Relevant bibliographies by topics / Medieval Maghrib

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Medieval Maghrib'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Medieval Maghrib"

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Wylie, Diana, and Michael Brett. "Ibn Khaldun and the Medieval Maghrib." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220321.

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Sharkey, Heather J., and Michael Brett. "Ibn Khaldun and the Medieval Maghrib." African Studies Review 42, no. 3 (December 1999): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525261.

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Benkato, Adam. "From Medieval Tribes to Modern Dialects: on the Afterlives of Colonial Knowledge in Arabic Dialectology." Philological Encounters 4, no. 1-2 (December 13, 2019): 2–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-12340061.

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AbstractBy producing certain types of knowledge and discourse and rendering medieval sources such as Ibn Khaldūn into the terms of that discourse, colonial Orientalists delimited what it was possible to know about both the medieval and modern Maghrib. Concerned with the narrative of the “Arabization” of the Maghrib distilled out of Ibn Khaldūn by colonial scholars, the field of Arabic dialectology attempted to use linguistic research on modern Arabic to buttress this narrative while employing it to categorize its results. This article examines how particular categories such as divisions of “Bedouin” dialects originated through this type of colonial scholarship, and how they have lived on until now as the categories into which current research is fit.
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Rouighi, Ramzi. "A Mediterranean of Relations for the Medieval Maghrib: Historiography in Question." Al-Masāq 29, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2017.1370204.

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Bennison, Amira K. "Relations between Rulers and Ruled in the Medieval Maghrib: The “Social Contract” in the Almoravid and Almohad Centuries, 1050–1250." Comparative Islamic Studies 10, no. 2 (March 24, 2017): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.31619.

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This article approaches the notion of an Islamic social contract from the perspective of the Berber inhabitants of the Maghrib and their concern that the state should be just, with a particular focus on the period between 1050 and 1250 when the region was ruled by two successsive indigenous imperial regimes, the Almoravids and the Almohads. It explores the gradual implantation of ideas of Islamic statehood in the region, their intersection with earlier indigenous beliefs and social practices, and the “naturalization” of Islamic philosophical ideas developed in the ?Abbasid East and al Andalus in the very different environment of the Maghrib. Two ideas of particular salience to the discussion are the Almoravid idea of a M?lik? “Commander of Truth or Law,” the am?r al-?aqq, and Almohad references to a utopian perfect city or polis, al-mad?na al-f??ila, in the context of their recognition of their spiritual father, Ibn T?mart, as the mahd?.
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Lázaro, Fabio López. "The Rise and Global Significance of the First “West”: The Medieval Islamic Maghrib." Journal of World History 24, no. 2 (2013): 259–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2013.0053.

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Rouighi, Ramzi. "The Mediterranean between Barbaria and the Medieval Maghrib: Questions for a Return to History." Al-Masāq 32, no. 3 (December 28, 2019): 311–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2019.1706372.

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Brisville, Marianne. "Meat in the Urban Markets of the Medieval Maghrib and al-Andalus. Production, Exchange, and Consumption." Food and History 16, no. 1 (January 2018): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.food.5.117093.

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López Pérez, María Dolores, and José Ignacio Padilla Lapuente. "Mallorcan merchants in the medieval Maghrib: mercantile strategies in the port of Hunayn in the mid-fourteenth century." Mediterranean Historical Review 28, no. 2 (December 2013): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2013.837643.

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Burkhalter, Sheryl L. "Listening for Silences in Almoravid History: Another Reading of “The Conquest That Never Was”." History in Africa 19 (1992): 103–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171996.

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Telling the Almoravid story asks much of the imagination, as a stark paucity of documentary evidence continues to shadow much of this dynasty's character, parameters, and early development. Revisionist readings have become commonplace, particularly following the recovery of lost portions of Ibn Idhārīs al-Bayan al-Mughrib. Comparisons of this chronicle with those of Ibn Abī Zar and Ibn Khaldūn brought scholars to revise chronologies and rescript the roles played by the movement's first leaders. Although Almoravid historiography continues to rely primarily on medieval Arabic chronicles and geographies for a synthetic interpretation of how events unfolded, numismatic and archeological studies have brought perspectives of their own to this period. Consequent hypotheses reveal the wide play afforded interpretive assumptions in various attempts to integrate the diverse, and often contradictory, data. And where this is true for the Almoravids in the Maghrib, the synthetic role of hypotheses finds even greater play in attempts to understand the history of the Almoravids to the south. For here textual sources are meager indeed, allowing for the turn of a phrase to reconfigure decades of history.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Medieval Maghrib"

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Benchekroun, Chafik Toum. "Images et connaissances de l'Occident chrétien au Maghreb médiéval." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU20027.

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Il est difficile d’infirmer l’idée qu’une vision caricaturale de l’Occident chrétien prévaut dans le Maghreb médiéval, vision qui résume l’Autre à des traits à la fois généraux et stéréotypés. A l’époque médiévale, les auteurs maghrébins semblent peiner à différencier les puissances chrétiennes les unes des autres, préférant souvent désigner (ce que cette thèse veut appeler) l’Autre méditerranéen de façon vague et éloignée : « Romains », « Francs », « Chrétiens », ou plus rarement « mécréants ». Ces appellations paraissent souvent être jetées à tout hasard, et être parfaitement équivalentes. Mais, quoique cette impression soit en grande partie correcte, certaines nuances peuvent peut-être apporter une plus grande clarté sur l’état et le degré de connaissance de l’Autre dans la conscience cultivée (au sens hégélien de l’expression) des élites intellectuelles maghrébines médiévales. Cet Autre multiséculaire, antéislamique. Déjà, en 171, 540 ans avant 711, les Maures traversaient le détroit de Gibraltar pour attaquer la Bétique, poussés par une récolte plus qu’insuffisante. Constituant un danger tout à fait considéré à l’époque. Déjà sous Néron, le poète Calpurnius écrivait : « trucibusque obnoxia Mauris pascua Geryonis ». Quoique l’Islam vienne parachever et ancrer cette gigantesque mise en situation psychologique. L’identité intellectuelle maghrébine médiévale a pour base une période antéislamique fantasmée de l’Arabie de Mahomet. Il ne faut pas oublier que Juifs et chrétiens furent chassés tout simplement d’Arabie après la mort de Mahomet, car ils souilleraient la patrie du Prophète par leur seule présence. Il s’agit ici d’un élément fondateur de la représentation traditionnelle des Chrétiens et des Juifs en Terre d’Islam. Cela influencera les visions juridiques des relations pouvant être entreprises entre les Maghrébins et l’Occident chrétien. Ainsi nombre de juristes maghrébins médiévaux présenteront comme illicites les échanges commerciaux entre Maghrébins et Chrétiens (d’Occident) se réalisant avec des monnaies chrétiennes gravées de croix, voire gravées d’inscriptions latines tout simplement. Même la relation avec l’Autre est donc définie par le refus de l’Autre. Car, l’Occident chrétien c’est Dār al-ḥarb (une terre de guerre)
It is difficult to refute the idea that a caricatural vision of the Christian West prevails in the medieval Maghreb, a vision that summarizes the Other with both general and stereotyped traits. In medieval times, Maghreb writers seem to struggle to differentiate the Christian powers from one another, often preferring to designate (what this thesis wants to call) the Mediterranean Other vaguely and remotely: "Romans", "Francs", "Christians", or more rarely "unbelievers". These appellations often appear to be thrown at random, and to be perfectly equivalent. But, although this impression is largely correct, some nuances may perhaps bring greater clarity to the state and degree of knowledge of the Other in the cultivated consciousness (in the Hegelian sense of expression) of the elite medieval Maghreb intellectuals. This other multisecular, pre-Islamic. Already, in 171, 540 years before 711, the Moors crossed the Strait of Gibraltar to attack Betic, pushed by a crop more than insufficient. Constituting a danger quite considered at the time. Already under Nero, the poet Calpurnius wrote: "trucibusque obnoxia Mauris pascua Geryonis". Although Islam comes to complete and anchor this gigantic psychological situation. The medieval Maghreb intellectual identity is based on a fantasized pre-Islamic period of Arabia of Muhammad. It must not be forgotten that Jews and Christians were simply expelled from Arabia after the death of Muhammad, for they would defile the homeland of the Prophet by their mere presence. This is a founding element of the traditional representation of Christians and Jews in the Land of Islam. This will influence the legal visions of the relations that can be undertaken between the Maghrebians and the Christian West. Thus many medieval Maghreb jurists will present as illicit trade between Maghrebians and Christians (of the West) being realized with Christian coins engraved with crosses, even engraved with Latin inscriptions quite simply. Even the relationship with the Other is therefore defined by the refusal of the Other. Because, the Christian West is Dār al-ḥarb (a land of war)
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Amri, Laroussi. "Pour une sociologie des ruptures : la tribu au maghreb medieval." Paris 7, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA070037.

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Le principe qui regit l'histoire du maghreb medieval est celui de la rupture. Applique a la tribu, selon la methode des vecteurs convergents, ce principe est manifeste dans le rapport de cette derniere a la genealogie, a l'economie gentilice, au territoire et au politique. La consequence en est une rupture aux niveaux spatial et historique ainsi qu'au niveau des coherences sociologiques internes a la formation sociale maghrebine. L'histoire sociale du maghreb tiendrait donc a l'histoire des discontinuites et romprait de ce fait avec les schemas classiques de l'accumulation et du positivisme
The fundamental principle which explains the history of the medieval north africa (maghreb) is that of discontinuity. This can be observe when the relationship between the tribe on the one hand and the genealogy, the household economy, the territory, and the political levels on the other hand is examined by the method of converging factors. The consequence of this is a discontinuity of the spatial, historical and sociological dimensions. This discontinuity had been apparent in the internal sociological cohesion of the then north african society. Social history or the maghreb could thus be summed up as a history of discontinuities and would thereby deviate the classical pattern based on the concepts of accumulation and positivism
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Djebbar, Ahmed. "Mathematiques et mathematiciens dans le maghreb medieval (9e-16e siecles) : contribution a l'etude des activites scientifiques de l'occident musulman." Nantes, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990NANT2071.

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La these rassemble une partie des etudes que j'ai realisees en histoire des mathematiques, entre 1980 et 1990. Ces etudes concernent les activites d'enseignement et de recherche mathematiques dans le maghreb medieval (9e-16e siecles) et elles reposent essentiellement sur des manuscrits inedits dont certains etaient inconnus jusqu'a ces dernieres annees. Les disciplines mathematiques qui ont fait l'objet de ma recherche sont: l'algebre, la science du calcul, la theorie des nombres, la geometrie et l'analyse combinatoire. La these contient egalement l'edition critique de trois textes mathematiques arabes accompagnes de leur traduction francaise
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Gutierrez, Rolando J. "Pieces of a Mosaic: Revised Identities of the Almoravid Dynasty and Almohad Caliphate and al-Bayan al-mugrib." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/844.

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This study seeks to clarify the identities of the Almoravid and Almohad Berber movements in the larger Crusade narrative. The two North African Islamic groups are often carelessly placed within the group identified as “Islam” in discussions about the series of military campaigns that took place not only in the traditional Holy Land but also throughout regions of the Mediterranean such as Spain; this generalized identifier of “Islam” is placed against a much more complex group of generally Christian parties, all of them seen as separate, unique groups under the umbrella identifier of Christianity. This foray into a late 13thcentury North African Arabic history of the two groups will attempt to build a more robust identity for the two groups. The way in which they were remembered by their immediate successors will reveal far more interesting parties than simply zealous Muslims waging jihad. Their presence in the region is primarily remembered by their military involvement with Christian forces in the region, though the history of Muhammad ibn Idhari, written around 1295, reveals the groups and their ideologies to be far more complicated than simply meets the eye.
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Ghoche, Raymond. "La Conception de la dialectique dans la pensée arabe classique : 8è au 12è s." Paris 1, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA010586.

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La conception de la dialectique dans la pensee arabe classique est fondee sur les philosophies des valeurs a l'encontre de la dialectique dans la pensee helleniste, laquelle est basee sur les philosophies de l'etre. La plupart des philosophes arabes, a l'exception des mu'tazilites, abou'ala al-ma'ari et averroes qui ont opte pour les philosophies de l'etre, ont fonde leur conception de la dialectique sur les philosophies des valeurs -khabar-. On peut distinguer quatre conceptions fondees sur la philosophie de l'etre chez les grecs et dans l'ecole d'alexandrie, deux dynamiques : 1. La dialectique fondee sur le dialogue avec soi-meme et avec autrui chez heraclite, socrate, zenon d'elee et platon. 2. La dialectique fondee sur les raisonnements intuitifs et dis- cursif chez platon et plotin. Et deux statiques : 1. La dialectique qui s'identifie a la logique chez aristote. 2. La dialectique qui reste un monologue chez parmenide. Par contre, dans la pensee arabe classique on a degage deux lignees dans cette voie dialectique : 1. Une dialectique qui s'identifie avec le "jadal" et qui se fonde essentiellement sur les philosophies des valeurs qui, elles-memes prennent leur essence dans les valeurs supremes, dans les moeurs, les coutumes et les religions. L'esprit n'avait vis-a-vis de ces donnees que le simple choix entre croire ou refuser. La dialectique a ce ni- veau devient un "jadal" fonde sur le "tasdiq", valeur veridique, et le "rasm", transmission des donnees antecedentes. On trouve dialectique "jadal" chez kindi, farabi, avicenne et ghazali. 2. Une dialectique positive : a) fondee sur la logique chez averroes. B) fondee sur une philosophie existentialiste : ma'ari a jete les fondements d'une triade dialectique fondee sur le principe de con- tradiction.
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Brisville, Marianne. "L'alimentation carnée dans l'Occident islamique médiéval : productions, consommations et représentations." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2119.

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L’alimentation se trouve à la croisée des domaines économiques et sociaux, culturels et religieux, matériels et environnementaux. Cette caractéristique se trouve renforcée dans le cas de la viande en raison de ses modalités de production et de consommation et de ses représentations. Sources de tensions et d’ambiguïtés, de désirs et de dégoûts, la chair animale subit de multiples processus menant de l’obtention de « la matière première » à la consommation de cet aliment qui apparaît comme une construction éminemment culturelle fabriquée grâce à des techniques matérielles. L’historiographie a traditionnellement caractérisé la viande comme étant un aliment rare, cher et consommé essentiellement, voire uniquement par les élites. Alors que cette vision a récemment été nuancée et fortement pondérée pour l’Occident chrétien médiéval, il s’avère essentiel de réinterroger l’image issue des sources textuelles à l’aune des données archéologiques dans l’Occident islamique médiéval. Les discours produits des sources arabes – telles que les traités culinaires, diététiques ou juridiques – concourent à valoriser l’aliment carné au moyen d’un large spectre argumentaire associant les dimensions matérielles, socio-économiques, socioculturelles et symboliques. Toutefois, la confrontation avec les données archéozoologiques mène à considérer les trois paramètres majeurs qu’étaient la quantité, la qualité et la fréquence de consommation de cette denrée particulière. Il convient de même d’appréhender l’ensemble de la population d’al-Andalus et du Maghreb médiéval et de percevoir dans quelle mesure la saisonnalité représentait un enjeu majeur dans l’approvisionnement et dans la consommation des viandes
Food is at a crossroads of various fields: economical, social, cultural, religious, material, and environmental. This characteristic is heightened in the case of meat because of its modalities of production, consumption, and representation. Being a source of tensions and ambiguities, of desire and disgust, animal flesh goes through multiple processes leading from the procurement the “raw material” to its consumption as an aliment, which appears as an eminently cultural construction made by material techniques. The historiography has traditionally characterized meat as an aliment being rare, expensive, and mainly, or even, only consumed by the elites. While this vision for the Medieval Christian West has been nuanced and pondered since, it is all the more fundamental to question the traditional image of a rare and expensive aliment for the Medieval Islamic West, by the confrontation of the textual and the archæological data available for this space. All the discourses provided by the Arabic sources—culinary, dietetic, and juridical ones—are unanimous in the valorisation of meat, by means of a large spectrum of arguments that associate the material, socio-economic, socio-cultural, and symbolic dimensions. However, confronting the textual and archæozoological data leads to consider three major parameters, which are the quantity, the quality, and the frequency of the consumption of this particular commodity. Moreover, it is crucial to apprehend, socio-economically and socio-culturally, all the strata of the population of al-Andalus and of the Medieval Maghreb, in order to perceive how far seasonality represented a major issue in the supply and the consumption of meat
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Books on the topic "Medieval Maghrib"

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al-Sattār, Rāwī ʻAbd, ed. al-Uṣūl al-ishrāqīyah ʻinda falāsifat al-Maghrib. Baghdād: Bayt al-Ḥikmah, 2001.

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Samsó, Julio. Astronomy and astrology in al-Andalus and the Maghrib. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007.

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Samsó, Julio. Astronomy and astrology in al-Andalus and the Maghrib. Aldershot [England]: Ashgate/Variorum, 2007.

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1962-, Īrānī Akbar, and Mukhtārʹpūr Qahrūdī ʻAlī Riz̤ā, eds. Pahnah-ʼi jahān: Talkhīṣ va bāzʹnivīsī-i kitāb-i Ḥudūd al-ʻālam min al-Mashriq ilá al-Maghrib, as̲ar-i nivīsandahʹī nāshinākhtah, taʼlīf-i qarn-i chahārum-i Hijrī. 2nd ed. Tihrān: Muʼassasah-i Farhangī-i Ahl-i Qalam, 2004.

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Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʻUmarī, Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá. Fī al-inṣāf bayna al-Mashriq wa-al-Maghrib: Qiṭʻah min Masālik al-abṣār fī mamālik al-amṣār. Bayrūt: Dār al-Madār al-Islāmī, 2004.

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Jean-Charles, Ducène, ed. De Grenade à Bagdad: La relation de voyage d'Abû Hâmid al-Gharnâti, 1080-1168, ou, Al-Muʻrib ʻan baʻḍ ʻajāʼib al-Maghrib : exposition claire de quelques merveilles de l'Occident. Paris, France: L'Harmattan, 2006.

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Aissani, Djamil, and Mohammed Djehiche. Les manuscrits scientifiques du Maghreb. Algeria]: Ministère de la culture, 2012.

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al-Ḥājj, Ibrāhīm ibn ʻAbd Allāh Ibn. Fayḍ al-ʻubāb wa-ifāḍat qidāḥ al-ādāb fī al-ḥarakah al-saʻīdah ilá Qusanṭīnah wa-al-Zāb: Maṣdar jadīd min masāḍir tārīkh al-Maghrib al-adabī wa-al-ḥaḍārī fī al-ʻAṣr al-Marīnī. Bayrūt, Lubnān: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1990.

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Ibrāhīm ibn ʻAbd Allāh Ibn al-Ḥājj. Fayḍ al-ʻubāb wa-ifāḍat qidāḥ al-ādāb fī al-ḥarakah al-saʻīdah ilá Qusanṭīnah wa-al-Zāb: Maṣdar jadīd min maṣādir tārīkh al-Maghrib al-adabī wa-al-ḥaḍārī fī al-ʻAṣr al-Marīnī. Bayrūt, Lubnān: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1990.

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Amri, Laroussi. La tribu au Maghreb medieval: Pour une sociologie des ruptures. Tunis: Université de Tunis I, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Medieval Maghrib"

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Barton, Simon. "Traitors to the Faith? Christian Mercenaries in al-Andalus and the Maghreb, c.1100–1300." In Medieval Spain, 23–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403919779_2.

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Brett, Michael. "The Maghrib." In The New Cambridge Medieval History, 622–35. Cambridge University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521362894.030.

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Hopley, Russell. "Nomadic Populations and the Challenge to Political Legitimacy: Three Cases from the Medieval Islamic West." In The Articulation of Power in Medieval Iberia and the Maghrib. British Academy, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265697.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the responses of three important medieval Maghribī dynasties to the dilemmas posed by nomadic populations dwelling in their midst. These dynasties include the Almoravids in al-Andalus in the twelfth century, the Almohads in the Maghrib in the thirteenth century, and the Ḥafṣids, successors to the Almohads in Ifrīqiya, during the fourteenth century. The aim is to shed light on the challenges that nomadic populations posed to political legitimacy, and to suggest, paradoxically perhaps, that the presence of unruly nomads in the medieval Islamic west, and the effort to contain them, served an important role in each dynasty's attempt to gain political legitimacy in the eyes of the Muslim community.
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Calasso, Giovanna. "Constructing the Boundary between Mashriq and Maghrib in Medieval Muslim Sources." In The Maghrib in the Mashriq, 35–78. De Gruyter, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110713305-002.

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Fromherz, Allen J. "Writing History as a Political Act: Ibn Khaldūn, ʿAṣabiyya and Legitimacy." In The Articulation of Power in Medieval Iberia and the Maghrib. British Academy, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265697.003.0003.

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Studies of legitimacy in the medieval Maghrib have considered political, religious, social, and economic power, but rarely the political motivations of those who write the sources of the era. Although archaeology has made some promising advances, the basis for our understanding of these factors comes primarily from historical sources written by a particular class of scholar. Most historians of the medieval Maghrib were also ministers and advisors with their own specific and highly political interests. These writers were far from passive referees on the sidelines of history. Their portrayal of what was legitimate or even of what was history often had to do with their own political interests as learned ministers. Using Ibn Khaldūn’s autobiography, this chapter argues that to understand legitimacy in the fourteenth century a deeper understanding of the personal and political motivations of historians is needed.
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Bennison, Amira K. "Introduction." In The Articulation of Power in Medieval Iberia and the Maghrib. British Academy, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265697.003.0001.

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This chapter provides an introduction to the theme of political legitimacy in the medieval Islamic Maghrib and al-Andalus. It reviews previous historiographical approaches to the subject and considers the Arabic sources for the period, arguing for the importance of considering the two sides of the straits of Gibraltar as a single cultural zone. It then looks at political legitimacy in the Islamic Middle East and North Africa in general before tracing the evolution of particular themes in the Maghrib and al-Andalus up to the period covered by the volume. It ends with a brief review of the other chapters in the volume and their multi-disciplinary contribution to understandings of political legitimation in the region.
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"Messaging and Memory: Notes from Medieval Ifrīqiya and Sicily." In Medieval Sicily, al-Andalus, and the Maghrib, 87–104. ARC, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781641893862-006.

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"Front Matter." In Medieval Sicily, al-Andalus, and the Maghrib, i—iv. Arc Humanities Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvz0h9bz.1.

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CALASSO, GIOVANNA. "A WONDROUS PAST, A DANGEROUS PRESENT:." In Medieval Sicily, al-Andalus, and the Maghrib, 127–48. Arc Humanities Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvz0h9bz.10.

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BUDNER, KEITH. "HOW DOES A MOORISH PRINCE BECOME A ROMAN CAESAR?" In Medieval Sicily, al-Andalus, and the Maghrib, 149–70. Arc Humanities Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvz0h9bz.11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Medieval Maghrib"

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Abderrahim Mahindad, Naima. "Les caractéristiques architecturales et constructives de la muraille médievale à la période Hammadite à Bejaia (Algérie)." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11381.

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Abstract:
The architectural and constructive characteristics of the medieval wall of Bejaia city during the Hammadite periodBejaia, is a coastal city of Central-East Algerian which has seen succeeding on its lands several civilizations: Byzantine, Roman, Hammadite, Spanish and Ottoman It reached its peak from the beginning of the eleventh century, when the Hammadite ruler, An-Nasir made it the capital. The city maintained this important status until the sixteenth century, when it was considered the jewel of the Maghreb. At that time, the city was fortified with a large surrounding wall, which spanned more than 5000 m. This city wall was flanked with bastions and towers, and rose in tiers from the sea-side to Mount Gouraya. Its layout was perfectly designed and blended with the city’s topography It consisted of three walls: one to the east and another to the west, which were connected by a third wall, which ran along the seaside. Today, two gates are preserved from the city of Bejaia’s rich defensive heritage: Bab El Bahr, which opens onto the sea, and Bab El Fouka, which opens onto the plains, as well as some parts of the walls, dotted around different parts of the city. This heritage is threatened and its preservation, restoration and enhancement require a comprehensive knowledge of the architectural and constructive styles, which characterize it, and of the materials used in its construction. This contribution aims to identify the architectural and constructive features of this defense system, developed by the Hammadites, as well as a characterization of the construction materials used, such mortar, through physical, chemical and petrographic analyses.
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