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Journal articles on the topic 'Medieval philosophy'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Ewbank, Michael B. "Medieval Philosophy." New Scholasticism 61, no. 4 (1987): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/newscholas198761410.

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2

Uckelman, Sara L. "Medieval Philosophy." Philosophical Quarterly 70, no. 281 (May 6, 2020): 890–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pq/pqaa014.

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3

Federici Vescovini, Graziella. "La storia della filosofia medievale dei secoli XIII e XIV." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 6 (December 31, 2001): 53–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.6.04ves.

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An overview of current medieval philosophical and scientific studies would seem justified at the beginning of the 21st century. While no part of the history of philosophy has been so much despised as the Middle Ages (this period having been called until the beginning of the 20th century the ›dark ages‹), numerous internationally signi;cant studies on this topic have recently been published. Essays and monographs, critical editions, anthologies and re­views have addressed many facets of medieval thought, particularly the medieval institu­tional context and the intellectual life of the Middle Ages along with the history of medie­val philosophy and science. This essay looks at studies of different philosophical tendencies from the end of the 13th century to the 15th century, not restricting itself to medieval Aristo­telianism.
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4

Ermishin, Oleg. "V. N. Ilyin: from unpublished lectures on the history of medieval philosophy." St.Tikhons' University Review 99 (February 28, 2022): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi202299.113-128.

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Philosopher, theologian and literary critic Vladimir Nikolaevich Ilyin (1890–1974) taught in 1925–1940 the history of medieval philosophy at St. Sergius Orthodox Theological Institute in Paris. Later, based on lectures, he prepared for publication the book «The History of Medieval Philosophy in Connection with General History of Culture, Science and Theology», which remained unpublished, but was preserved in the archival fund of V.N. Ilyin (Archive of Alexander Solzhenitsyn House of Russia Abroad. F. 31). This publication contains one of the lectures by V.N. Ilyin entitled «Problems, origins and ways of medieval philosophy». It gives an idea of the general approach of V.N. Ilyin to medieval philosophy, about his main concept. According to Ilyin, medieval thought of Western Europe was determined by the antinomy between dogma and dialectics. Ilyin divided the history of medieval philosophy into two periods: until the XIII century, the era of the struggle of ideas and active development, and after the XIII century, when scholasticism won, and then fell into decay. V.N. Ilyin considers that two thinkers Thomas Aquinas (around 1225–1274) and Bonaventure (around 1217–1274), their ideological confrontation, are of great importance for understanding the philosophy of the XIII century. Thomas Aquinas won and determined the further development of Western philosophy, but Bonaventure’s ideas about the union of theology and philosophy did not disappear and develop in new philosophical teachings (Friedrich Wilhelm Schelling, Henri Bergson, Gabriel Marcel and others). In Ilyin’s opinion, in order to overcome scholasticism and rationalism, which prevailed in Western philosophy, it will necessary to return to the fathers of Church, to Plato and Aristotle. V.N. Ilyin proposed his program, based on the main thesis «Return to the Fathers of the Church as a source of true philosophy», expressed solidarity with V. Gioberty and I.V. Kireevsky.
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5

Freudenthal, Gad, and Aaron P. Johnson. "A NEW PORPHYRY FRAGMENT?" Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000282.

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The days, not so far back, in which Arabic philosophical works were skimmed essentially with a view of ‘uncovering’ lost gems of Greek philosophy are fortunately behind us. Today these works are studied on their own, as essential building blocks of the history of philosophy. None the less, medieval philosophic works in Arabic continue to allow significant new discoveries concerning the history of Greek philosophy. The same holds, naturally enough, of medieval Hebrew works written by Jewish scholars who lived under the Crescent and accessed Arabic sources.
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6

THIJSSEN, J. M. M. H. "Late-Medieval Natural Philosophy." Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 67, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 158–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rtpm.67.1.521.

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7

Gaskin, Richard, and Simo Knuuttila. "Modalities in Medieval Philosophy." Philosophical Quarterly 44, no. 176 (July 1994): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2219619.

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8

Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "Medieval philosophy at present." Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 54 (March 2, 2015): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.284.

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9

Moran, Dermot. "Idealism in Medieval Philosophy." Medieval Philosophy & Theology 8, no. 1 (1999): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/medievalpt1999813.

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10

Dunne, Michael. "Book Reviews: Medieval Philosophy." Irish Theological Quarterly 68, no. 3 (September 2003): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114000306800315.

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11

Feingold, Francis. ":Medieval Philosophy." Speculum 98, no. 3 (July 1, 2023): 826–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/724200.

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12

Adorisio, Chiara. "Philosophy of Religion or Political Philosophy? The Debate Between Leo Strauss and Julius Guttmann." European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 1 (2007): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107780557263.

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AbstractThe article reconstructs and examines the debate between Leo Strauss (1899–1973) and Julius Guttmann (1880–1950) on the interpretation of the essence of Jewish medieval philosophy. Is Jewish medieval philosophy characterised by being essentially a philosophy of religion or, as Strauss objected in his critique of Guttmann, is it better understood if we consider that Jewish medieval rationalists conceived the problem of the relationship between philosophy and Judaism primarily as the problem of the relationship between philosophy and the law?Though both Guttmann and Strauss seem to discuss in their works the question of the interpretation of medieval Jewish philosophy in a historical way, their arguments were in fact rooted in a theoretical and philosophical interest. Strauss and Guttmann followed different philosophical methods, had different personal attitudes toward Judaism and faith, but both tried to learn from medieval and ancient philosophy to understand the problems of modern and contemporary rationalism.
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13

Costa, Marcos Roberto Nunes. "Estética na Filosofia Medieval [Aesthetics in medieval Philosophy]." Revista Ágora Filosófica 11, no. 1 (January 13, 2012): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/p1982-999x.2011.v1n1.p11-30.

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Fazendo uma junção entre a concepção cosmológico-filosófico-racional do Beloda Filosofia Antiga e os princípios judaico-cristãos, notadamente à concepçãoteleológica de que o homem é um ser para Deus, o qual se alcança pelainterioridade humana, a Filosofia Medieval, combatendo o “sensualismo” e“imanitismo” dos Antigos, acabaria por superar a própria Filosofia Antiga, construindouma nova Estética de caráter cosmológico-filosófico-religiosa, voltadapara o inteligível enquanto ser transcendental – Deus. Na nova Estética Medieval,a Arte é instrumento de contemplação (imitação da natureza) e tem comofinalidade catequética conduzir o homem ao seu interior, lugar do encontro consigomesmo e com Deus.
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14

Alexidze, Lela. "Porphyry’s Definitions of Death and their Interpretation in Georgian and Byzantine Tradition." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 18 (December 31, 2015): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.18.02ale.

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Beginning from Plato, there exists a philosophical tradition, which interprets philosophy as preparation for death. However, for Plato the death of a philosopher does not necessarily imply death in its ordinary meaning, but rather a spiritual way of life maximally free from corporeal affections. This kind of relationship between philosophy and death was intensively discussed in late antique philosophy, Patristics, medieval Byzantine philosophy, and also in medieval Georgian literature. Based on Plato’s and Plotinus’ philosophy, Porphyry presented definitions of three kinds of death in his Sententiae (8; 9; 23): (1) ‘death’ of a philosopher, (2) natural death, (3) ‘death’ of a soul. The aim of this paper is to provide a philosophical analysis of three concepts of death in the post-Porphyrian tradition, mainly in Byzantine and Georgian texts. The paper is based on the analysis of the above mentioned issues in the texts of Porphyry (also of Plotinus, as of his predecessor), Macrobius, Michael Psellos, as well as in the old Georgian versions of the works of Ammonios Hermiae, John of Damascus and John Sinaites. We also take into consideration the views on the relation between philosophy and death in the thought of the philosophers of Humanism and Renaissance, such as Georgios Gemistos Plethon, Marsilio Ficino, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, and Michel de Montaigne, whether or not and to what extent their views on the relation between philosophy and death are different from the theories of ancient and medieval Platonists.
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15

Ashworth, E. J. "New Light on Medieval Philosophy: The Sophismata of Richard Kilvington." Dialogue 31, no. 3 (1992): 517–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300012130.

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The fourteenth-century English philosopher and theologian Richard Kilvington (1302/5–61) presents a useful correction to popular views of medieval philosophy in two ways. On the one hand, he reminds us that to think of medieval philosophy in terms of Aquinas, Duns Scotus and Ockham, or to think of medieval logic in terms of Aristotelian syllogistic, is to overlook vast areas of intellectual endeavour. Kilvington, like many before and after him, was deeply concerned with problems that would now be assigned to philosophy of language; philosophical logic and philosophy of science. He discussed topics in epistemic logic, semantic paradoxes, problems of reference, particularly those connected with the interplay between quantifiers and modal or temporal operators, and problems arising from the use of infinite series in the analysis of motion and change. On the other hand, this very account of his work raises the important issue of conceptual domain. I have spoken as if Kilvington's work can be neatly classified in terms of contemporary interests; and the temptation to read medieval philosophy in modern terms is only strengthened when one recognizes Kilvington as the first member of the group of Oxford calculatores, men such as William Heytesbury and Richard Swineshead, whose discussions of mathematics and physics have caused them to be hailed as forerunners of modern science.
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16

Frost, Gloria. "An Introduction to Medieval Philosophy." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 84, no. 4 (2010): 814–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq201084456.

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17

Aertsen, Jan A. "Is There a Medieval Philosophy?" International Philosophical Quarterly 39, no. 4 (1999): 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq199939447.

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18

Libera, Alain de. "Where is Medieval Philosophy Going?" La lettre du Collège de France, no. 9 (September 25, 2015): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lettre-cdf.2145.

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19

Artimon, Teodora. "Medieval Philosophy and Philosophical Medievalism." Philosophy Today 57, no. 2 (2013): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday201357215.

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20

McEvoy, J. "Early Medieval Philosophy (480–1150)." Philosophical Studies 31 (1986): 427–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philstudies1986/19873181.

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21

Falque, Emmanuel. "The Relevance of Medieval Philosophy." Philosophy and Theology 30, no. 1 (2018): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtheol201871094.

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The “phenomenological practice of medieval philosophy” actualizes its relevance. This method, undertaken substantially in the author’s God, the Flesh, and the Other: From Irenaeus to Duns Scotus (2015) finds its full justification here. The fruitfulness of a method is not found in its theorization, but in its practical application. An examination of authors as diverse as St. Augustine, John Scotus Eriugena, and Meister Eckhart (for “God”), Sts. Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Bonaventure (for the “flesh”), and Origen, Thomas Aquinas, and Duns Scotus (for the “other”), actualizes the relevance of medieval philosophy—an actualization of relevance understood in the first place as the realization of these thinkers’ “potentialities” (actualitas).
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22

DRUART, Th A. "Medieval Islamic Philosophy and Theology." MIDEO 24 (January 1, 2000): 381–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mid.24.0.565636.

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23

Black, Deborah L. "Intentionality in Medieval Arabic Philosophy." Quaestio 10 (January 2010): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.quaestio.1.102326.

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24

Perreiah, Alan. "Later Medieval Philosophy (1150-1350)." Teaching Philosophy 12, no. 1 (1989): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil198912122.

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25

McGinnis, Jon. "An Introduction to Medieval Philosophy." Teaching Philosophy 32, no. 4 (2009): 417–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil200932446.

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26

Ashworth, E. J. "Modalities in Medieval Philosophy (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 33, no. 1 (1995): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1995.0019.

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27

Kent, Bonnie Dorrick. "Evil in Later Medieval Philosophy." Journal of the History of Philosophy 45, no. 2 (2007): 177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2007.0039.

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28

Szlachta, Michael. "Later Medieval Psychology." History of Philosophy Quarterly 40, no. 2 (April 1, 2023): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/21521026.40.2.01.

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Abstract The rational faculties of intellect and will were at the heart of many important issues in the Middle Ages, including the relationship between deliberation and free choice, the explanation of intentional action, and the movement of the body by the rational soul. In the contributions that follow, Tobias Hofffmann, Sonja Schierbaum, and Can Laurens Löwe address these issues, respectively. In addition to clarifying various aspects of later medieval psychology, Hoffmann, Schierbaum, and Löwe each demonstrate the continuity between contemporary philosophy and the philosophy of the later Middle Ages.
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29

GINZO FERNÁNDEZ, Arsenio. "La interpretación hegeliana de la filosofía medieval / The Hegelian Interpretation of Medieval Philosophy." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 23 (April 20, 2016): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v23i.8971.

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The article reveals the ambivalence of the Hegelian interpretation of medieval philosophy. Hegel shares the «anti-medieval» prejudice prevailing in modern thought since the Renaissance and Reformation. In Hegel, the Protestant heritage is especially strong. Yet when he observes the subjectivist tendencies of modern Protestant theology, he proposes, as a counter-model, the more speculative and philosophical approaches of medieval thinkers.One can thus speak of a «vindication» of medieval philosophy in Hegel´s thought, despite his anti-medieval prejudice.
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30

RAÑA DAFONTE, César. "Análisis histórico-crítico del argumento ansemiano según Ángel Amor Rubial." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 2 (October 1, 1995): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v2i.9743.

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This article presents the Galician philosopher, Angel Amor Ruibal, as a historian of medieval philosophy. His study of St. Anselm's arguments for the existence of God is adduced as an example of his hostoriographic style.
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31

Elon, Daniel. "Salomon Maimons Maimonides-Rezeption im Kontext seiner Auseinandersetzung mit Kants Konzept der Dinge an sich1." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 20 (December 31, 2017): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.00006.elo.

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Zusammenfassung The 18th century philosopher Salomon Maimon, who originated from a small village in Eastern Europe and who, despite having been destined to become a rabbi at a young age, emigrated to Berlin and other German locations to study philosophy, showed a strong bond to the medieval philosopher Moses Maimonides, most obviously by his self selected surname. Besides this, Maimon’s philosophical works have been significantly influenced by the rationalistic philosophy and theology of Maimonides. Most importantly, Maimonides’ theory of divine reason, which in turn refers to Aristotle’s Metaphysics, is incorporated into the philosophy of Maimon, who decisively transformed this conception into his own notion of an infinite intellect. In this article, it shall be demonstrated that Maimon uses this concept, derived from Maimonides’ thought to a large extent, yet significantly differing from it in important aspects, to argue against Immanuel Kant’s critical philosophy: At first by rejecting the Kantian dualism of sensibility and intellect, then by trying to uncover Kant’s notion of the thing in itself as meaningless and eventually by trying to eliminate this notion from the system of transcendental philosophy in general. To present this specific constellation of argumentation, at first Maimon’s reception of central Maimonidean thoughts shall be examined in a strongly selective manner. In a second step, the application of these thoughts to the difficulties of Kant’s philosophy by Maimon has to be drafted. By inquiring the multifaceted relation of Maimon to the medieval philosopher in these important aspects, Maimonides’ particular relevance for German philosophy in the late 18th century shall be revealed.
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32

URALBAEVA, Sholpanay, Zalina NATAEVA, Vadim KORTUNOV, Darya KAPUSTINA, Natalia KOTOVCHIKHINA, and Denis SOMOV. "Creativity Phenomenon in the Context of Medieval Christian Philosophy." WISDOM 23, no. 3 (September 25, 2022): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v23i3.847.

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Based on the analysis of fundamental worldview principles of the leading medieval philosophers – Aurelius Augustinus and Thomas Aquinas – the conceptual principles of the phenomenon of creativity in Medieval literature are established. It is concluded that human creativity in the medieval Christian paradigm is associated with the divine, manifesting as salvation through union with God. In medieval Christian philosophy, creativity is not just a person’s action but also the appearance of a chance for a particular person to accept the new ontological status due to gravitating towards God and the Absolute.
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33

Burrell, David B. "Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy." International Philosophical Quarterly 44, no. 4 (2004): 602–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200444456.

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34

Condella, Craig A. "The Early Heidegger & Medieval Philosophy." International Philosophical Quarterly 49, no. 4 (2009): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200949473.

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35

Tweedale, Martin M. "Meaning and Inference in Medieval Philosophy." International Studies in Philosophy 24, no. 1 (1992): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199224135.

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36

Sulimov, Stanislav Igorevich, Dinara Dmitrievna Tregubova, and Roman Aleksandrovich Cherenkov. "Utopian Doctrines in Medieval Islamic Philosophy." Manuskript, no. 11 (November 2020): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/mns200512.

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37

Kann, Christoph, and Norman Kretzmann. "Meaning and Inference in Medieval Philosophy." Noûs 26, no. 1 (March 1992): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2215700.

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38

Noone, Timothy B. "Habitual Intellectual Knowledge in Medieval Philosophy." Proceedings of the American Catholic Philosophical Association 88 (2014): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpaproc20162542.

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39

Baudinette, Samuel. "A New Introduction to Medieval Philosophy." Quaestio 13 (January 2013): 383–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.quaestio.1.103600.

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40

Helm, Paul. "The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 18, no. 5 (December 2010): 944–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608788.2010.524770.

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41

Meyns, C. S. "The Oxford Handbook of Medieval Philosophy." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 22, no. 4 (July 4, 2014): 836–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608788.2014.949219.

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42

Blažek, Pavel. "XII. International Congress of Medieval Philosophy." Studia Neoaristotelica 4, no. 2 (2007): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/studneoar20074211.

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43

Lewis, N. "The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Philosophy." Philosophical Review 115, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00318108-115-1-108.

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44

Lewis, Neil. "The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Philosophy." Philosophical Review 115, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00318108-2005-005.

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45

Schwartz, Dov. "Divine Immanence in Medieval Jewish Philosophy." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 3, no. 2 (December 1, 1994): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/105369994790231282.

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46

Slipkauskaitė, Julita. "The significance of the idea of impetus for the development of natural science." Digital Scholar: Philosopher's Lab 2, no. 3 (2019): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/dspl20192341.

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In the discourse around theories explaining scientific progress, natural philosophy of the Late Medieval Period is seen as playing the role of apologetics. For philosophers of science, with their repudiation of metaphysics, the task of providing a rational reconstruction of how scientific progress has occurred is nigh on impossible. Even explanations such as the Popperian and the Kuhnian strain under great difficulty and provide only partly satisfactory results. In his “Logik der Forschung” (1934) Karl Raimund Popper argues that metaphysics plays an accidental part in the emergence of new scientific ideas. Correspondingly, in “Structure of Scientific Revolutions” (1962), by carrying out theoretical interpretations and classification of empirical facts without their metaphysical premises, Thomas Kuhn comes to the conclusion that natural science was formed under the influence of erroneous interpretations of Aristotelian natural philosophy presented by medieval natural philosophers. These are some of the reasons why medievalists are still made to defend late medieval natural philosophy from shallow convictions that at medieval universities nothing of any significance to contemporary science and philosophy took place at all. Seeking to render a fragment of a coherent reconstruction of the development of natural philosophy, I will investigate one idea of late medieval philosophy – the explanation of motion (impetus). The main statement of the paper holds that the ideas of late medieval natural philosophy have a decisive significance for the development of modern natural science instead of accidental or negative one. In the paper, following Aristotelian philosophical approach, premises of Jean Buridan’s theory of impetus will be exposed. Then, debates over the explanation of projectile motion are going to be presented, and finally, the necessary significance of this metaphysical idea on the modifications of natural philosophy is going to be ascertained.
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47

Grözinger, Karl E. "»Jüdische Philosophie«." Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, no. 2 (2017): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107993.

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The beginning of a universal culture of rationality in Judaism did not begin in the so called »Medieval Jewish philosophy« but had its precedents in the Biblical Wisdom Literature and in Rabbinic legal rationality. The Medieval Jewish authors, therefore, did not regard the medieval Philosophy propounded by Jewish authors as »Jewish philosophy« but as a participation of Jews in just another specific phase of universal rationalism. The reason why Jewish authors in the 19th century nevertheless alleged that there existed a specific »Jewish philosophy« at the side of a German, Christian or English philosophy had its reason in the exclusion of Jewish thought from the new leading science of interpretation of human existence in Europe, namely philosophy, by German intellectuals and universities. If we despite this want to retain the term of »Jewish philosophy« we should be aware that there cannot be an essential difference to general philosophy but merely a heuristic pragmatism.
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48

MUÑIZ RODRÍGUEZ, Vicente. "Pensamiento escotista en la España medieval (Siglos XIV-XV)." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 3 (October 1, 1996): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v3i.9718.

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Scot's thought in he Spanish Medieval Philosophy. Duns Scot's philosophical doctrine got a great development in the Iberian Peninsula, especially in the Kingdom og Aragon, during 14th-16th centuries. But not all the Spanish Scotists were faithfull interpreters of Scot's thought, as it happened to Antonio Andres, the most representative philosopher of the Spanish Scotism.
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49

Shahidullah, Sharif Mohammad, and Nor Faridah Abdul Manaf. "The Philosophy of Happiness: A Comparative Study between Western and Islamic Thought." KEMANUSIAAN The Asian Journal of Humanities 29, no. 2 (2022): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/kajh2022.29.2.6.

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The concept of happiness is an equally important topic of discussion in both Islamic and Western philosophy. This article presents a comparative analysis of happiness concepts from Islamic as well as Western points of view. The article aims at discovering the influence of al-Ghazali (a medieval Muslim scholar of Sufi persuasion) upon Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas, a present-day Malaysian Muslim philosopher, concerning the philosophy of happiness. It also focuses on the Aristotelian philosophy of happiness, underscoring the discussion from his seminal book The Nichomachean Ethics, and includes an in-depth study of happiness as discussed by modern Western philosophers like Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill and Immanuel Kant. The study follows a qualitative, non-empirical, textual and contextual analytical approach, which comprises several texts and journal archives composed by the aforementioned scholars and philosophers from the ancient medieval period to the present. The analysis reveals that Islamic philosophy always underscores happiness in this present life and the eternal life after death, while Aristotelian pagan philosophy stresses happiness only in this sublunary life. The study also argues that virtue is a predominant aspect necessary to attain happiness in the worldly life and in the afterlife.
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CHUNG-CHONG, Jaw, and Amran MUHAMMAD. "MEDIEVAL PHILOSOPHY AND ITS IMPACT ON MODERN SCIENCE." International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 7, no. 13 (November 23, 2023): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.2023.7.13.31-35.

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Abstract:
This article challenges the conventional narrative of medieval Europe as a period characterized by scientific stagnation, offering a nuanced exploration of the vibrant intellectual landscape that thrived during this era. Focusing on medieval natural philosophy, the research paper reveals a dynamic interplay between theology and scientific inquiry, where figures such as Thomas Aquinas and Roger Bacon engaged in rigorous debates to reconcile Aristotelian principles with Christian doctrines. This ignored relationship provided a fertile ground for scientific exploration. The study traces the evolution of philosophy's scope across ancient Greece, the medieval period, and the early modern age, highlighting shifts in focus and interpretation. It emphasized the unique contributions of medieval natural philosophy in shaping the trajectory of science development. The article contends that medieval scholars, far from being confined by religious constraints, actively nurtured the seeds of scientific inquiry. By delving into specific questions about nature and embracing empirical observations within a theological framework, they laid the groundwork for the empirical methods that define modern science. The research challenging the argument on the limitations of traditional historiography, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of science's evolution that recognizes the contributions of diverse historical periods. Finally, paper concludes by calling for a reexamination of the narrative surrounding medieval natural philosophy, portraying it not as a period of stagnation, but as a crucial and dynamic phase where the foundation of modern science were laid. Through this critical historiographical review, an impactful understanding of the complex history of science emerges, acknowledging the rich legacies that continue to influence our world
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