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Journal articles on the topic 'Medieval Judaism'

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1

Soyer, Francois. "Medieval Heresies: Christianity, Judaism, and Islam." Journal of Jewish Studies 68, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3319/jjs-2017.

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2

Segal, Eliezer. "The Exegetical Craft of the Zohar: Toward an Appreciation." AJS Review 17, no. 1 (1992): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400011946.

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As a consequence of the specialization that thrives in current humanistic studies, it is not surprising that scholarship has tended to classify the literary creations of the past into fixed compartments. In the study of medieval Judaism, it is particularly common to follow the traditional division of disciplines into philosophy, Kabbalah, and rabbinism—a categorization that was indeed promoted by the medievals themselves. Following this way of thinking, the study of Rashi's biblical commentaries would be assigned to one class of scholars devoted to the study of rabbinic Judaism; Maimonides' Guide of the Perplexed to experts in Jewish philosophy; and the Zohar to yet a third group consisting of specialists in Jewish mysticism.
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3

Adorisio, Chiara. "Philosophy of Religion or Political Philosophy? The Debate Between Leo Strauss and Julius Guttmann." European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 1 (2007): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107780557263.

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AbstractThe article reconstructs and examines the debate between Leo Strauss (1899–1973) and Julius Guttmann (1880–1950) on the interpretation of the essence of Jewish medieval philosophy. Is Jewish medieval philosophy characterised by being essentially a philosophy of religion or, as Strauss objected in his critique of Guttmann, is it better understood if we consider that Jewish medieval rationalists conceived the problem of the relationship between philosophy and Judaism primarily as the problem of the relationship between philosophy and the law?Though both Guttmann and Strauss seem to discuss in their works the question of the interpretation of medieval Jewish philosophy in a historical way, their arguments were in fact rooted in a theoretical and philosophical interest. Strauss and Guttmann followed different philosophical methods, had different personal attitudes toward Judaism and faith, but both tried to learn from medieval and ancient philosophy to understand the problems of modern and contemporary rationalism.
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4

Fram, Edward. "Perception and Reception of Repentant Apostates in Medieval Ashkenaz and Premodern Poland." AJS Review 21, no. 2 (November 1996): 299–339. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400008540.

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Converts to the faith have often been perceived as somewhat problematic by Judaism; apostates even more so.1 This was especially true in medieval Christian Europe, where the adversarial relationship between Christianity and Judaism made apostasy, particularly apostasy by choice, more than mere defection; it cast aspersions on the rejected religion.
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5

Zisook, Jonathan J. "Disenchantment of the world: Weber, Judaism, and Maimonides." Journal of Classical Sociology 17, no. 3 (February 2, 2017): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x17691433.

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One of the central comparative-historical features of Max Weber’s sociology of religion is his theory of disenchantment, whereby magical forms of social action come to be eclipsed by religious forms. This article explicates Weber’s theory of disenchantment, underscoring his original distinction between magic and religion, while emphasizing the unique and often underappreciated position Judaism occupies in Weber’s theory. I accord special significance to the philosopher Maimonides as a medieval expositor of an ideal typically disenchanted form of Judaism. I apply Weber’s theory of disenchantment as a framework for understanding two central features of Maimonides’ intellectual legacy: (1) Maimonides’ codification of Jewish law; and (2) Maimonides’ philosophical and sociohistorical rationalizations of Biblical commandments. In so doing, I situate Maimonides within the broader discourse of sociology of religion and extend a Weberian analysis of Judaism into the medieval period, demonstrating that the role of Judaism in the historical development of “Western” rationality is not alone a product of antiquity as Weber contended.
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6

Makrides, Vasilios N. "Christine Caldwell Ames: Medieval Heresies. Christianity, Judaism, and Islam." Entangled Religions 3 (November 17, 2016): CXXIII—CXXXI. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v3.2016.cxxiii-cxxxi.

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This contribution offers a review of:Christine Caldwell Ames: Medieval Heresies. Christianity, Judaism, and Islam.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 368 pages, GBP 19.99/US$29.99, ISBN (paperback) 9781107607019.
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7

Rosenthal, Judith. "Introduction To Anti-Judaism, Fantasy, and Medieval Literature." Medieval Encounters 5, no. 3 (1999): 358–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006799x00132.

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8

Nirenberg, David. "Discourses of Judaizing and Judaism in Medieval Spain." La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures 41, no. 1 (2012): 207–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cor.2012.0032.

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9

Rudavsky, T. M. "Philosophical Cosmology in Judaism." Early Science and Medicine 2, no. 2 (1997): 149–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338297x00104.

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AbstractIn this paper I shall examine the philosophical cosmology of medieval Jewish thinkers as developed against the backdrop of their views on time and creation. I shall concentrate upon the Neoplatonic and Aristotelian traditions, with a particular eye to the interweaving of astronomy, cosmology and temporality. This interweaving occurs in part because of the influence of Greek cosmological and astronomical texts upon Jewish philosophers. The tension between astronomy and cosmology is best seen in Maimonides' discussion of creation. Gersonides, on the other hand, is more willing to incorporate astronomical material into his cosmological thinking. By examining these motifs, we shall arrive at a greater understanding of the dimension of temporality within Jewish philosophy.
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Rubenstein, Jeffrey L. "From Mythic Motifs to Sustained Myth: The Revision of Rabbinic Traditions in Medieval Midrashim." Harvard Theological Review 89, no. 2 (April 1996): 131–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000031953.

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Recent years have witnessed a growing interest in the mythic dimension of rabbinic thought. Much of this work emerged from debates between scholars of Jewish mysticism over the origins of kabbalistic myth. Should these origins be sought in external traditions that influenced medieval Judaism or within the rabbinic tradition? As is well known, Gershom Scholem claimed that the rabbis rejected myth in order to forge a Judaism based on rationality and law. Moshe Idel, on the other hand, argues that mythic conceptions and specifically the mythicization of Torah appear in rabbinic literature. While the medieval kabbalists elaborated and developed these ideas, they inherited a mythic worldview from the rabbis. Scholars are now increasingly likely to characterize many classical rabbinic sources as mythic. Medieval myth need not have been due to external influence, but should be seen as an internal development within Judaism. Despite the appearance of mythic thought in rabbinic literature, however, a tremendous gulf remains between rabbinic and kabbalistic myth. The full-blown theogonic and cosmogonic myths of the kabbalists, the complex divine structure of the Sefirot, and the detailed expressions of the theurgic effect of ritual (that is, the effect that specific rituals have upon God or the Sefirot) represent a mode of mythic thinking far more comprehensive than that of the rabbis. In rabbinic literature one finds mythic motifs—succinct, independent, and self–contained expressions—not fully developed myths. How exactly did rabbinic myth develop into medieval mystical myth?
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11

Power Bratton, Susan. "ECOLOGICAL HOLISM AND THEOLOGICAL DUALISM AS ROOTS OF ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM: MEDIEVAL LESSONS FOR MODERN RELIGIOUS SCHOLARS." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 7, no. 1-2 (2003): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853503321916200.

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AbstractThe central hypothesis of this paper is that idealization of nature may fuel environmental racism when combined with dual interpretation of human religious or spiritual states. Medieval typological Biblical exegesis, originally based on historic rather than racial differentiation, encouraged presentation of Christianity as "natural" and Judaism as contra-natural. During the Gothic period, the stained glass of St. Denis Cathedral presented Judaism as occupying the material rather than the transcendent spheres of existence. In numerous stained glass windows, Jews appear as threats to nature by attacking Christ on a green cross, which symbolizes the renewal of all life, or the Lignum Vitae. As Christian architects and scientists increased their focus on the divine light of creation, prejudicial portrayals depicted Judaism as blind Synagogue, unable to fully appreciate nature. Pagan motifs, such as the Green Man, syncretized with Christian theological dualism, also serve to separate Judaism from living nature. These depictions purposefully conflict with Gothic aesthetic emphasis on proportion, clarity, and integrity and were intended to imply that religious minorities have no legitimate role in Christian European society. Modern religious scholarship must be cautious not to describe some religions as natural or nature religion, while neglecting others, particularly Judaism and Islam.
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12

Koren. "The Menstruant as “Other” in Medieval Judaism and Christianity." Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies & Gender Issues, no. 17 (2009): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nas.2009.-.17.33.

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13

Ali, M. Athar. "Muslims' Perception of Judaism and Christianity in Medieval India." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 1 (January 1999): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x9900325x.

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As is well known, Islam arose in Arabia, which, alongside the pagan Communities, had a large number of tribes and groups which professed Judaism and Christianity. So far as we know, the relations between the Jews and Christians and their Arab neighbours in pre-Islamic times were cordial, or were not at any rate adversely affected by differences of faith. In its self-view Islam represented both a continuation and a supersession of the two earlier Semitic faiths. The Jewish Gospel as well as the New Testament had originally represented divine messages, and so those who follow them were ‘People of the Book’, to be distinguished from the ‘Infidels’. But the Gospel texts, the Quran itself had claimed, had suffered from unauthorized deletions and insertions; and this claim, of course, created a fundamental point of disagreement between the Muslims, on the one hand, and the Jews and Christians on the other. Nonetheless, early Muslims seemed fairly well familiar with both the earlier Semitic religions.
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14

ORTEGA MUÑOZ, Juan Fernando. "El entendimiento agente en Maimónides." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 9 (October 1, 2002): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v9i.9339.

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The guide for the Perplexed is one of the most interesting books of the Medieval Philosophie. It is saturated of Arabic culture and it takes root in the intelectual and religious tradition of the Judaism.
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15

Swartz, Michael D. "Scribal Magic and its Rhetoric: Formal Patterns in Medieval Hebrew and Aramaic Incantation Texts from the Cairo Genizah." Harvard Theological Review 83, no. 2 (April 1990): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000005617.

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The study of medieval Judaism was revolutionized by the late S. D. Goitein with A Mediterranean Society, his multilayered study of the medieval Jewish communities in Egypt based on the documents from the Cairo Genizah. For while previously the Genizah had been mined for important rabbinic documents and for the history of the philosophers and Geonim, Goitein's research sought to provide an account of the religion and life of all classes of society.
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16

Ulmer, Rivka. "The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic Texts." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 2 (April 2010): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000544.

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The engagement with Egypt and the Egyptian gods that transpired in the Hebrew Bible continued into the texts produced by rabbinic Judaism. Rabbinic texts of late antiquity and the early medieval period frequently presented images of Egypt and its religion. One of the critical objectives of these portrayals of Egypt was to set boundaries of Jewish identity by presenting rabbinic Judaism in opposition to Egyptian culture. The Egyptian cultural icons in rabbinic texts also demonstrate that the rabbis were aware of cultures other than their own.1 The presence of Egyptian elements in midrash had previously been noted to a very limited extent by scholars of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the science of Judaism), and it has not escaped the attention of more recent scholarship.
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17

Yoshiko Reed, Annette. "Was there science in ancient Judaism? Historical and cross-cultural reflections on "religion" and "science"." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 461–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600303.

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This article considers the place of scientific inquiry in ancient Judaism with a focus on astronomy and cosmology. It explores how ancient Jews used biblical interpretation to situate "scientific" knowledge in relation to "religious" concerns. In the Second Temple period (538 B.C.E.-70 C.E.) biblical interpretation is often used to integrate insights from Mesopotamian and Greek scientific traditions. In classical rabbinic Judaism (70-600 C.E.) astronomy became marked as an esoteric discipline, and cosmology is understood in terms of Ma'aseh Bereshit, a category that blurs the boundaries between "science" and "religion." Whereas modern thinkers often see Judaism and "science" as incompatible, medieval Jewish thinkers built on these ancient traditions; some even viewed themselves as heirs to a Jewish intellectual tradition that included astronomy, cosmology, medicine and mathematics.
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18

Almbladh, Karin. "Christianity and Judaism under Islam in Medieval Iraq: Da'ûd al-Muqammas and Sa'd b. Mansûr Ibn Kammûna." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 26, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2008): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69615.

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In the present paper two attitudes towards Christianity among Jews in Medieval Iraq are discussed, viz. Da'ûd al-Muqammas (second half of the 9th century) and Sa'd b. Mansûr Ibn Kammûna (second half of the 13th century). Da'ûd al-Muqammas was writing in a period when Christianity may have been an attractive alternative for intellectual Jews. His major work still available, 'Ishrûn Maqâla, "Twenty chapters", is an anti-Christian tract demonstrating the continuing validity of Judaism. Addressing a Gentile readership in his Tanqîh al-abhâth li'l-milal al-thalâth, "The examination of the inquiries into the three faiths", Sa'd b. Mansûr Ibn Kammûna upholds the validity of Judaism and Christianity against the claims of Islam in a period when Islam had been reduced to the same status as Judaism and Christianity in the early Mongol rule of Iraq.
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19

Glinert, Lewis. "Conceptions of Language and Rhetoric in Ancient and Medieval Judaism." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 22, no. 1 (February 2020): 133–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2020.0414.

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This study explores conceptions of language and rhetoric in ancient and medieval Jewish life and writings which relate to Hebrew, other languages, and language per se, reflecting both ‘religious’ notions and ethnic and national praxis and identity. The main focus in those times was on the language of scripture, but Jews also pondered the purpose of language as a natural, even trivial phenomenon, as a Jewish vernacular, and as an aesthetic or transcendental conduit. Salient themes are Eden, Babel, the evolution of Hebrew and its script, textual hermeneutics, rationalistic and mystical beliefs and praxis, and the comparative merits of Hebrew and rival languages. Alongside Biblical and Rabbinic perspectives, we consider the linguistic values and attitudes of the broader Jewish masses and of sectarians. Surprisingly perhaps, given the centrality to Jewishness of linguistic and rhetorical ideology, much of this was only implicitly expounded.
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20

Hill, Rebecca. "Medieval Heresies: Christianity, Judaism, and Islam by Christine Caldwell Ames." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 47, no. 1 (2016): 247–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2016.0041.

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21

Bynum, C. W. "THE PRESENCE OF OBJECTS: Medieval Anti-Judaism in Modern Germany." Common Knowledge 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-10-1-1.

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22

Elukin, Jonathan. "Judaism: From Heresy to Pharisee in Early Medieval Christian Literature." Traditio 57, no. 1 (2002): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trd.2002.0003.

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23

Elukin, Jonathan. "Judaism: From Heresy to Pharisee in Early Medieval Christian Literature." Traditio 57 (2002): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900002695.

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During the Middle Ages, Christians largely accommodated themselves to the small number of Jews who lived amongst them. Augustine (354–430) explained that God had punished the Jews after their rejection of Jesus by destroying the Temple and sending them into exile. Their survival was divinely guaranteed, however, because the presence of the Jews, Augustine believed, testified to the authenticity of Scripture and the fulfillment of the prophecies upon which Christianity built its faith. The Jews themselves, of course, argued that God had never truly rejected his chosen people. By claiming the Jews as their witnesses, Christians inadvertently accepted the Jews' identity as the descendants of the biblical children of Israel.
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Keith, Graham. "A Rival, a Relative, or Both? Differing Christian Stances Toward Judaism Over Two Millennia." Evangelical Quarterly 75, no. 2 (April 16, 2003): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07502003.

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In both the patristic and medieval periods Christians thought little of examining Judaism in its own right as they considered it the product of a spiritually blinded people. A more positive approach emerged first with the flowering of scholarship in the Renaissance and then with the Enlightenment dismissal of the idea of divine revelation, which meant that Jews were considered more as a people than as a religious group. More recently, Christian complicity in the Holocaust has jolted churches into rethinking their attitudes to the Jews, though few as yet have seen that this must entail an appraisal of modern Judaism.
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Kohler, George Y. "The Captivating Beauty of the Divine Spark—Breslau and the Reception of Yehuda Halevi’s Sefer Kuzari (1877–1911)." transversal 14, no. 1 (December 23, 2016): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tra-2016-0004.

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AbstractThe article follows the reception of the philosophy of Yehudah Halevi (1075–-1141) within the Breslau school of Jewish thought during the second half of the nineteenth century. Special focus is given to the discussion of Halevi in the writings of David Kaufmann and Julius Guttmann. Both scholars admire Halevi’s Sefer haKuzari because they discovered a certain analogy between his medieval project of an intellectual apology of Judaism and their own endeavors in Breslau to philosophically justify the existence of Judaism in modernity. In their point of view, Halevi has achieved his results, however, without forcing the wealth of traditional Jewish teachings into an artificial system of thought, as did Maimonides after him. Thus, Halevi became for the Breslau scholars a personal example of Jewish integrity, combining faithful adherence to Judaism with intellectual penetration of its doctrines.
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Stern, Josef. "Was jüdische Philosophie sein könnte (wenn es sie gäbe)." Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, no. 2 (2017): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107992.

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In a classic paper, Leon Roth asked »Is there a Jewish Philosophy?« to which he replied No. In this paper, focusing on the case of Medieval Jewish Philosophy, I argue, first, that we cannot characterize Jewish philosophy in terms of the identity, religious or secular, of its philosophers, in terms of a language in which it was written or conducted, in terms of a particular style or school, or in terms of content: as philosophy specifically of Judaism the religion. I then go on to argue that all the medieval Jewish philosophers were doing was Philosophy, although I sketch two different conceptions of what a philosophical interpretation of Judaism and the Jews might be: a Saadyanic model and Maimonides’. However, even though there is no kind of philosophy called »Jewish philosophy« as opposed to simply »Philosophy,« I argue that we can identify (medieval) Jewish philosophy as a philosophical »tradition,« a causally related sequence of philosophers who influence and are influenced by each other and who engage in a distinguishable dialogue or conversation among themselves. In the last part of the paper, I critically discuss various recent arguments that purport to show that there is something paradoxical, self-contradictory, and philosophically illegitimate about the very idea of a Jewish philosophy.
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Geissinger, Aisha. "With Reverence for the Word." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1726.

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This ground-breaking work is a collection of papers originally given at anacademic conference on the interpretation of scripture in medieval Judaism,Christianity, and Islam, which was held at the University of Toronto in1997. Of equal interest to scholars and students of medieval Judaism,Christianity, and Islam, particularly those concerned with the place of thescriptures in these religious traditions, it demonstrates both the diversitywithin these three faiths’ exegetical traditions as well as their many crossculturalsimilarities.Following a short preface, which briefly outlines the work’s purposesand scope, the book is divided into three sections, each of which containsthe chapters related to each faith tradition. Each section begins with itsown introduction to the history and methods of the medieval exegesis ofthe relevant faith tradition, which provides the non-specialist reader witha historical context in which to place the individual chapters. The introductionsalso draw the reader’s attention to some parallel developmentsand possible interfaith influences among these exegetical traditions,while at the same time promoting a nuanced understanding in order toavoid facile comparisons. The book contains both a general subject indexand an index to citations from the Bible, Rabbinic literature, and theQur’an.Part 1, which contains 10 chapters on medieval Jewish exegesis, isarguably the most vibrant portion of this book. It conveys a sense of thedepth and breadth of this exegetical tradition, as well as the variety ofapproaches that are being used to study it, and the potential such studieshave for shedding light on a variety of historical issues ...
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FERNÁNDEZ LÓPEZ, José Antonio. "The Reverse of the Numinous. Ahistoricism and Time in the Kabbalah of the Sefer Ha-Zohar." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 25 (December 20, 2018): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v25i.11636.

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In this hermeneutical approach to Kabbalah and the Zohar, from the double perspective of the history of ideas and the reading of texts that emerged in a given time and context, this article investigates the historical and temporal components of cabalistic mysticism. The medieval Kabbalah, itself an experience of the numinous marked by the ahistorical, is not completely alien to historical experiences. This is the search for a compression of the bonds that unite the emergence of the mystic and the historical time lived in the heart of Spanish medieval Judaism.
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Watt, Jack. "Parisian Theologians and The Jews: Peter Lombard and Peter Cantor." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 11 (1999): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002222.

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To honour the scholar whose distinguished contribution to medieval intellectual history has included examination of the early history of Parisian scholarship, I have chosen to examine an aspect of the work of two major teachers and authors in that ‘monde scolaire qui préfigure déjà le monde universitaire de demain’, the school of Notre Dame. The work of Peter Lombard and Peter Cantor makes clear that in the second half of the twelfth century, Judaism was being placed firmly and permanently on the Parisian theological agenda. Peter Lombard (d. 1160) lectured on the Psalms and the Letters of St Paul. His commentaries on these books came quickly to be received as the standard teaching texts in Paris, the magna glossatura replacing, for those books, the glossa ordinaria of Anselm of Laon and his associates. Medieval exegetes held these particular books of the Bible in esteem. For Aquinas, articulating common opinion, they contained ‘almost the whole of theological doctrine’. And thus, it might well be claimed, almost the whole of theological doctrine about Judaism.
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Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn. "English Joachite Manuscripts and Medieval Optimism about the Role of the Jews in History:." Florilegium 23, no. 1 (January 2006): 97–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.23.008.

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This article contains the first ever published list of Joachite manuscript sources in England, with an introductory overview of the main ideas, usually optimistic, which such texts transmitted. The list is offered to supplement on-going work in Judaism and Insular culture.
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Facchini, Cristiana. "“The Immortal Traveler”: How Historiography Changed Judaism." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 20, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2018-0008.

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Abstract:The historiography of Judaism as a scholarly enterprise primarily developed during the nineteenth century as the byproduct of a number of historical conditions that influenced Western culture at large. First and foremost, European society at the time was shaped by the dynamism and social change brought on by industrialization. Moreover, the nineteenth century’s culture held on to a romantic image of the past in its multifarious guises – the ancient or the medieval, and in some cases the age of the Renaissance – to which various currents of European thought had contributed. The past, and therefore history as a cultural practice, was particularly important in the age of nationalism and empires. In this article I analyze how certain religious topics such as the ‘historical Jesus’ and the relevance of the Kabbalah were elaborated in the early modern period and readdressed, with different religious and cultural agendas, in the nineteenth century.
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Davis, Joseph M. "Philosophy, Dogma, and Exegesis in Medieval Ashkenazic Judaism: The Evidence of Sefer Hadrat Qodesh." AJS Review 18, no. 2 (November 1993): 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940000489x.

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During the Middle Ages, each Mediterranean land, from one end of the sea to the other, had its Jewish philosophers. There was one region and one Jewish culture, however, that made no contribution at all to the writing of medieval Jewish philosophy. That was Ashkenazic or Northern European Judaism, the culture of the Jews of England, Northern France, Germany, and Eastern Europe north of the Balkans.
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Mell, Julie L. "Cultural Meanings of Money in Medieval Ashkenaz: On Gift, Profit, and Value in Medieval Judaism and Christianity." Jewish History 28, no. 2 (April 18, 2014): 125–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-014-9212-3.

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Utterback, Kristine T. "“Conversi” Revert: Voluntary and Forced Return to Judaism in the Early Fourteenth Century." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168654.

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Forced to choose between conversion and death, many medieval Jews chose to be baptized as Christians. While not all Jews in Western Europe faced such stark choices, during the fourteenth century pressure increased on the Jewish minority to join the Christian majority. Economic, social, and political barriers to Jews often made conversion a necessity or at least an advantage, exerting a degree of coercion even without brute force. Once baptized these new Christians, called conversi, were required to abandon their Jewish practices entirely. But what kind of life actually awaited these converts? In the abstract, the converts had clear options: they could either remain Christians or return to judaism. Reality would surely reveal a range of possibilities, however, as these conversi tried to live out their conversion or to reject it without running afoul of the authorities. While the dominant Christian culture undoubtedly exerted pressure to convert, Jews did not necessarily sit idly by while their people approached the baptismal font. Some conversi felt contrary pressure to take up Judaism again. In the most extreme cases, conversi who reverted to Judaism faced death as well. This paper examines forces exerted on Jewish converts to Christianity to return to Judaism, using examples from France and northern Spain in the first half of the fourteenth century.
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Gribetz, Sarit Kattan, and Lynn Kaye. "The Temporal Turn in Ancient Judaism and Jewish Studies." Currents in Biblical Research 17, no. 3 (April 23, 2019): 332–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x19833309.

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Despite the apparent finality of Heschel’s pronouncement, in 1951, that Judaism is a ‘religion of time’, the past two decades have seen renewed scholarly interest in the relationship between time, time-keeping, and forms of temporality in Jewish culture. This vibrant engagement with time and temporality in Jewish studies is not an isolated phenomenon. It participates in a broader interdisciplinary examination of time across the arts, humanities and sciences, both in the academy and beyond it. The current article outlines the innovative approaches of this ‘temporal turn’ within ancient Judaism and Jewish studies and reflects on why time has become such an important topic of research in recent years. We address a number of questions: What are the trends in recent work on time and temporality in the fields of ancient Judaism and Jewish studies? What new insights into the study of Judaism have emerged as a result of this focus on time? What reasons (academic, historiographical, technological and geopolitical) underpin this interest in time in such a wide variety of disciplines? And finally, what are some new avenues for exploration in this growing field at the intersection of time and Jewish studies? The article identifies trends and discusses key works in the broad field of Jewish studies, while providing more specific surveys of particular developments in the fields of Second Temple Judaism, Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, rabbinic literature, and some medieval Jewish sources.
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Nothaft, C. Philipp E. "Duking it Out in the Arena of Time: Chronology and the Christian–Jewish Encounter (1100–1600)." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 1-3 (May 23, 2016): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342222.

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This article surveys the historical points of intersection between the study of chronology and the polemical encounter with Judaism in medieval Latin Christendom. Particular attention will be paid to the work of Roger Bacon, who viewed chronology as a tool that could furnish proof for Christianity, e.g., by supporting a Christological interpretation of the prophecies in the book of Daniel. A second focus will be on the reception and study of the Jewish calendar among Christian scholars and how it both influenced exegetical thought about the chronology of the Last Supper and informed efforts to improve the ecclesiastical calendar. With regard to the latter, it will be argued that the competition with Judaism and the Jewish calendar was an important motivating factor in the debates that led to the Gregorian calendar reform of 1582.
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Fogle, Lauren. "Between Christianity and Judaism: The Identity of Converted Jews in Medieval London." Essays in Medieval Studies 22, no. 1 (2005): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ems.2006.0003.

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Jones, Michael. "“The Place of the Jews”: Anti-Judaism and Theatricality in Medieval Culture." Exemplaria 12, no. 2 (January 2000): 327–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/exm.2000.12.2.327.

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39

Astren, Fred. "History or Philosophy? the Construction of the Past in Medieval Karaite Judaism." Medieval Encounters 1, no. 1 (1995): 114–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006795x00109.

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40

Vidas, Marina. "Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 55 (March 3, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v55i0.118912.

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Marina Vidas: Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library The article analyzes images of and texts about Jews and Judaism in five medieval illuminated manuscripts in the collection of the Royal Library, Copenhagen. I begin by examining the references to Jews in a bestiary (MS GKS 3466 8º) composed in the twelfth century by Philippe de Thaon for Queen Adeliza of England and copied a century later in Paris. Then I analyze depictions of Jews in a French early thirteenth-century personal devotional manuscript (MS GKS 1606 4º) as well as in a number of related de luxe Psalters and Bibles in foreign collections. Textual references to Judaism and Jews are examined in a compilation of saints’ lives (MS Thott 517 4º) as well as depictions of individuals of this faith in an Hours (MS Thott 547 4º), both made in fourteenth-century England for members of the Bohun family. Lastly, I analyze images illustrating legends derived from the Babylonian Talmud in a Bible historiale (MS Thott 6 2º), executed for Charles V of France (r. 1364–1380).I argue that images depicting Jews in narrative cycles had a number of meanings, some of which can be interpreted as anti-Jewish. I suggest that the images also played a role in shaping the piety of their audiences as well as the intended viewers’ understanding of their social identity. Indeed, depictions of Jews in the manuscripts seem mostly unrelated to the actually existing Jews. Members of the Hebrew faith were often represented in contexts in which their appearance, beliefs, and activities were distorted to emphasize the holiness, goodness, and perfection of Christ and the Virgin Mary. It is also suggested that their representations may have spurred a reflection on, and sometimes even a criticism of, Christian behavior and attitudes.
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Vogel, David. "How Green is Judaism? Exploring Jewish Environmental Ethics." Business Ethics Quarterly 11, no. 2 (April 2001): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857753.

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Abstract:This article draws on ancient and medieval Jewish texts to explore the role of the physical environment in Jewish thought. It situates Jewish teachings in the context of the debate between anthropocentrism and ecocentrism, discusses the Jewish view of nature, and reviews various interpretations of an important Biblical precept of environmental ethics. It argues that while Jewish thought contains many “green” elements, it also contains a number of beliefs that challenge some contemporary environmental values.The key to the Jewish contribution to environmental ethics lies in the concept of balance—balance between the values and needs of humans and the claims of nature, and between viewing nature as a source of life and moral values and as a threat to human life and social values. The teachings of Judaism challenge both those who would place too low a value on nature as well as those who would place too high a value on it.
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Reed, Annette Yoshiko. "Categorization, Collection, and the Construction of Continuity: 1 Enoch and 3 Enoch in and beyond “Apocalypticism” and “Mysticism”." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 29, no. 3 (July 28, 2017): 268–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341391.

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Recent decades have seen an intensive reassessment of older scholarly categories within the discipline of Religious Studies, spurring a turn toward more microhistorical approaches in the study of ancient Judaism and Christianity in particular. With an eye to the power and limits of scholarly practices of categorization, this article reflects upon the pairing of “Apocalypticism” and “Mysticism” in modern scholarship on premodern Judaism, focusing on two works commonly cited as exemplary of their connection—1 Enochand3 Enoch. Drawing insights from interdisciplinary research on the History of the Book/Material Texts, it experiments with situating scholarly acts of categorization in relation to other practices of constructing continuity, both ancient and modern. It highlights the potency of anthologies and related textual practices for naturalizing certain categories of comparison and certain trajectories of retrospective connection—for modern scholars no less than for ancient and medieval readers.
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MISZTAL, BARBARA, and DIETER FREUNDLIEB. "THE CURIOUS HISTORICAL DETERMINISM OF RANDALL COLLINS." European Journal of Sociology 44, no. 2 (August 2003): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001267.

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Randall Collins' The Sociology of Philosophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual Change (1998) examines and compares communities of intellectuals linked as networks in ancient and medieval China and India, medieval and modern Japan, ancient Greece, medieval Islam and Judaism, medieval Christendom and modern Europe. The book has been the subject of many interesting and often positive reflections (for example, European Journal of Social Theory 3 (I), 2000; Review Symposium or reviews in Sociological Theory 19 (I), March 2001). However, it has also attracted a number of critical reviews (for example, reviews in Philosophy of the Social Sciences 30 (2), June 2000). Since not many books achieve such notoriety, it is worthwhile to rethink Collins' controversial approach. The aim of this paper is to encourage further debates of notions and issues presented in Collins' book. We would like, by joining two voices—sociologist and philosopher—to reopen discussion of Collins' attempt to discover a universality of patterns of intellectual change, as we think that more interpretative rather than explanatory versions of our respective disciplines can enrich our understanding of blueprints of intellectual creativity.
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Grözinger, Karl E. "»Jüdische Philosophie«." Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, no. 2 (2017): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107993.

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The beginning of a universal culture of rationality in Judaism did not begin in the so called »Medieval Jewish philosophy« but had its precedents in the Biblical Wisdom Literature and in Rabbinic legal rationality. The Medieval Jewish authors, therefore, did not regard the medieval Philosophy propounded by Jewish authors as »Jewish philosophy« but as a participation of Jews in just another specific phase of universal rationalism. The reason why Jewish authors in the 19th century nevertheless alleged that there existed a specific »Jewish philosophy« at the side of a German, Christian or English philosophy had its reason in the exclusion of Jewish thought from the new leading science of interpretation of human existence in Europe, namely philosophy, by German intellectuals and universities. If we despite this want to retain the term of »Jewish philosophy« we should be aware that there cannot be an essential difference to general philosophy but merely a heuristic pragmatism.
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Ben-Sasson, Hillel. "Representation and Presence: Divine Names in Judaism and Islam." Harvard Theological Review 114, no. 2 (April 2021): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816021000158.

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AbstractDivine names are linguistic objects that underlie the grammar of religious language. They serve as both representations and presentations of the divine. As representations, divine names carry information pertaining to God’s nature or actions, and his unique will, in a manner that adequately represents him. As presentations, divine names are believed to somehow effect divine presence in proximity to the believer, opening a path of direct connection to God. This paper seeks to analyze the interaction between presentation and representation concerning divine names in major trends within Judaism and Islam, from the Hebrew Bible and the Qur’an to medieval theological debates. It aims to demonstrate how central currents within both traditions shaped the intricate relation between divine presentation and representation through the prism of divine names. Whereas positions in philosophy of language focus on either the representational or the presentational functions of proper names, Jewish and Islamic theologies suggest ways to combine the two functions with regard to divine names.
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Seltzer, Robert M. "The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism. Jeremy Cohen." Journal of Religion 65, no. 1 (January 1985): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/487188.

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Sheehan, Maurice W. "The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism. Jeremy Cohen." Journal of Religion 67, no. 1 (January 1987): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/487496.

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Stocking, Rachel L. "Early Medieval Christian Identity and Anti-Judaism: The Case of the Visigothic Kingdom." Religion Compass 2, no. 4 (June 28, 2008): 642–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00087.x.

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49

Kalimi, Isaac. "The Centrality and Interpretation of Psalms in Judaism prior to and during Medieval Times: Approaches, Authorship, Genre, and Polemics." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 23, no. 2 (September 8, 2020): 229–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341371.

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Abstract This study discusses the centrality of the book of Psalms among the Jews and in Judaism. It outlines the seven most important and influential rabbinic exegetical works on Psalms, in the period before and during the medieval age: Targum Psalms and Midrash Psalms Shocher Tov, from some time in the Talmudic period; and five prominent medieval commentaries: Saadia Gaon, Moses haCohen ibn Gikatilla, Rashi, Abraham ibn Ezra, and David Kimchi. I briefly introduce each interpretative work and focus on selected aspects: The commentators’ distinct exegetical methods, their approaches to the questions of the authorship and genre of Psalms, and polemics with inside (e.g., Karaites) and outside (e.g., Christians) opponents. The result is to analysis and synthesis their approaches and to show the various trends that rabbinic Psalms interpretation took in these periods.
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Brody, Samuel Hayim. "Judaism, Philosophy, and the Idea of the West." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 1 (January 2018): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816017000426.

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In contemporary social and political discourse, the concept of “the West” plays a role that is both centrally important and difficult to define. It is most frequently used to designate an entire civilization, in a way that does not quite map onto what is suggested by its first dictionary meaning as a cardinal direction. Deciding what exactly is and is not included under the umbrella of the West, or whether the term usefully describes anything at all, is a daunting normative task involving a series of discrete historical and definitional judgments. For example, is the West defined more by medieval Christendom, or by the subsequent intellectual and spiritual movements that attacked it, such as the Renaissance, Reformation, and Enlightenment? Is it possible or coherent to include all these conflicting movements under the same designation? Geographically, how important is the ancient split between the Latin and Orthodox churches, and does the Cold War-era exclusion of Russia from the West still hold today? Champions of the concept see defending it and the values it stands for as the foremost ideological task of our time, while critics suspect it of being little more than a portentous tribal designation for societies whose heritage happens to be both majority-Christian and majority-white.
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