Journal articles: 'Medieval fear'

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Rosenwein, Barbara H. "Writing without fear about early medieval emotions." Early Medieval Europe 10, no. 2 (February 26, 2003): 229–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0254.00087.

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Brown, A. T. "The fear of downward social mobility in late medieval England." Journal of Medieval History 45, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 597–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2019.1660206.

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Stern, Barbara B. "Medieval Allegory: Roots of Advertising Strategy for the Mass Market." Journal of Marketing 52, no. 3 (July 1988): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002224298805200308.

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The author examines the medieval literary tradition of allegory and relates it to contemporary advertising. Allegory is characterized by the use of metaphor, personification, and moral conflict. This tradition is the basis of advertisements that use fear to convey didactic instruction to mass audiences. The author describes the use of allegory in advertising strategy in terms of message appeal, product benefits, target audience, and media design. Five areas for future research are suggested: content analysis of allegorical advertisements, cross-cultural implications, fear and guilt appeals, taxonomy of personifications as presenters, and effects of metaphors and symbols on advertising recall and comprehension.

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Bueno Domínguez, María Luisa. "LAS EMOCIONES MEDIEVALES: EL AMOR, EL MIEDO Y LA MUERTE MEDIEVAL EMOTIONS: LOVE, FEAR AND DEATH." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha 04 (2015): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i4.151.

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Taylor, Craig. "Military Courage and Fear in the Late Medieval French Chivalric Imagination." Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistes, no. 24 (December 30, 2012): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/crm.12910.

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Macdonald, Alastair J. "Courage, Fear and the Experience of the Later Medieval Scottish Soldier." Scottish Historical Review 92, no. 2 (October 2013): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2013.0174.

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This article examines aspects of the experience of the later medieval Scottish soldier, in particular courage, fear and the factors that shaped these responses. In many respects the story sketched fits into wider patterns of warriors’ lives elsewhere in Latin Christendom. Similar influences served to encourage the soldier and the prospect of similar afflictions might spread fear. There are also particularities in the Scottish case. The Scots had especially acute problems to overcome, notably in comparison to their regular enemies, the English, in maintaining fortitude in armed forces that featured a relatively wide social spread, with attendant implications for protective equipment and rudimentary training for the occasional soldiers who usually made up the majority of the Scottish host. The circumstances of Scotland's wars with England, meanwhile, led to greater than usual dangers of captivity, injury and death, and a greater level of equality of risk across the social spectrum in Scottish armies. Full-scale battlefield encounters with England brought the most acute challenges to the collective courage of Scottish soldiers and it is testament to their severity that even a renowned figure like William Wallace suffered a failure of resolve when faced with battle at Falkirk in 1298.

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Policzer, Pablo. "Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 554–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070576.

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Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages, Saskia Sassen, Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006, pp. xiv, 493.How to make sense of globalization? Saskia Sassen's attempt, in Territory, Authority, Rights (TAR), is like globalization itself: vast, sweeping and forceful, but maddeningly hard to grasp. At best, we are dazzled and sure we're on to something important. At worst, it's difficult to say what exactly this is. At times, we fear we've been had.

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Cooper, John P. "“Fear God; Fear the Bogaze”: The Nile Mouths and the Navigational Landscape of the Medieval Nile Delta, Egypt." Al-Masāq 24, no. 1 (April 2012): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2012.655584.

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Gada, Mohd Yaseen. "An Analysis of Islamophobia and the Anti-Islam Discourse." American Journal of Islam and Society 34, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v34i4.799.

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In the recent past, fear, hatred, and hostility toward Islam and Muslims inthe West have attracted increasing scholarly interest, a development that iscertainly commendable. Some important works have delved deeply intothe Western imagination and stereotyping of Islam and Muslims, amongthem John Victor Tolan’s Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam (1996)and Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (2002),Fredrick Quinn’s The Sum of All Heresies: The Image of Islam in WesternThought (2008), Matthew Dimmock’s Mythologies of the Prophet Muhammadin Early Modern English Culture (2013),1 and Sophia Rose Arjana’sMuslims in the Western Imagination (2015) ...

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Classen, Albrecht. "The Cambridge Companion to the Literature of the Crusades, ed. Anthony Bale. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019, xvii, 281 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 393–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.80.

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No other event in the entire Middle Ages has stirred as much excitement, interest, intrigue, fear, frustration, and religious enthusiasm as the crusades (1096–1291). Medievalists do not need to be reminded of that fact since medieval literature, the arts, music, religion, and countless chronicle accounts are filled with references and allusions to these religious-military endeavors to regain the Holy Land from Muslim control. But this volume, well edited by Anthony Bale, obviously appeals mostly to student and general readers and alerts them to the enormous impact which the crusades really had on medieval imagination and the subsequent world of writing. Other volumes might also consider medieval architecture or music in light of the crusades, but again, there is already much work published in that respect.

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Raeburn, Gordon D. "Erasmus and the Emotions of Death." Erasmus Studies 40, no. 2 (November 12, 2020): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18749275-04002003.

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Abstract This article investigates the presence of emotion, primarily fear, in Erasmus’ work on death and dying. How did Erasmus approach the fear of death, how did he believe people should face this fear, and what were his own personal beliefs on the matter? These questions are addressed here. The recent growth of the study of the History of Emotion has shown just how central to the development of thought and belief in the late medieval and early modern periods the emotions were, and this is no less true of the development of thought and belief concerning death and dying. The various ars moriendi works of the period were fully aware of the natural fear of death that people had, and they approached this fear in several ways. By the time Reformed Protestant artes moriendi began to appear, readers were taught that the fear of death could only be overcome by the constant meditation upon death. In certain respects Erasmus, with his De Praeparatione, bridged the gap between Catholicism, Early Lutheranism, and Reformed Protestantism, and as such his work, and its use of and engagement with fear, is investigated in detail here.

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Landes, Richard. "The Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian Historiography, Medieval and Modern." Speculum 75, no. 1 (January 2000): 97–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887426.

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Foot, Sarah. "Plenty, Portents and Plague: Ecclesiastical Readings of the Natural World in Early Medieval Europe." Studies in Church History 46 (2010): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000474.

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Noli paterFather do not allow thunder and lightning,Lest we be shattered by its fear and its fire.We fear you, the terrible one, believing there is none like you.All songs praise you throughout the host of angels.Let the summits of heaven, too, praise you with roaming lightning,O most loving Jesus, O righteous King of Kings.(Thomas Owen Clancy and Gilbert Márkus,Iona: The Earliest Poetry of a Celtic Monastery, 85)Early medieval attitudes to the natural world were distinctly ambivalent. At one level the natural world represented the marvel of God’s creative power; filled with beauty, it supplied everything necessary for human existence, meriting praise, as in the hymn sung by the herdsman from Whitby, Cædmon:

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Helgeland, John. "The Symbolism of Death in the Later Middle Ages." OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying 15, no. 2 (October 1985): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/kln2-b0cf-7ucr-ec7e.

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Historians of medieval art and letters have failed satisfactorily to explain the gruesome images of death occurring at the end of that period. The explanation offered here is that the images are a form of symbolism based on body metaphors. By means of the decomposing bodies, the artists and poets symbolized the disintegration of medieval institutions and the transition to the early modern period in Europe. This view of symbolism depends on the work of Mary Douglas who has shown that the human body is the first, most natural symbol for describing social groups and institutions. A corollary of this argument is that the relationship between the vividness and fear of death and the collapse of institutions is reciprocal.

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Troitskiy, Sergey. "Is parody dangerous?" European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.2.517.

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This article arose from the scandal which broke out in Russia in 2018, when Ulyanovsk cadets made an amateur video clip parodying the Benny Benassi’s musical video (2003). Soon, this video had more than a million views. But official Russian media sharply reproached the cadets’ performance, and even Russian authorities discussed the video. The Russian Internet community issued a lot of videos in support of the cadets. The reaction of Russian media on the cadets’ parody was mainly strong and not always adequate. I am interested in the reasons behind the fear of parody because, in my opinion, the official discourse had nothing to fear. My analysis is based on the Russian theories of parody and the medieval cultural experience. Can parody be dangerous? Why did the official media overreact?

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Ludwikowska, Joanna. "Uncovering the Secret: Medieval Women, Magic and the Other." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 49, no. 2 (January 29, 2015): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2014-0009.

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Abstract For medieval audiences women occupied a specific, designated cultural area which, while they could freely form it according to their will and nature, was in fact imaginary and immaterial. Women in social, legal, and religious contexts were mostly counted among the receptive, inactive, and non-ruling groups. On both levels, there was a group of features universally defining all women: the strong, virtuous and independent model Aquinas lamented was replaced in real life by the sinful, carnal and weak stereotype, and the erotic, emotional, mysterious, and often wild type present predominantly in literature. Indeed, women were a source of scientific, theological, and cultural fascination because of their uncanny and complex nature, producing both fear and desire of the source and nature of the unattainable and inaccessible femininity. In social contexts, however, the enchantress seems to lose that veil of allure and, instead, is forced to re-define her identity by suppressing, denying, or losing her supernatural features. With the example of Saint Agnes from the South English Legendary Life of Saint Agnes, and Melior from Partonope of Blois (ca. 1450), the article will explore how medieval texts dealt with the complex and unruly female supernatural, and how its neutralization and subduing fitted into the moral, scientific, and cultural norms of medieval society.

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Curtis, Daniel R., Bas van Bavel, and Tim Soens. "History and the Social Sciences: Shock Therapy with Medieval Economic History as the Patient." Social Science History 40, no. 4 (2016): 751–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.30.

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Since the turn of the Millennium, major changes in economic history practice such as the dominance of econometrics and the championing of “big data,” as well as changes in how research is funded, have created new pressures for medieval economic historians to confront. In this article, it is suggested that one way of strengthening the field further is to more explicitly link up with hypotheses posed in other social sciences. The historical record is one “laboratory” in which hypotheses developed by sociologists, economists, and even natural scientists can be explicitly tested, especially using dual forms of geographical and chronological comparison. As one example to demonstrate this, a case is made for the stimulating effect of “disaster studies.” Historians have failed to interact with ideas from disaster studies, not only because of the general drift away from the social sciences by the historical discipline, but also because of a twin conception that medieval disaster study bears no relation to the modern, and that medieval coping strategies were hindered by providence, superstition, fear, and panic. We use the medieval disasters context to demonstrate that medieval economic history can contribute to big narratives of our time, including climate change and inequality. This contribution can be in (1) investigating the root causes of vulnerability and resilience, and recovery of societies over the long term (moving disaster studies away from instant impact focus) and (2) providing the social context needed to interpret the massive amount of “big data” produced by historical climatologists, bioarchaeologists, economists, and so on.

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Olson, Trisha. "The Medieval Blood Sanction and the Divine Beneficence of Pain: 1100-1450." Journal of Law and Religion 22, no. 1 (2006): 63–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400003222.

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Here the worldling now all bound in fetters liesstarts to fear his God, his tears flow from his eyesJustice comes along, with gallows, wheel and sword:God tells the pious man to enter Heaven's door.Across medieval Western Europe, those who committed serious wrongs, such as homicide, arson, treason, and rape were subject to a wide range of capital punishments that were seemingly brutal, frequently bloody, and at times spectacular. Grisly images of an executioner dismembering a condemned's limbs from his torso, smashing his chest cavity, gouging his eyes, or piercing his body with hot pokers are the common stuff of scaffold art in the high Middle Ages. Such images attest to the critical role of pain in medieval capital punishment. Whereas in our day all attempts are made to render penal death painless, in the high and late Middle Ages, the tie between pain and death is not only tolerated but, at times, purposefully exacerbated.

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Dickson, Gary. "Encounters in Medieval Revivalism: Monks, Friars, and Popular Enthusiasts." Church History 68, no. 2 (June 1999): 265–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170858.

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Any consideration of the half-millennium of Western European popular enthusiasm from ca. 1000 to ca. 1500—beginning, say, in 994 at the Council of Anse in Burgundy with the intervention of Abbot Odilo of Cluny in the Peace of God movement, and terminating (again with an arbitrary date) on May 23, 1498, in Florence, with the hanging and burning of Fra Girolamo Savonarola, O.P.—must involve the role of the regular clergy, the professed religious of Latin Christendom. Medieval collective religious enthusiasm, especially when it was not inaugurated by ecclesiastical authority, was often divisive, attracting converts and distracting or repelling others. Monks and friars could not remain indifferent to such movements. For one thing, if their stance was deemed inappropriate, their relationship with the laity (perhaps fellow townsfolk), or the papacy, or their rich and powerful benefactors might be compromised. Nor was their role necessarily that of spectators. Members of the regular clergy sometimes participated in medieval revivals. Possibly still more important is the fact that during most of our period the regulars had the lion's share of chronicling popular enthusiasm. It is in their historical writings that medieval popular religious revivals were mythologized and memorialized. Our view of such movements, therefore, has been shaped by their perceptions and prejudices. Their narratives also provide us with a rich source from which to gauge their interpretations of medieval revivalism. For they make no attempt to conceal their attitudes toward lay enthusiasts—their suspicion, animosity, fear, approbation, sympathy, empathy.

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Lee, Becky R. "The Purification of Women After Childbirth: A Window Onto Medieval Perceptions of Women." Florilegium 14, no. 1 (January 1996): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.14.003.

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In the second quarter of the thirteenth century Bishop Roger Niger found it necessary to issue a statute in the archdeaconry of London regarding the rite known as the Purification of Women after Childbirth, more commonly spoken of today as churching. This blessing of a recently delivered mother took place at the church door and usually marked her first appearance in church since her confinement. It had come to the bishop’s attention that women were seeking this sacramental in parishes other than their own. They were fleeing their home parishes out of “hatred or fear of the curate, or in order to avoid injury or scandal” after having become pregnant (Powicke and Cheney 336 # 16).

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Hoffman, Donald L. "The Medieval Filmscape: Reflections of Fear and Desire in a Cinematic Mirror by William F. Woods." Arthuriana 24, no. 4 (2014): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/art.2014.0049.

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Burger, Christoph. "Late Medieval Piety expressed in Song Manuscripts of the Devotio Moderna." Church History and Religious Culture 88, no. 3 (2008): 329–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124108x426529.

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AbstractBooklets with song texts from houses belonging to one of the branches of the Devotio Moderna often contain texts of songs which had been sung earlier. However, the fact that such song texts were written down in booklets shows that they were valued by their owners, who chose to express their personal piety in these songs. Manuscripts of this type are a kind of personal creed. Compared with the heavenly Jerusalem, life on earth is seen as misery, but all afflictions are seen as tolerable if they lead to eternal glory. Heaven is considered as the true home of Christians. On the other hand, the fear of being damned for eternity is strong. Even songs expressing severe affliction end with a confession of trust in God the Father, Christ or Mary. In a booklet written by or for a female Augustinian canon, a specific female piety with connotations of an erotic longing for the celestial bridegroom Christ is perceptible.

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Griffiths, Alison. "The crystal reveals the whole: medieval dreamscapes and cinematic space as virtual media." Journal of Visual Culture 20, no. 1 (April 2021): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412921994617.

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This article examines the rich visual culture of the medieval period in order to better understand dreaming as a kind of visual thought experiment, one in which ideas associated with cinema, such as embodied viewing, narrative sequencing, projection, and sensory engagement, are palpable in a range of visual and literary works. The author explores the theoretical connections between the oneiric qualities of cinema and the visual culture of medieval dreams, dealing in turn with the following themes: (i) media and mediation; (ii) projection and premonition; (iii) virtual spatiality; and (iv) automata and other animated objects. The wide swath of medieval literary dream texts, with their mobile perspectives, sensory plentitude, and gnostic mission, resonate with the cinematic in the structuring of the gaze. Investigating the codes of medieval culture provides us with an unusually rich episteme for thinking about how the dreamscapes of the Middle Ages evoke media dispositifs. Opening up these thought lines across distinct eras can help us extrapolate similarities around ways of imagining objects, spaces, sensations of embodied viewing or immersion, reminding us that our contemporary cinematic and digital landscapes are not divorced from earlier ways of seeing and believing. Whether stoking religious fear and veneration or providing sensual pleasure as in Le Roman de la Rose, the dreamworlds of the Middle Ages have bequeathed us a number of an extraordinarily rich creative works that are the imaginative building blocks of media worlds-in-the-making, as speculative in many ways as current discourses around new media.

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Giladi, Avner. "LIMINAL CRAFT, EXCEPTIONAL LAW: PRELIMINARY NOTES ON MIDWIVES IN MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC WRITINGS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (April 13, 2010): 202a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000322.

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In this article, the first fruit of an ongoing research on the sociocultural history of midwifery in medieval Muslim societies, I trace the attitudes toward midwives as revealed in Arabic biographical, medical, and legal texts. These texts, the product of male scholars, mirror an ambivalent attitude toward midwives: a mixture of repressed admiration, open repulsion, and fear. Thus, midwives are almost totally absent from Islamic scriptures, and Muslim writers make them play only a minor role in biographical and hagiographic literature, where the midwives of the Prophet's family are consciously or unconsciously “blocked” from becoming mythological figures. Women, sometimes hesitatingly identified as midwives, nevertheless played a role through their very presence at the moment of the Prophet's birth. In a storylike manner, they set an example for the implication of the legal rules concerning the midwife's exceptional status as a witness in court, rules that were formulated and consolidated in the formative period of Islamic law side by side with the traditions on the Prophet Muhammad's birth.

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Aminrazavai, Mehdi. "Medieval Philosophical Discourse and Muslim-Christian Dialogue." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 3 (October 1, 1996): 382–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2299.

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As pluralistic societies in the West become the nonn and the "globalvillage" becomes a reality, ecumenical dialogues gain prominence.Ecumenical dialogues, which, like many other discussions, first beganamong scholars as an exclusively academic activity, now take place inchurches, corrununities, and other sociopolitical organizations. In theUnited States, in particular, attempts are being made to introduce educationalcurricula that are sensitive to the culture and religious orientations ofminorities.The very feasibility of a Christian-Muslim dialogue should be calledinto question. Can the Islamic world enter into a dialogue with the secularWest? Any dialogue or discourse requires a corrunon language, a sharedworldview, and some basic agreement on some of the fundamental axiomsaround which a worldview is formed. I fear that the Islamic world and theWest no longer have such a common language.In the present discussion, I will offer an analysis and interpretation ofMuslim-Christian dialogue that calls for a reflection on the readiness ofMuslims to have a meaningful dialogue with the West. I argue that the necessarycondition for a meaningful dialogue between traditional Islam andthe secular West does not exist and, therefore, that any attempt to do so atthis time either will not succeed or will become a superficial survey of whatwe have in common, such as the Ten Commandments. To elucidate, I willfirst offer a model of a successful dialogue between Muslims and Christiansbased on the medieval philosophical dialogue between Muslim and Christianphilosophers. I will then apply the conclusions drawn from this modelto contemporary attempts at such ecumenical dialogues.Any student of medieval philosophy can observe two distinct periodsin the history of medieval philosophy, defined here as early and later,each of which has distinct characteristics. The early period belongs to theChurch fathers who laid the groundwork for Christian philosophical andtheological frameworks. Early Christian philosophical writings of suchfigures as Augustine, Boethius, John Scotus, St. Anselm, Peter Abaillard,and others were responses to specific questions of an intellectual nature ...

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Chiu, Remi. "MUSIC, PESTILENCE AND TWO SETTINGS OF O BEATE SEBASTIANE." Early Music History 31 (2012): 153–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127912000022.

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This essay examines the role of music in the late-medieval and Renaissance response to plague. According to doctors, the mere thought of plague could bring on the disease; they therefore prescribed joyful music to distract the mind from insidious imaginings and to counteract the harmful effects of fear. The prescription for music, however, was not unequivocal. Some spiritual authorities looked suspiciously upon music's role as anti-pestilential remedy. These competing discourses inform a reading of Johannes Martini's and Gaspar van Weerbeke's settings of O beate Sebastiane, motets that petition St Sebastian, the premier plague saint of the Renaissance, for divine intervention against pestilence.

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Sahm, Heike. "MEDIALE FORMATIERUNG." Daphnis 42, no. 1 (May 1, 2013): 29–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90001127.

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The Ars moriendi illustrated with woodcuts was the most popular block book of the late 15th century. Though this popularity gives evidence of the late medieval fear of death, the invention of the block book itself can in the first instance be explained by the technical needs of a new medium. While the manuscript versions of Speculum artis bene moriendi contain an unequal and unsystematic treatment of five temptations, the format of the block book, with the same space available for text and illustration for each temptation and the repetition of the same situation, required a more systematic and standardized treatment of the five temptations.

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Sutherland, John. "A Girl in the Bodleian: Mary Ward's Room of Her Own." Browning Institute Studies 16 (1988): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0092472500002157.

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Founded in medieval monasticism, the University of Oxford has always been nervous about women on its premises. For six hundred years, the other sex was comprehensively shut out. It was not until 1879 (some time after Cambridge) that a token few female students were admitted at the collegiate enclave of Somerville (Mallet 432). Oxford dons were bound to formal celibacy until the 1870s. And even after the erosion of this rule, women continued to be seen as fatal presences at the university: a fear burlesqued in Max Beerbohm's novel Zuleika Dobson (1911), where the arrival of one sexually desirable girl drives the whole of Oxford's undergraduate population to lemming-like suicide in the Isis.

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Sellheim, Nikolas P. "‘The rage of the Northmen’: Extreme metal and North-motivated violence." Polar Record 54, no. 5-6 (September 2018): 339–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247419000020.

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AbstractThe Vikings have for generations yielded significant output in different cultural venues. Also the music scene has utilised perceptions of the North and the Northmen to generate a stereotypical image of medieval Scandinavian society. Extreme metal, most notably black and Viking metal, have applied narratives pertaining to the Viking Age for its own purposes. This paper examines one particular aspect of the black and Viking metal music scene: violence. It examines how the North and its inhabitants are utilised to justify violent behaviour. Drawing from pinpointed examples of extreme metal, this paper shows that stereotypical assumptions of violent Viking expansion as well as fear of subjugation motivate the ‘rage of the Northmen.’

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Agutter, Paul S., Mohammadali M. Shoja, R. Shane Tubbs, Mohammad Reza Rashidi, Majid Khalili, Seyed Fazel Hosseini, Kamyar Ghabili, Aaron A. Cohen-Gadol, and Marios Loukas. "Hysterical paralysis and premature burial: A medieval Persian case, fear and fascination in the west, and modern practice." Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine 20, no. 3 (April 2013): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jflm.2012.05.006.

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Fadel, Mohammad. "Two Women, One Man: Knowledge, Power, and Gender in Medieval Sunni Legal Thought." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1997): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064461.

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Many Muslim feminists have argued that at the core of Islam lies a gender-neutral belief system that has been obscured by a centuries-long tradition of male-dominated interpretation. Although this gender-neutral system of belief had been almost entirely suppressed by the ruling Islamic discourses, according to Leila Ahmed, marginalized discourses such as Sufism and the antinomian Carmathians were able to preserve Islam's message of the ethical equality of men and women. Amina Wadud-Muhsin argues that the traditional verse-by-verse method of Qurʾanic exegesis, along with its domination by male practitioners, marginalized female experiences in understanding revelation. In her view, these two factors ultimately led to the suppression of the Qurʾan's message of gender equality. Fatima Mernissi, in The Veil and the Male Elite, instead argues that the religious scholars of Islam, because of their fear of subjectivity, were content with a purely empirical science of religion—a methodology that left the door wide open to the manipulation of revelation through interpretation. Unlike Ahmed, however, she recognizes that even within the dominant discourse of the Sunni scholars, not all spoke of women in the same monotonously misogynistic voice.

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T, Sheeba, and Praveen Sam D. "Literary Interpretations based on the studies on Occasional Verses of the Medieval Period." International Research Journal of Tamil 3, no. 3 (July 23, 2021): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt21311.

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Poets recreate their innermost feelings in the minds of the readers through their poems. In addition, the vast majority of occasional verses sung on poets’ own emotions. They are therefore classified as autobiographical poems. In these songs, poets not only write about the beauty of nature but also about their experiences of life and the literary world. Literature composed of pleasure, humour, carefree contentment, and the emotions of fear, sadness, anxiety, pain, rivalry, jealousy, frustration, and struggle are largely discussed in the occasional verses of medieval literature. The role of literature in the sociological and psychological analysis of the everyday life problems of poets becomes an integral part of their themes. How do the problems that this society affect the soul of an individual? In it, one can learn from the literature of the time. The success of the creators is that they create the best literature related to human life. Further, the uniqueness and personality of a poet are known by the excellence of his or her conceptual style. This article studies the verses that have been excluded from the history of Tamil literature, and known as the "Occasional Verses Collection (Single Anthology)".

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Moscoso, Javier. "Daniel McCann and Claire McKechnie-Mason (eds), Fear in the Medical and Literary Imagination, Medieval to Modern. Dreadful Passions." Histoire, médecine et santé, no. 17 (July 8, 2021): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/hms.4119.

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Classen, Albrecht. "Martin Arnold, The Dragon: Fear and Power. London: Reaktion, 2018, 328 pp., many b/w and color ill." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.14.

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The figure of the dragon represents a topic of shared interest among medievalists and modern readers young and old. The dragon is simply ‘in’ and has always appealed to public culture throughout time and also across the world. Many medieval heroic poems, many modern narratives, films, images, and other art works are deeply determined by the appearance of dragons, mostly fearsome, terrifying, alienating creatures, unless we turn to some East-Asian cultures. Dragons have been studied already for a long time, and Martin Arnold simply adds here another, well researched monograph on this topic, which covers it very broadly, although much more could be said, of course, about individual texts or art works not dealt with here. It is not easy to come to terms with dragons because they are so ubiquitous and yet refuse easy answers. They belong to the corpus of archetypal images, but there is no hard-core scientific evidence for their existence.

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Marafioti, Martin. "Semantic Distance as Reaction to Pestilence in Medieval Italy: Evidence from the Story Collections of Boccaccio, Sacchetti, and Sercambi." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 39, no. 2 (September 2005): 326–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580503900202.

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In his Decameron, Giovanni Boccaccio prescribes storytelling as a means of distraction from the anxieties and suffering associated with the mortifera pestilenza of 1348. Boccaccio pays careful attention to semantics in his work; he confines the discussion of pestilence to the frame tale and avoids evoking the plague thematically, symbolically, and linguistically in the one hundred novelle. This essay examines the power attributed to language in times of epidemic outbreak, in particular, the fear of pronouncing the name of an illness, as if somehow, words possessed the power to make one more susceptible to the malady or to infect. This linguistic aversion to pestilence is analyzed in the story collections of Giovanni Boccaccio, Franco Sacchetti, and Giovanni Sercambi.

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Calkin, Siobhain Bly. "The Anxieties of Encounter and Exchange: Saracens and Christian Heroism in Sir Beves of Hamtoun." Florilegium 21, no. 1 (January 2004): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.21.011.

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As Edward Said, Norman Daniel, and Dorothee Metlitzki have pointed out, the purportedly Muslim figures who appear in medieval western literature usually bear little or no resemblance to historical Muslims of the period. Said states, "we need not look for correspondence between the language used to depict the Orient and the Orient itself, not so much because the language is inaccurate but because it is not even trying to be accurate" (71). Similarly, Daniel and Metlitzki identify repeated stereotypical misrepresentations of Islam in medieval literary texts, such as the depiction of Islam as a polytheistic religion or the depiction of alcohol-drinking Muslims (Daniel 3-4, 49-51, 72-73, 81, 133-54; Metlitzki 209-10). It is certainly true that there is little or no mimetic relationship between literary Saracens and historical Muslims, but it should be noted that literary Saracens, despite their inaccuracies, did connote for the West an extremely powerful, technologically advanced Muslim civilization, which both impressed medieval Christians with its scientific knowledge and immense wealth, and menaced them militarily with its many victories over crusaders and its capacity for territorial expansion. Thus, while the Saracens of western literature may not offer us a historically accurate vision of medieval Islam, they can occasionally offer us some insight into the anxieties historical Islam posed for the West. This essay examines moments in the fourteenth-century Middle English romance Sir Beves of Hamtoun when the text’s depiction of one knight’s assimilation into a Saracen world communicates historical anxieties about how life in a Saracen enclave might compromise the Christian heroism of an English knight. The essay argues that Beves of Hamtoun both conveys a fear of Christian assimilation into a non-Christian world, and defines a model of heroic action to counteract such assimilation and re-establish the borders between Christianity and Saracenness. However, the text also indicates the ways in which heroic efforts to reconstruct such borders might ultimately fail.

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Draskóczy, Eszter. "„Nem vagyok sem Aeneas, sem Pál” – Dante túlvilágjárása és elődei I. Dante és Aeneas." Antikvitás & Reneszánsz, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/antikren.2019.4.61-87.

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During his voyage through Hell and Purgatory led by Virgil, Dante the Pilgrim’s initial fear and pusillanimity (“I am not Aeneas”) turns into a strong but unspoken claim (I am a new Aeneas), and this transformation is marked by a number of references and rephrases of the Aeneid. The core of the renewal is the Christian message that follows the interpretation of allegorical commentaries. However, Dante draws on several other traditions in his artistic competition with his predecessors. Thus, he invokes Aeneas’ experiences, including his deeds, his map of the Underworld, his encounters, his major virtues, his determination, and his role model, Orpheus. The symbolic journey of the Commedia is longer than Virgil’s path as it eventually creates the Pilgrim’s identity, based on Biblical and apocalyptical tradition as well as medieval visionary literature.

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Abate, Dante, Graziano Furini, Silvio Migliori, and Samuele Pierattini. "Multiple Visualization Web Approach for Cultural Heritage Objects." Geoinformatics FCE CTU 6 (December 21, 2011): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.14311/gi.6.1.

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Usually the diffusion and sharing of cultural heritage documented 3D models on the web are not first of concern for scholars due to the fear of losing the intellectual property related to them. Sometimes the interaction and navigation of virtual objects via the World Wide Web is also problematic due to their dimension (number of triangles), when high-definition has to be preserved. In this paper we propose a mash up methodology, for a multiple approach to visualize 3D models over the internet. After the digitization of a marble statue placed in the Medieval Museum of the city of Bologna, according to the well known 3D pipeline (from the laser scan survey to the texturing process), we assembled together different solutions for sharing the model on the web.

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Forrest, I. "Municipal Officials, Their Public, and the Negotiation of Justice in Medieval Languedoc: Fear Not the Madness of the Raging Mob." French History 28, no. 3 (July 29, 2014): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/cru058.

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Hailstone, Catherine-Rose. "Fear in the Medical and Literary Imagination, Medieval to Modern: Dreadful Passions, edited by McCann, Daniel, and Claire McKechnie-Mason." Emotions: History, Culture, Society 3, no. 1 (June 6, 2019): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-02010051.

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Mitzen, Jennifer. "The Irony of Pinkerism." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 525–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001114.

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This is quite a book. Its sheer heft is daunting, its central claim bold and sweeping, its data relentless. While the planet goes “cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity,” Steven Pinker argues, the human species has been progressing. We have reduced the fear of violent death for an ever-greater proportion of the population across the centuries. Pinker argues that every sort of violence has declined, from interpersonal cruelty to interstate war, beginning toward the end of the medieval period and extending to today. He then identifies the causes of decline so that we can know what can extend the trend into the future. This will allow us, as he puts it, to “obsess not just over what we have been doing wrong but also over what we have been doing right” (p. xxvi).

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Campbell, Sandra. "It Must Be the End of Time: Apocalyptic Auadith as a Record of the Islamic Community's Reactions To the Turbulent First Centuries." Medieval Encounters 4, no. 3 (1998): 178–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006798x00106.

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AbstractOver the last three decades, scholars have mined medieval apocalyptic literature for information about historical events. Although this has also been done for the Islamic apocalyptic literature, this article argues that the latter is better used to gain insight into pcople's responses to events rather than to chart the events themselves. This, in turn, allows us to better understand certain religious and political developments. For instance, the widespread fear and anxiety experienced by the early Muslim community, as evinced in the apocalyptic literature, appears to have led to the acceptance of the obligation, expressed in many Sunni creeds, to obey those in authority no matter how unjust they may be. The widespread acceptance of this quietist tenet is best understood as a response to the strife and discord that vexed the umma in the first centuries of Islamic history.

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Bellitto, Christopher M. "The Spirituality of Reform in the Late Medieval Church: The Example of Nicolas de Clamanges." Church History 68, no. 1 (March 1999): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170107.

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For the Parisian humanist and Avignon papal secretary Nicolas de Clamanges, reform of the late medieval church began not in capite but with personal reform grounded in a spirituality that was itself built on patristic principles. His colleagues, including Jean Gerson and Pierre d'Ailly at the Council of Constance, first located reform institutionally in capite and expected it to trickle down in membris. Clamanges by contrast applied the fathers' emphasis on individual spiritual growth to the late medieval church: a preparatory and indispensable reformatio personalis must constantly be at work in order for broader reform to succeed. He particularly contended that God would grant each Christian guidance and lead his spiritual progress through purgative suffering in fear, humility, and solitude that followed Christ's example. Only by this path could the entire church—member by member—return to union, peace, and purity. In this way Clamanges married the patristic goal of personal reform to the prevailing interior spirituality of his age with its focus on the humanity and suffering of Christ. Clamanges's important religious ideas have frequently been overlooked, however, by the high-profile careers of his close friends d'Ailly and Gerson as well as by Clamanges's own role in French humanism. By looking at his reform thought we will take one step toward identifying Clamanges as far more than an elegant writer while we use his ideas to explore how individual spirituality and personal reform were closely aligned in the troubled church of the late Middle Ages.

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Dorin, Rowan W. "“Once the Jews have been Expelled”: Intent and Interpretation in Late Medieval Canon Law." Law and History Review 34, no. 2 (March 8, 2016): 335–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000043.

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Sometime in early 1434, two northern Italian counts, Francesco Pico della Mirandola and his brother Giovanni, sent a letter to Pope Eugene IV (r. 1431–47). Out of concern for their subjects, who had long suffered from a shortage of credit, Francesco and Giovanni had allowed some Jews to settle in their lands and lend at interest. In addition, the brothers had rented a house to these Jews for the purpose of moneylending. At the time, the noblemen stressed, they had not believed their actions to be unlawful. They had since come to fear, however, that they had inadvertently brought automatic excommunication upon themselves by violating the provisions of Usurarum voraginem, a decree first issued at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274 that called on secular and religious authorities to refuse lodging to foreign usurers and, in addition, to expel such usurers from their lands. The brothers' uncertainty, the petition noted, reflected the varied opinions of contemporary jurists (presumably those at Bologna, a mere 60 kilometers away), who disagreed on whether the decree was to be understood in reference to Jewish as well as Christian moneylenders. Deciding to err on the side of caution, the brothers petitioned the Holy Father to grant them absolution, if they had indeed incurred ecclesiastical censure through their actions. In addition, they asked to be granted a dispensation allowing the Jews to remain in their lands, so as to spare their subjects from even greater economic misfortune.

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Zein, Fuad Muhammad. "AL-SIYASAH WA AL-AKHLAQ �INDA MACHIAVELLI WA AL-MAWARDI." Indonesian Journal of Islamic Literature and Muslim Society 1, no. 1 (October 10, 2016): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/islimus.v1i1.256.

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The issue of politics and ethics are two sides of a coin that invited attention of medieval scholars both in the West and the Islamic world. Although interrelated, but the implementation raises the difference between the two worlds. For the Western world, represented by Machiavelli, politics and ethics should be separated. A ruler should not be bound by ethics and tradition, and does not need to obey the law. In domestic relations affairs, a ruler must collect on his love and fear of people. While in foreign affairs, a ruler must reflect "a smart wolf and a strong lion. As for the world of Islam represented by al-Mawardi, politics and ethics cannot be separated. Even the basics of government, he said, are inspired by Islamic values based on the Qur'an and Hadith. Even a ruler must have and improve its ethical because it is a basic rule.

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Kostick, Conor. "Courage and Cowardice on the First Crusade, 1096–1099." War in History 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344512454517.

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Previous surveys of medieval thinking with regard to courage and cowardice have concluded that the greatest opprobrium was reserved for those knights who turned and fled from battle. A close examination of the many sources for the First Crusade, however, indicates that such battlefield behaviour was far less of an issue than that of desertion from the campaign. There is no comparison between the anger and violent expression of dismay directed towards those who abandoned the crusade and that levelled at those who fled from fighting. What this suggests is that the all-or-nothing nature of the enterprise, once it was far from Christian territories, combined with a theology that equated leaving the army with the violation of a pilgrim’s oath, altered the participant’s concept of cowardice. Leaving the crusade was the highest form of cowardice and all other displays of fear were relatively excusable.

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Pluskowski, Aleks. "The Tyranny of the Gingerbread House: Contextualising the Fear of Wolves in Medieval Northern Europe through Material Culture, Ecology and Folklore." Current Swedish Archaeology 13, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2005.08.

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In this paper, I propose to contextualise the popular perception ofthe "fairy tale wolf" as a window into a normative past, by focusing on responses to this animal in Britain and southern Scandinavia from the 8th to the 14th centuries, drawing on archaeological, artistic and written sources. These responses are subsequently juxtaposed with the socio-ecological context of the concept of the "fairy tale wolf" in early modern France. At a time when folklore is being increasingly incorporated into archaeological interpretation, I suggest that alternative understandings ofhuman relations with animals must be rooted in specific ecological and social contexts.

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Khokhlova, A. V. "The ‘wild hunt’ in the long story by V. Korotkevich. A new interpretation of the medieval legend." Voprosy literatury, no. 4 (August 19, 2021): 154–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2021-4-154-167.

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The article considers a transformation of the Western European motif of the ‘wild hunt’ in V. Korotkevich’s story King Stakh’s Wild Hunt. The author gives an overview of folklore motifs typical of the ‘wild hunt’ phenomenon in the Western and Eastern European traditions. With origins in folklore, the ‘wild hunt’ motifs find their way into works of many writers in the late modern to contemporary period: the ‘wild hunt’ is localised on the edge of the mythological space and retains a fixed set of meanings. Most commonly, the ‘wild hunt’ features at the intersection of two domains. The first one is a complex of motifs inherited from the ancient myths and legends of the Germanic ‘Wütendes Heer.’ The second consists of the attributes of actual hunting. Taking a cue from The Hound of the Baskervilles — an obvious inspiration behind the story — and making use of the motifs traditionally associated with the legend, Korotkevich deconstructs the medieval myth, reducing it to an adventurous technique, only to reinstate it with new and unique meanings. The ‘wild hunt’ becomes a symbol of the ignorance, fear and despondency that have the world in their grip.

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Kyrchanoff, Maksym W. "Inventing Nostalgia for the “Golden Age” of the National Middle Ages and Fear of the Future." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 2, no. 4 (December 22, 2020): 112–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v2i4.106.

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The author analyses features and trends within the development of medievalism and futurism in Japanese mass culture. Mass culture in Japan arose as one of many consequences of political, social and cultural modernization. Medievalism and futurism simplify ideas regarding the past or the future (futurism) and incorporate their elements into the mass culture. These cultural phenomena are analyzed in the context of the imagination of communities, the invention of traditions, and the simulation of classical heritage within a Japanese context. The author analyses cultural situations in which the intellectual discourse of mass culture develops along ethnic lines, while also acknowledging the contribution of modern technological civilization. Medievalism in the identity of modern Japanese mass culture actualizes the myth of the ethnographic "golden age" of medieval culture’s feudal daimyo and samurai sub-culture. By contrast, futurism actualizes cultural phobias that are inspired by feelings of insecurity about the future of civilization. It is assumed that medievalism and futurism as forms of cultural escapism in Japanese popular culture arose as a consequence of the trauma of forced de-archaisation and de-feudalization, forced military and economic modernization, and the miraculous success of Japan’s economic growth and expansion in the post-war era. The author believes that these factors actualized social discomfort and stimulated escapist practices. The author analyses these phenomena within the context of mass culture, believing that a consumer society requires reflection upon the national past in order to yield a visualization of its continuity with earlier social institutions.

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Bohórquez-Carvajal, Julian. "Actitudes culturales ante la enfermedad y la muerte. Perspectivas desde la pandemia global." Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 77, no. 2-3 (September 23, 2021): 793–818. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/rpf/2021_77_2_0793.

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In the context of Covid-19 pandemic, this paper reflects on the effects of great epidemics on our cultural attitudes towards illness and death. First, through a parallel between the coronavirus pandemic and the medieval Black Death, I examine the impact of epidemics on our ways of thinking about reality and of responding collectively to the fear of dying. Based on the historical periodization of the different mentalities towards death, formulated by Philippe Ariès, I argue that epidemic phenomena modify the way in which the different cultures conceive and deal with finitude, and how this fact manifests itself in the contemporary society, characterized by the denial of death. I conclude that current pandemic can lead us to a thoughtful reappropriation of our mortality. Second, based on the reflections of American writer Susan Sontag, I analyze the negative impact of military metaphors associated with contagious diseases, and how these metaphors promote our fears and irrational attitudes in the face of crisis. Finally, I show that the emergence of new pathologies, such as coronavirus disease, is generating a conceptual change in medicine that leads to rethinking many of the traditional ideas regarding microorganisms and the infections they cause. I claim that this scientific revolution may contribute to a positive modification in our ways of understanding death and disease, and to the search for a more balanced relationship with the natural environment that also helps prevent future pandemics.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Medieval fear'

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