1, no. 4 (2019): 11–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jmw.2019.1.4.11.

Full text

Abstract:

In medieval China, talismans (fu) and sacred diagrams (tu) were ubiquitous elements in religious texts. Since they were composed of divine illegible esoteric patterns, meaning was not produced by the markings talismans and diagrams bore; it was, rather, displaced onto the objects themselves, whether they were two-dimensionally represented in scriptures and ritual manuals or externalized and materialized onto physical supports. In this respect, the objecthood and palpable materiality of talismans and diagrams made them shorthand tokens for direct access to the supernatural. Drawing on emblematic yet understudied scriptures of medieval Daoism and esoteric Buddhist, the present study considers talismans and diagrams as paratextual objects, bringing to light the fact that they not only passively frame the reading of a text but in many instances also constitute the primary and determining level of “text” that is read. In this way, sources in which talismans and diagrams featured prominently were approached first and foremost through their material aspects, namely paratexts. What is more, the talismans and diagrams that appeared in texts were often meant to be externalized and materialized, in some cases onto the bodies of adepts or visualized in their mind’s eye, thereby conflating paratextuality, materiality, and corporeality. In a pair of striking examples, practitioners are instructed to embody and become actual ritual objects, blurring the boundaries between text, object, and body in one single divine locus.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Kohn, Livia. "Steal Holy Food and Come Back as a Viper: Conceptions of Karma and Rebirth in Medieval Daoism." Early Medieval China 1998, no. 1 (June 1998): 1–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/152991098788220432.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Cho, Sungwu. "Popular Conception of Death and the Netherworld in early Medieval China : in relation to the growth of Daoism." Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China ll, no. 25 (February 2011): 185–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.15840/amch.2011..25.005.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Kim, So-Yeon. "The Origin of the Eleven Planets and the Reception of the Eleven Planets in Medieval China’s Buddhism and Daoism." BUL GYO HAK BO 85 (December 31, 2018): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18587/bh.2018.12.85.85.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Choi, Soobeen. "A Study on the Formation of Concepts of the Highest Gods and its Doctrinal Meanings of Medieval Daoism in China." Journal of The Studies of Taoism and Culture 48 (May 31, 2018): 143–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.38113/jstc.2018.05.48.143.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Sørensen, Henrik H. "Buddho–Daoism in medieval and early pre-modern China: A report on recent findings concerning influences and shared religious practices." E-Journal of East and Central Asian Religions 1 (December 31, 2013): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/ejecar.2013.1.739.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Pfister, Rudolf. "Fabrizio Pregadio, Great Clarity: Daoism and Alchemy in Early Medieval China, Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2006 (Asian Religions & Cultures), xviii+368 pp." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 36, no. 1 (August 13, 2012): 233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-03601015.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Lynn, Richard John. "Birds and Beasts in the Zhuangzi, Fables Interpreted by Guo Xiang and Cheng Xuanying." Religions 10, no. 7 (July 22, 2019): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10070445.

Full text

Abstract:

Birds and beasts often appear in the Zhuangzi, in fables and parables meant to be read analogically as instructions for human thought and behavior. Whereas the analogical significance of some fables is obvious, in others it is obscure and in need of explication, and even the readily accessible can be made to yield more clarity thanks to commentaries. This paper explores contributions made by the commentaries of Guo Xiang (252–312) and Cheng Xuanying (ca. 620–670) to the understanding of such fables. Guo Xiang and Wang Bi 王弼 (226–249) are the two most important figures in the xuanxue 玄學 “arcane learning” or “Neo-Daoism” movement of early medieval China (third to sixth century C.E.), which combined elements of Confucianism with the thought of Daoist foundational texts, especially the Daode jing (Classic of the Dao and Virtue) and the Zhuangzi (Sayings of Master Zhuang). Focus of the movement was the promotion of the concept and practice of the sage-ruler as a catalyst for the regeneration of self and society, leading to the foundation of a worldly utopia. Guo’s is the earliest intact philosophical commentary to the Zhuangzi and one of the most widely read during premodern times. Cheng Xuanying composed the only subcommentary to Guo’s commentary. Its more explicit style is most helpful in deciphering Guo’s too often cryptic and elliptical statements. However, it also tends to shunt Guo’s statecraft reading of the Zhuangzi more in the direction of explicating philosophical and religious dimensions of the text. Whereas Guo’s observations about sagehood, self-fulfillment, and the good life largely focus on the sage-ruler and his relation to his people, Cheng’s approach tends more to explore issues of personal self-realization and individual enlightenment, and, as such, is far more “religious” than Guo’s. However, when it comes to accounts of birds and beasts, parodies and satires, which address the limitations, failures, delusions and faulty assumptions, narrow-mindedness, and other human foibles, both Guo and Cheng see them all rooted in self-conscious thought and knowledge, and thus deadly impediments to enlightenment. Other passages about beasts and birds use animal fables as exemplars of truth concerning endowed personal nature and the natural propensity to stay within the bounds of individual natural capacity. Since the commentaries of Guo and Cheng add important dimensions to these accounts, this study explores these as well.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Wyatt, Don J. "Bravest Warriors Most Ethereal, Most Human." Journal of Religion and Violence 8, no. 3 (2020): 242–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv20214183.

Full text

Abstract:

Often depicted as pitted in cosmic struggle against nobler multitudes of spiritual or heavenly warriors, when viewed from our modernist perspective, the ghostly or demon warriors of Chinese tradition are stigmatized as being, at best, ambiguous in status and, at worst, as perverse beings of consummately evil ill repute. However, discoveries from investigation into the historical origins of these demonic soldiers or troopers demand that we regard them as much more enigmatic in their roles and functions than is initially suggested. Documented earliest references indicate not only how the concept of demon warrior first arose for the purposes of furthering and facilitating the immortality ethos of religious Daoism. Also evident from these first written mentions is the clear and unassailable fact that the prototypes for these ghostly beings were unmistakably and very often unremarkably human. Subsequent literature, especially that surviving in the genre of early medieval tales of the strange, only reinforces the notion of these sometimes real and other times fantastical purveyors of violence as occupants of the permeable vortex thinly separating the human and the supernatural worlds, allowing them to manifest themselves at will and freely in either venue. Furthermore, we learn foremost how their primal function was not unlike that of Western guardian angels in being principally tutelary, with the tacit expectation that they should serve dutifully in defense of those who either cultivated or conjured them forth, ensuring the wellbeing of the living by acting as a kind of collective bulwark against the forces of death.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Belaya, Irina. "About the Community and Ritual Activity of Women in the Medieval Daoism (on the Example of Texts of the Stans of the School of Quanzhen Installed in Beijing)." Вопросы философии, no. 8 (2018): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s004287440000745-4.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Kohn, Livia. "Medieval Daoist Ordination: Origins, Structure, and Practice." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 56, no. 2-4 (November 2003): 379–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.56.2003.2-4.19.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Pettit, J. E. E. "Tao Hongjing and the Reading of Daoist Geography." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 50, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-05001006.

Full text

Abstract:

This article studies ways in which Daoist writers in early medieval China represented sacred lands. It goes beyond the descriptions of Daoist sacred geography to analyze ways in which these texts were tools to disseminate new revelations about the ancient history and ownership of temple lands. It begins by looking at Han dynasty conceptions of mountains, in particular the role of individuals who were privy to the hidden, esoteric knowledge of land formations. The second part of the article focuses on the writings of the fifth century polymath Tao Hongjing. These commentaries provide valuable insight into the kinds of social exchanges that underpin the writing of Daoist geography. These writings about religious geography reflect the interests of a new clerical class of individuals who developed and recreated sacred sites on behalf of royal benefactors.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Chan, Alan K. L. "Imperiled Destinies: The Daoist Quest for Deliverance in Medieval China." Chinese Historical Review 26, no. 2 (July 3, 2019): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1547402x.2020.1750234.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

ASSANDRI, FRIEDERIKE. "EARLY MEDIEVAL DAOIST TEXTS: STRATEGIES OF READING AND FUSION OF HORIZONS." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 37, no. 3 (August 2, 2010): 381–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2010.01592.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Assandri, Friederike. "Early Medieval Daoist Texts: Strategies of Reading And Fusion of Horizons." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 37, no. 3 (February 19, 2010): 381–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-03703004.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Unno, Mark T. "Inverse Correlation: Comparative Philosophy in an Upside Down World." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 8, no. 1 (March 21, 2016): 79–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v8i1.71.

Full text

Abstract:

Kitarō Nishida introduces the concept of “inverse correlation” (Jp. gyakutaiō 逆対応) in his final work, The Logic of Place and the Religious Worldview, which he uses to illuminate the relation between finite and infinite, human and divine/buddha, such that the greater the realization of human limitation and finitude, the greater that of the limitless, infinite divine or buddhahood. This essay explores the applicability of the logic and rhetoric of inverse correlation in the cases of the early Daoist Zhuangzi, medieval Japanese Buddhist Shinran, and modern Protestant Christian Kierkegaard, as well as broader ramifications for contemporary philosophy of religion.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Stanley-Baker, Michael. "Palpable Access to the Divine: Daoist Medieval Massage, Visualisation and Internal Sensation1." Asian Medicine 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341245.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Michael, Thomas. "Livia Kohn, . Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism: A Cross‐Cultural Perspective. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003. xiv+300 pp. $45.00 (cloth).Brook Ziporyn, . The Penumbra Unbound: The Neo‐Taoist Philosophy of Guo Xiang. New York: State University of New York Press, 2003. ix+186 pp. $22.95 (paper)." Journal of Religion 85, no. 2 (April 2005): 345–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/430563.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Capitanio, Joshua. "Imperiled Destinies: The Daoist Quest for Deliverance in Medieval China. By Franciscus Verellen." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 88, no. 2 (March 23, 2020): 622–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfaa007.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Kohn, Lívia. "A home for the immortals: the layout and development of medieval daoist monasteries." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 53, no. 1-2 (October 2000): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.53.2000.1-2.5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

김지현. "Daoijiao and Shushu in Changing Classification System and Daoist Scriptures in Medieval China." CHUL HAK SA SANG - Journal of Philosophical Ideas ll, no. 53 (August 2014): 55–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15750/chss..53.201408.003.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Lei, Wen, and Kathryn Henderson. "Mount Longjiao’s “Capital of Immortals” [龍角仙都]: Representation and Evolution of a Sacred Site from the Tang Dynasty." Journal of Chinese Humanities 4, no. 2 (March 22, 2019): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340062.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe Abbey Celebrating the Tang [Qingtang guan 慶唐觀], a Daoist temple on Mount Longjiao in southern Shanxi Province, played a special role in the religious history of China in the Tang dynasty. Because of the myth that Laozi himself emerged from this mountain during the war to found the Tang state, this abbey was closely linked to the political legitimation of the Tang. Even plants in this abbey were regarded as the harbingers of the fate of the state. The emperor Xuanzong erected a huge stele in the Abbey Celebrating the Tang, demonstrating the support enjoyed from the royal house. Images of the six emperors, from Tang Gaozu to Xuanzong, were also held in the abbey. After the collapse of the Tang dynasty in 907, the Abbey Celebrating the Tang lost its political, legitimizing privileges, but its connection with the local community continued to develop well into the Song, Liao, Jin, and later dynasties. The creation and transformation of the Abbey Celebrating the Tang not only show the political influence of popular religion in ancient medieval China but also provide an interesting case of how a Daoist temple grew in popularity and prestige after it lost favor with the state.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Assandri, Friederike. "Examples of Buddho–Daoist interaction: conceptions of the afterlife in early medieval epigraphic sources." E-Journal of East and Central Asian Religions 1 (December 31, 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/ejecar.2013.1.726.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Kotyk, Jeffrey. "Indo-Iranian and Islamicate Sources of Astrological Medicine in Medieval China." Asian Medicine 14, no. 1 (September 2, 2019): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341434.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This study documents the introduction and implementation of foreign astrological medicine—specifically, prognosis on the basis of horoscopy—between the eighth and sixteenth centuries in China. It is argued that materials derived from Hellenistic, Indian, Iranian, and Islamicate sources were utilized by Chinese astrologers during the medieval period to predict illness. This study furthermore argues that remedies for negative astral influence were religious in nature and therefore constituted a type of faith healing that was practiced among Buddhists and Daoists.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Kwon, Sun-hyang, and Jeson Woo. "On the Origin and Conceptual Development of ‘Essence-Function’ (ti-yong)." Religions 10, no. 4 (April 16, 2019): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10040272.

Full text

Abstract:

‘Essence-function’ (ti-yong 體用), also called ‘substance-function,’ has been a constant topic of debate in monastic and academic communities in China. One group of scholars insists that the concept is derived from the Confucian tradition, while the other maintains that it originates with the Buddhist tradition. These opposing opinions are not merely the arguments of antiquity, but have persisted to our present time. This paper investigates the concept of ‘essence-function,’ focusing on its origin and conceptual development in the Buddhist and the Confucian traditions. This concept has become a basic framework of Chinese religions. Its root appears already in ancient Confucian and Daoist works such as the Xunzi and the Zhouyi cantong qi. It is, however, through the influence of Buddhism that ‘essence’ and ‘function’ became a paradigm used as an exegetical, hermeneutical and syncretic tool for interpreting Chinese philosophical works. This dual concept played a central role not only in the assimilation of Indian Buddhism in China during its earlier phases but also in the formation of Neo-Confucianism in medieval times. This paper shows that the paradigm constituted by ‘essence’ and ‘function’ resulted not from the doctrinal conflicts between Confucianism and Buddhism but from the interactions between them.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Shmushko, Kai. "The Multiple Dialectics of a Text and Author—A Study on Seng Zhao’s Non-Complete Emptiness (Bu zhenkong lun)." Religions 12, no. 7 (June 24, 2021): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070462.

Full text

Abstract:

In discussing the arrival of Buddhism to China, Erik Zürcher describes the meeting of “a jungle of Buddhist metaphysics” with other local philosophies and practices. This period was a transformative encounter with wide-ranging ramifications, including for textual traditions. Non-complete Emptiness (Bu zhenkong lun 不真空論), written by Seng Zhao 僧肇, is one product of this encounter. While explaining the principle of emptiness, Non-complete Emptiness incorporates Daoist and Confucian terminologies and elements. Nevertheless, the text is considered formative for the development of Buddhist writing and practice during the critical period of Buddhism’s assimilation into China in the third to fifth centuries AD. This study of Non-complete Emptiness looks at the philosophical and cultural relevance of the text. It suggests a methodological solution to some of the tensions that have arisen from Seng Zhao’s notion of emptiness. The article begins by looking into the historical and hermeneutical tendencies in the scholarship of Non-complete Emptiness. The following section provides a textual and cultural analysis of the text and its author, viewing the sage as an “open entity”, to understand Seng Zhao’s idea of emptiness. This analysis suggests that a multiple dialectic approach should be followed to improve the understanding of the text’s Buddhist message and Seng Zhao’s position as a scholar-monk in medieval China.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Raz, Gil. "Imperiled Destinies: The Daoist Quest for Deliverance in Medieval China. By Franciscus Verellen. Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series 118. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019. Pp. x+376, 10 color illustrations. $75.00 (cloth)." History of Religions 60, no. 4 (May 1, 2021): 362–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/713590.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Assandri, Friederike. "An Onto-Hermeneutic Approach to Early Medieval Daoist Philosophy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy, August 27, 2021, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-12340026.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This paper addresses the Buddhist terms and concepts in early medieval Daoist texts in the light of hermeneutic and onto-hermeneutic theory with an example from the Benji Jing. It argues that onto-hermeneutic strategies of interpretation allow us to understand Daoist texts with Buddhist terms and concepts as an expression of complex and creative philosophical thoughts without losing track of the essence of Daoism and thus as Daoist philosophy in its own right.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

"Monastic life in medieval Daoism: a cross-cultural perspective." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 07 (March 1, 2004): 41–4000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-4000.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Dupré, Wilhelm. "Monastic Life in Medieval Daoism. A Cross-Cultural Perspective by Livia Kohn. University of Hawai’i Press, 2003, 344pp., hb. $47.00. ISBN-13: 9780824826512." Implicit Religion 13, no. 3 (December 19, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/imre.v13i3.362.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Campany, Robert Ford. "Imperiled Destinies: The Daoist Quest for Deliverance in Medieval China By Franciscus Verellen. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2019. xi + 376 pp. $75.00, £60.95 (cloth)." Journal of Chinese History, April 22, 2020, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jch.2020.1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

"IMPERILED DESTINIES: THE DAOIST QUEST FOR DELIVERANCE IN MEDIEVAL CHINA. By FranciscusVerellen. Harvard Yenching Institute Monograph Series, 118. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2019. Pp. xi + 376. Hardback, $75.00." Religious Studies Review 45, no. 4 (December 2019): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.14354.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!