Academic literature on the topic 'Medieval Judaism'

As a consequence of the specialization that thrives in current humanistic studies, it is not surprising that scholarship has tended to classify the literary creations of the past into fixed compartments. In the study of medieval Judaism, it is particularly common to follow the traditional division of disciplines into philosophy, Kabbalah, and rabbinism—a categorization that was indeed promoted by the medievals themselves. Following this way of thinking, the study of Rashi's biblical commentaries would be assigned to one class of scholars devoted to the study of rabbinic Judaism; Maimonides' Guide of the Perplexed to experts in Jewish philosophy; and the Zohar to yet a third group consisting of specialists in Jewish mysticism.

AbstractThe article reconstructs and examines the debate between Leo Strauss (1899–1973) and Julius Guttmann (1880–1950) on the interpretation of the essence of Jewish medieval philosophy. Is Jewish medieval philosophy characterised by being essentially a philosophy of religion or, as Strauss objected in his critique of Guttmann, is it better understood if we consider that Jewish medieval rationalists conceived the problem of the relationship between philosophy and Judaism primarily as the problem of the relationship between philosophy and the law?Though both Guttmann and Strauss seem to discuss in their works the question of the interpretation of medieval Jewish philosophy in a historical way, their arguments were in fact rooted in a theoretical and philosophical interest. Strauss and Guttmann followed different philosophical methods, had different personal attitudes toward Judaism and faith, but both tried to learn from medieval and ancient philosophy to understand the problems of modern and contemporary rationalism.

Converts to the faith have often been perceived as somewhat problematic by Judaism; apostates even more so.1 This was especially true in medieval Christian Europe, where the adversarial relationship between Christianity and Judaism made apostasy, particularly apostasy by choice, more than mere defection; it cast aspersions on the rejected religion.

One of the central comparative-historical features of Max Weber’s sociology of religion is his theory of disenchantment, whereby magical forms of social action come to be eclipsed by religious forms. This article explicates Weber’s theory of disenchantment, underscoring his original distinction between magic and religion, while emphasizing the unique and often underappreciated position Judaism occupies in Weber’s theory. I accord special significance to the philosopher Maimonides as a medieval expositor of an ideal typically disenchanted form of Judaism. I apply Weber’s theory of disenchantment as a framework for understanding two central features of Maimonides’ intellectual legacy: (1) Maimonides’ codification of Jewish law; and (2) Maimonides’ philosophical and sociohistorical rationalizations of Biblical commandments. In so doing, I situate Maimonides within the broader discourse of sociology of religion and extend a Weberian analysis of Judaism into the medieval period, demonstrating that the role of Judaism in the historical development of “Western” rationality is not alone a product of antiquity as Weber contended.

This contribution offers a review of:Christine Caldwell Ames: Medieval Heresies. Christianity, Judaism, and Islam.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 368 pages, GBP 19.99/US$29.99, ISBN (paperback) 9781107607019.

AbstractIn this paper I shall examine the philosophical cosmology of medieval Jewish thinkers as developed against the backdrop of their views on time and creation. I shall concentrate upon the Neoplatonic and Aristotelian traditions, with a particular eye to the interweaving of astronomy, cosmology and temporality. This interweaving occurs in part because of the influence of Greek cosmological and astronomical texts upon Jewish philosophers. The tension between astronomy and cosmology is best seen in Maimonides' discussion of creation. Gersonides, on the other hand, is more willing to incorporate astronomical material into his cosmological thinking. By examining these motifs, we shall arrive at a greater understanding of the dimension of temporality within Jewish philosophy.

Recent years have witnessed a growing interest in the mythic dimension of rabbinic thought. Much of this work emerged from debates between scholars of Jewish mysticism over the origins of kabbalistic myth. Should these origins be sought in external traditions that influenced medieval Judaism or within the rabbinic tradition? As is well known, Gershom Scholem claimed that the rabbis rejected myth in order to forge a Judaism based on rationality and law. Moshe Idel, on the other hand, argues that mythic conceptions and specifically the mythicization of Torah appear in rabbinic literature. While the medieval kabbalists elaborated and developed these ideas, they inherited a mythic worldview from the rabbis. Scholars are now increasingly likely to characterize many classical rabbinic sources as mythic. Medieval myth need not have been due to external influence, but should be seen as an internal development within Judaism. Despite the appearance of mythic thought in rabbinic literature, however, a tremendous gulf remains between rabbinic and kabbalistic myth. The full-blown theogonic and cosmogonic myths of the kabbalists, the complex divine structure of the Sefirot, and the detailed expressions of the theurgic effect of ritual (that is, the effect that specific rituals have upon God or the Sefirot) represent a mode of mythic thinking far more comprehensive than that of the rabbis. In rabbinic literature one finds mythic motifs—succinct, independent, and self–contained expressions—not fully developed myths. How exactly did rabbinic myth develop into medieval mystical myth?

Nos estudos sobre as cidades islâmicas, poucos são os que tratam dos edifícios que pertencem a outros grupos confessionais que não o dos muçulmanos, no sentido de analisá-los como agentes na evolução da configuração urbana das cidades que estiveram sob governo islâmico. Os estudos existentes sobre esses edifícios seguem sempre uma orientação em analisá-los dentro de seus próprios elementos, ou seja, um edifício cristão ou judaico dentro do seu próprio contexto que é o de servir a sua própria comunidade confessional. A tese mostra que a sinagoga é um elemento que também constrói e participa da dinâmica da cidade, e seu estudo auxilia tanto na compreensão da urbe árabe-islâmica, como também no entendimento da dinâmica da sociedade entre os séculos X-XIII. Ao analisar a Sinagoga de Ben Ezrá localizada no Cairo portanto no contexto da cidade islâmica e não apenas sob seus aspectos estéticos ou estilísticos, busca entender como o edifício dialoga com a cidade no sentido da construção de suas territorialidades. E também, no sentido inverso: como a cidade e um tipo de linguagem islâmica dialogam com o edifício judaico. A grande extensão geográfica conquistada pelo Islã produziu uma multiplicidade de formas e empréstimos e, ao mesmo tempo, devido à facilidade de ir e vir das pessoas e as novas conquistas, forjou-se uma certa unificação na linguagem. As trocas e as assimilações não só foram e são inevitáveis, como fazem parte das relações e convívio entre os grupos em qualquer momento. A Sinagoga de Ben Ezrá foi desde a sua fundação, um elemento organizador do espaço urbano ao seu redor, organizador da distribuição dos habitantes ligados à comunidade judaica, não apenas da comunidade rabínica da palestina mas das outras comunidades judaicas babilônica e caraíta, entre os séculos X ao XIII. E desempenhou um papel de articulador de multiterritorialidades. Esta análise vem ampliar o conhecimento acerca desse edifício, e principalmente, das relações entre as comunidades judaica, islâmica e cristã entre a conquista fatímida do Egito (969 E.C.) e o fim da dinastia aiúbida (1254 E.C.)
In studies of Islamic cities, there are few that deal with buildings that belong to other faith groups other than Muslims, in the sense of analyzing them as agents in the evolution of the urban configuration of the cities that were under Islamic government. The existing studies about these buildings always follows the line of analyzing them inside their own elements, in other words, a Christian or Jewish building within their own context, which is to serve its own confessional community. The thesis shows that the synagogue is an element that also builds and participates in the dynamics of the city, and its study helps both in the comprehension of the Arab-Islamic metropolis, but also in understanding the dynamics of society between the X-XIII centuries. By analyzing the Ben Ezra Synagogue in Cairo, located just in the context of the Islamic city, not only in its aesthetics or stylistic aspects, aims to understand how the building dialogues with the city in the sense of the construction of its territorialities. And also, in reverse: how the city and a kind of Islamic language dialogue with the Jewish building. The big geographic extension conquered by the Islam produced a multiplicity of forms and loans and, at the same time, due to the facility of coming and going of the people and the new conquests forged a certain unification in the language. The exchanges and the assimilations not only were and are inevitable, as they are part of the relations and living together among the groups at any time. The Ben Ezrá Synagogue was since its foundation, an organizing element of the urban space around, organizer of the distribution of the inhabitants linked to the jewish community not only the rabbinic of Palestine but for others jewish communities babylonic and Karaite, between the X-XIII centuries. And it played a role of articulator of multiterritorialities. This analysis comes to enlarge the knowledge about this building, and mainly, of the relations among the communities Judaic, Islamic and Christian - between the Fatimid conquest of the Egypt (969 e.C.) and the end of the Ayyubid dynasty (1254 E.C)

A atividade massorética surgiu aproximadamente no século VII na Babilônia e chegou ao seu auge por volta do século X, com os trabalhos dos massoretas de Tiberíades, Israel, principalmente com o último massoreta da família Ben Asher, Aarão ben Moisés ben Asher. A tradição tiberiense do ramo Ben Asher, entre outras tradições, nunca conheceu uma forma absolutamente uniforme e fixa que não pudesse apresentar algum tipo de divergência ou contradição, seja na vocalização ou na acentuação. A Massorá também apresentava suas próprias diferenças e contradições. Esta pesquisa pretende analisar notas massoréticas divergentes da Masora Parva nos dez capítulos do livro de Isaías em três textos de tradição Ben Asher: o Códice de Alepo A, o Códice de Leningrado B19a (L) e a Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS). Os dois primeiros são os principais manuscritos massoréticos que seguem a tradição Ben Asher e os mais relacionados entre si e além disso, são frutos da atividade massorética ocorrida nos séculos X e XI. A BHS, a principal edição crítica do texto bíblico hebraico surgida no século XX, é baseada no texto e na Massorá de um dos manuscritos Ben Asher, o Códice L. Ao analisar as diferenças nas notas mencionadas, este estudo pretende discutir a razão das divergências das notas massoréticas e os métodos de composição de tais notas por parte dos dois massoretas responsáveis por cada um dos dois manuscritos mencinados, o Códice A e o Códice L. Será analisada também a forma de composição empregada na Massorá da BHS cujo editor, Gérard E. Weil, teve como objetivo fazer um comentário massorético menos contraditório e mais detalhado. O método adotado por Weil é analisado tendo em vista a prática empregada pelos massoretas por volta dos séculos X e XI.
The masoretic activity appeared in circa VII century in Babylon and its pinnacle was in circa X century, with the works of Tiberias masoretes in Israel, especially with the last of the Ben Asher family, Aaron ben Moses ben Asher. The Tiberian masoretic tradition of the Ben Asher branch, amongst other traditions, never had an exact and uniform pattern that would avoid divergence and contradiction both in the vocalization and the marking with accents. The Masorah itself shows its differences and contratitions. This work aims at analysing divergent masoretic notes from Masora Parva in the first ten chapters of the book of Isaiah in three texts of Ben Asher tradition, namely Alepo Codex A, Leningrad Codex B19a (L) and Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS). The first two texts are the most correlated and the main masoretic manuscripts that follow Ben Asher tradition. Furthermore, they are the outcome of the masoretic activity that took place in the X and XI centuries. BHS, the most important critical edition of the Hebrew biblical texts dates from XX century and is based in the text and in the Masorah of one of Ben Asher manuscripts, the Codex L. Analysing the differences in the above-mentioned sources, this work intends to discuss the reasons of the divergences and contraditions in the masoretic notes and the methods of composition of the notes used by two of the main masoretes in charge of the Codex A and the Codex L. The composition of the Masorah of BHS whose editor, Gérard E. Weil, aimed at making a more detailed and less contradictory masoretic commentary will also be analysed. The method adopted by Weil is analysed focusing on the practice of the masoretes in circa X and XI centuries.

La present investigació se centra en els practicants de medicina jueus de la Barcelona del segle XIV. Aquests, físics i cirurgians en la seva majoria, van haver de fer front a un context social que anà canviant al llarg del segle, cada vegada més medicalitzat i amb una nova legislació. Degut a que estudis anteriors havien idealitzat la figura del metge jueu, s’ha fet una molt necessària revisió de la bibliografia i un nou anàlisi de la documentació ja coneguda (a més d’afegir-ne de desconeguda). De la mateixa manera, s’ha volgut comprovar i ampliar la informació que tenim sobre el Call jueu de Barcelona, per tal de comptar amb un context ben definit on emmarcar els nostres objectes d’estudi. Una de les principals tasques ha estat la de recopilar un llistat dels principals practicants d’aquest període, constatant que el seu nombre era relativament inferior al que s’havia dit fins ara. Gràcies a la dita recopilació, s’han pogut analitzar les diferències entre les diferents professions mèdiques, els canvis dins d’aquestes al llarg del segle, i les diferències entre classes socials i gènere. També s’ha analitzat tot allò que conformava a un metge jueu, des de la seva formació, fins la influència de la religió, passant pels diferents esdeveniments històrics que l’afectaren, com per exemple la Pesta Negra. D’aquesta manera, s’ha buscat entendre aquests metges com personatges funcionant dins d’una societat complexa i no al marge d’aquesta. La creació de noves lleis que regulaven l’exercici de la medicina va ser el punt d’inflexió d’aquests practicants. Degut a la nova legislació, i per tal de legitimitzar la seva pràctica, van haver de passar examinacions per aconseguir permís per exercir. Aquestes llicències mèdiques, que podien ser reials, episcopals o municipals, ens donen una informació molt valuosa sobre aquests practicants. Dins del Call trobem també altres formes assistencials, relacionades indirectament amb la medicina, com són l’Almoina i l’hospital jueus. Tot i les poques evidències documentals, s’ha pogut constatar la seva existència i l’àmplia xarxa de propietats amb la que es finançaven. Finalment, s’ha volgut aportar les transcripcions de documentació llatina que fins ara romania inèdita, i que ajuden a recuperar part del llegat dels jueus medievals catalans.
The present dissertation is focused in the Jewish Medical practitioners of the city of Barcelona in the 14th century. These practitioners had to face a changing social context with a new legislation that medicalized the 14ht-century society. Previous studies had idealized these practitioners and it was necessary to review thoroughly both the bibliography and the sources. Thanks to this research we were able to make new statistics of our subjects of study, corroborating an inferior number than it was expected. Moreover, we could analyze the different patterns of the profession along the century, focusing in things such as social status or gender. The creation of medical licensing was a turning point for the practitioners that were forced to be examined if they were to continue practicing. The analysis of these licenses provide us with important information of their context and the obstacles they had to overcome. Another main subject of this dissertation is the Jewish hospital and the assistance in the Jewish quarter. Although it has been proven difficult to supply documentary evidence, we have been able to confirm its existence and their assistance mechanisms. Additionally, we have provided an updated list of all those physicians, surgeons, apothecaries and midwives that were active in the city along the century. Transcriptions of unpublished documents relevant to the research are also provided.

It should be noted that comparative religion to a large extent still remains an under developed field in Western academia even to this day. We find that today there are a great number of works and esteemed writers who have written a great deal on the respective faiths in quite detail. However, by the same virtue, we find that works, journals and indeed articles on the facets of comparative religion are in short supply and it can be said that demand for such treatises/discussions exceeds supply in the world of academia. My reasons for conducting a study of the main facets of the Abrahamic faiths stems from a desire to encourage and bring advances in the field of comparative religion. I believe studies in comparative religion have the ability to stimulate discussion and advance research with the main aim of fostering dialogue and mutual respect between the faiths. It is essential that the children of tomorrow see a bright future where mutual respect, tolerance and understanding is the order of the day rather than witnessing an environment dominated by suspicion, conflict and contempt based on misunderstandings. This thesis is unique in many ways more than one that will come apparent in due course. Firstly, this work marks a first from the point of view in which the main tenets of faith found in the Old, New Testament and the Qur'an are explored in extensive detail with the aim of highlighting similarities and indeed differences that in the main centre upon doctrinal issues. Recent modern scholarship has tended to discuss and criticise doctrinal points with little emphasis being placed on comparative elements. Secondly, if one conducts a literature review of works on the Abrahamic faiths, it is not surprising to find writers and commentators have solely concentrated on doctrines pertaining on solely one faith. It seems many in the academic world have shied away from conducting a comparative study of the doctrines found in the Abrahamic faiths. At this point, I shall make it clear that I have deliberately chosen to ignore faiths, such as Hinduism and Sikh ism not through ignorance, but primarily due to constraints placed by the thesis, as well as the fact that these great faiths do not share a common denominator witnessed in the form of Abraham, who undoubtedly is the father of the three monotheistic faiths namely, Judaism, Christianity, and last but not least Islam. One might at this point be inclined to ask why conduct such a study involving medieval and modern concepts of creation within a scriptural context. I am of the view that such a study was required for a number of reasons that I shall outline in due course. Recent modern scholarship in the last fifty years has tended to focus upon the medieval concepts of creation and emanation in Judeo-Christian and Islamic philosophy and theology and as a result we find a plethora of treatises and works devoted to the above subjects. For example, writers such as Herbert Davison and Harry Austyn Wolfson as well as other academics devoted a great deal of time and energy in giving us access to knowledge about theology and philosophy that was previously only available to those who had a mastery of the Greek and Arabic language. Despite this significant contribution made by the aforementioned scholars, we find that the heirs to Wolfson and Davison have not emerged in the world of Western academia that are prepared to explore the new relationship between religion and modern science in the 21st century. As a consequence, a research gap has emerged that is crying out to be filled and currently we have a situation where little attention and focus has been placed on the works of modern scholars exploring the relationship between modern science and the theological interpretations concerning the existence of God and humankind for that matter. Part one of the thesis compares the main tenets of faith found in the three scriptures mentioned earlier. The scriptures repeatedly refer to the themes of monotheism, stories of the prophets and eschatology, as well as the purpose and significance of creation. The Qur'anic scripture discusses the above themes throughout the 114 chapters. The Old Testament and New Testament also refer to the above themes. Part two of the thesis takes a detailed look at the concept of creation in the Abrahamic faiths with particular emphasis being placed on its evolution from the medieval period to the present day. It should be noted that the Old Testament devotes a single chapter to the subject of creation widely known as the Book of Genesis, but the Qur'an does not do so with the exception that there are several references in various verses throughout the scripture that pay attention to this subject. The New Testament again like the Qur'an does not provide a detailed discussion concerning the merits of creation.

The subject of this thesis is Jewish conversion to Christianity in medieval England. The majority of the material covered dates between 1066 and c.1290. The overall argument of the thesis contends that converts to Christianity in England remained essentially Jews. Following a discussion of the relevant secondary literature, which examines the existing discussion of converts and conversion, the principal arguments contained in the chapters of the thesis include the assertion that the increasing restrictiveness of the laws and rules regulating the Jewish community in England created a push factor towards conversion, and that converts to Christianity inhabited a legal grey area, neither under the jurisdiction of the Exchequer of the Jews, nor completely outside of it. Numerous questions are asked (and answered) about the variety of convert experience, in order to argue that there was a distinction between leaving Judaism and joining Christianity. Two convert biographies are presented. The first shows how the liminality that was a part of the conversion process affected the post-conversion life of a convert, and the second shows how a convert might successfully integrate into Christian society. The analysis of converts and conversion focusses on answering a number of questions. These relate to, among other things, pre-conversion relationships with royal family members, the reaction to corrody requests for converts, motives for conversion, forced or coerced conversions, the idea that a convert could be neither Christian nor Jew, converts re-joining Judaism, converts who carried the names of royal functionaries, the domus conversorum, convert instruction, and converting minors. The appendix to the thesis contains a complete catalogue of Jewish converts in medieval England. Among other things noted therein are inter-convert relationships, and extant source material. Each convert also has a biography.

This thesis focuses on two issues among the many comprising the broad subject of the relationship between Jews and non-Jews according to Jewish law. The issues are: (1) the prohibition against selling real estate in the land of Israel to non-Jews; and (2) the prohibition against intermarriage.
The prohibition against selling real estate in the land of Israel to non-Jews is based upon a Rabbinic interpretation of the phrase "lo Tehanem" from Deut. 7:2. In the period of the "Rishonim" (from Maimonides till Radbaz) the general view was that this prohibition was still in force and applied to contemporary non-Jews. From the beginning of the modern era, however, this prohibition, as a result of the new reality facing the struggling Jewish settlement in the land of Israel, became problematic.
The prohibition against intermarriage underwent a reverse development. During the Talmudic period most of the Rabbis, guided by the context of the Biblical text, argued that the Biblical prohibition only concerned the "Seven Nations" who used to live in Canaan at the time of the conquest and the settlement. But at the beginning of the modern era a rabbinic consensus gradually emerged that this Biblical prohibition related not only to the "Seven Nations" or "Ancient Pagans", but to all non-Jews at all times. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis aims to provide a critique of the conclusions of Gershom Scholem regarding the potential for ‘Gnostic’-Kabbalistic filiation, and to establish whether, in light of the available evidence, Scholem’s arguments (which have yet, to my mind, to be sufficiently challenged) can be reasonably supported. I strive to offer an arguably clearer definition of the relevant taxonomic terms than is often presented in scholarly analyses of this question, whilst also arguing for the applicability to this debate of certain pertinent methodological approaches drawn from the wider school of comparative mythology. As such, I also attempt to establish a clear methodology for judging the probability of the genetic descent of one ‘system’ from another, viz. that perhaps the most logical method for assessing potential similarities between different ‘systems’ is to assume in the first instance that all correspondences identified are essentially coincidental, dismissing this assumption only if one can identify a high level of exactness in these comparisons (such as would render pure coincidence relatively improbable) and/or establish a secure chain of transmission between two sources, a chain which renders the transmission of ideas not only possible but indeed probable. Applying this methodology to certain potential routes by which second century ‘Gnostic’ thought might have been transmitted to the origin point of the medieval Kabbalah, I attempt both to demonstrate the wider applicability of such a methodology beyond the narrow question of ‘Gnostic’-Kabbalistic relationships, and to illustrate the serious difficulties with advancing any of these potential routes as a reliable source for the transmission of ‘Gnostic’ ideas to the Kabbalah. Rather, I argue that it may be more logically defensible, in the absence of clear source evidence, to ascribe such correspondences as are located purely to coincidence, albeit a coincidence perhaps somewhat tempered by certain observations regarding the relative ubiquity of certain concepts and modes of thought.

El patrimoni medieval jueu català, inexistent en el currículum escolar, és una assignatura pendent a les escoles del país, i a la didàctica del patrimoni. Proposem en aquesta recerca un model didàctic per a la seva transmissió entre l’alumnat de primària. Els manuscrits il·luminats són uns mitjans idonis per la transmissió del patrimoni intangible del període en el qual han estat concebuts, com intentem demostrar amb l’exemple dels Beatus de Girona i la cultura mossàrab. I en aquest sentit, disposem d’unes fonts primàries úniques que podrien ser emprades per la didàctica del patrimoni tangible i intangible hebreu català: la col·lecció de manuscrits il·luminats jueus dissenyats per la celebració de la pasqua hebrea, confeccionats en terres catalanes, els quals són un clar exemple per una banda de la vocació didàctica dels manuscrits il·luminats, com també de les possibilitats que ofereix el seu ús per al coneixement d’una cultura i d’una època. L’avantatge afegit de l’ús de les haggadot catalanes per la didàctica de la història hebrea-catalana és que ens venen a omplir el buit documental i arqueològic provocat per la destrucció i la fragmentació del patrimoni jueu a la nostra terra, a través d’un cicle visual que ens aporta una panoràmica única dels calls catalans. No obstant topem amb greus dificultats alhora d’emprar aquest llegat a l’aula de primària. El desconeixement del patrimoni jueu català i de la cultura jueva en general i la ignorància general en cultura religiosa dóna una imatge inintel·ligible d’aquest patrimoni. I per altra banda, cal destacar les dificultats de treballar amb fonts primàries: ni la llengua hebrea, ni el llenguatge ni l’escriptura medievals no són comprensibles per al públic escolar actual, fet que provocaria la necessitat de crear una edició adaptada de les haggadot de Pessah. I finalment la iconografia antiga genera una incomprensió total entre el públic escolar: les imatges també han de ser explicades i adaptades. Així doncs, després d’analitzar el potencial didàctic del cicle visual dels manuscrits il·luminats a partir del Beatus de Girona, establim les bases teòriques d’un model per a la transmissió del patrimoni jueu català: explorem les estratègies d’ensenyament de les ciències socials, i investiguem el conte i la imatge com a eines didàctiques que estaran a la base del nostre projecte. Iniciem la confecció del model didàctic amb una anàlisi prèvia de les haggadot catalanes, centrada en la transmissió del patrimoni medieval jueu català, que ens marca assenyala els diferents temes que hauran de sortir en el nostre projecte, com la seva articulació visual. Seguidament posem les bases del nou model basat en la didàctica de la imatge i del conte, delimitant-ne els objectius i determinant-ne els continguts, per finalment passar a la seva descripció textual i visual. Finalment experimentem el model creat i l’avaluem mitjançant tècniques grupals de grups de discussió o focus group. Gràcies als resultat dels diferents grups de discussió han estat validat els objectius de la recerca, mentre s’han aportat indicacions molt valuoses per tal de millorar el model creat: s’ha evidenciat de que el model, tot i essent adequat als propòsits que s’han marcat, ha de ser ampliat i completat per tal d’augmentar-ne l’abast i proporcionar eines per al seu treball a l’aula Gràcies a la nostra recerca podem afirmar finalment que el patrimoni medieval jueu català contribueix a posar en valor la diversitat cultural de la ciutat, i que la seva inclusió a l’aula de primària és una ocasió única per conèixer el passat de la ciutat, i per realitzar una pedagogia intensiva de la diversitat i del dret a la diferència, fet que fa que el nostre model pugui anar més enllà de la didàctica del patrimoni per establir-se com a eina per al creixement de l’alumnat en sentit crític i en valors ètics.
Medieval Hebrew-Catalan Heritage, not represented in school curricula, is a pending issue in our schools and in heritage education. We set forth in this study a teaching model for its transmission among Elementary School pupils, based on the collection of Medieval Hebrew-Catalan illuminated manuscripts. Illuminated manuscripts are key elements for intangible assets transmission from the period in which they were conceived, as we pretend to have demonstrated through the example of Gerona Beatus and Mozarabic culture. In this respect, we have at our disposal unique primary sources that could be used for Hebrew- Catalan tangible and intangible heritage teaching: the made in Catalonia collection of illuminated manuscripts designed to Jew Passover celebration, which are an example of the educational vocation of illuminated manuscripts, as well as of the opportunity of its use for understanding a culture and a special period. An added advantage in using the Catalan Haggadot for Hebrew-Catalan history teaching is the possibility to fill the gap in archaeological rests and documentation caused by the destruction and fragmentation of the Jewish Heritage in our territories, providing us a visual view of Catalan medieval ghettos. We run however into serious difficulties while using this legacy in Elementary School. Ignorance about Catalan Jewish heritage and about general Jewish culture, as shared unawareness about general religious principles as well, gives a confusing image of Catalan Jewish heritage. And secondly, the difficulties of working with primary sources should be noted. Neither the Hebrew language nor the medieval writing are understandable by today’s common elementary pupils, which should provoke the need for an adapted edition of the Haggadot of Pessah. But moreover, ancient iconography generates a total lack of understanding among elementary students as well: old images must be explained and adapted. For these reasons, in our research, after analyzing the educational possibilities of the illuminations of the Gerona Beatus, we establish the bases to didactic model conceived to Catalan Jewish heritage transmission. In this sense, we explore social sciences teaching strategies, and we also investigate tales and images as educational tools, understanding them as the basis of our project. In order to develop our teaching model, we start with a preliminary analysis of the Catalan Haggadot, focused on transmission of Jewish Catalan Medieval heritage, which sets the guidelines of the different issues that have to be represented in our project, as well of its visual features. We lay the foundations of a new educational model based on a tale and on images, defining its main target and determining its contents, and we eventually report its visual and textual description. We finally proceed to the experimentation on the educational model and its assessment, conducted by means of focus group. Thanks to the results of different discussion groups, the research’s targets have been validated, while valuable indications have been provided to improve the created model: it has been shown that the model, despite being suitable for the purposes that have been defined, must be completed and extended to increase its scope and to provide tools for classroom work. Through our research we can eventually conclude that Catalan Jewish heritage helps to highlight the city cultural diversity, and we can note its inclusion in elementary classroom as an unique opportunity to discover the past of the city, and to perform an intensive teaching of diversity and the right to difference, which should make our model going beyond the teaching of heritage to establish itself as a tool for the growth of students in critical and ethical values.

This thesis investigates whether beliefs acquired by way of prophecy are safe. By ‘prophecy’ I have in mind the presentation of the prophetic method as found in the Guide of the Perplexed, which was Moses Maimonides’ philosophical masterpiece. And by ‘safe’ I have in mind the work by Timothy Williamson on the safety condition for knowledge. Both authors have proven to be dominant forces on these respective topics. The significance of this investigation derives from the centrality of prophecy to the three monotheistic religions. My main goal in this thesis is to identify those safety risks associated with the prophetic method. In this manner I aim to undermine any presumption in favor of prophetic beliefs as a whole being safe. Importantly, this general conclusion does not entail of a specific prophetic belief p that p is unsafe. Additionally, the scope of these results is restricted to the model of prophecy found in the Guide. The thesis begins with a critical elucidation of Williamson’s extensive work on the safety condition for knowledge. Particular attention is paid to those issues related to method individuation and Williamson’s cumulative conception of bases. Matters concerning these two topics inform the reading of Maimonides on prophecy found in the second chapter. In particular, I argue that Maimonides should be read as defending a cumulative conception of prophecy. As I emphasize several times during the chapter, the epistemology of prophecy cannot be reduced to the epistemology of testimony since prophecy for Maimonides does not involve the transfer of a proposition from God to the prophet. The third chapter is devoted to identifying those elements of the prophetic method that involve room for error. I argue that while all belief-forming methods in a fallibilist epistemology contain room for error, some are riskier than others. Prophecy should be considered one of the riskier sort. The fourth and final chapter shifts attention to non-standard semantics for ‘knows,’ David Lewis’s in particular. I argue that the interaction between such semantics and the laws governing prophecy in Jewish law is problematic. In particular, I demonstrate that such semantics destabilize the prophetic phenomenon. As such, we must either choose invariantism and gain stability, or choose non-standard semantics for ‘knows’ and live with this lack of stability.