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Journal articles on the topic 'Medieval Sermons'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Goodwin Lindgren, Katherine. "From Spiritual Guide to Church Mother." Church History and Religious Culture 103, no. 3-4 (December 18, 2023): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-10303010.

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Abstract This article compares late medieval and early modern patterns of women’s preaching in Strasbourg. Medieval women circumvented gendered restrictions against female preaching through performative acts of embodied devotion. This article compares the embodied sermons of Gertrude Rickeldey of Ortenburg and the printed sermons of Katharina Schütz Zell to discuss the change and continuity in late medieval and early modern women’s preaching. Using Beverly Kienzle’s definition of the sermon and Roxanne Mountford’s concept of rhetorical space, I identify continuity in both’s women’s conformity to gendered regimes of piety. I also argue that Protestant reform shifted the location of female religious authority from embodied piety to printed sermons, but in a way that reflects a continuity with medieval traditions of female preaching. Overall this article demonstrates how women’s preaching persisted within the theological and cultural changes of the early modern period.

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2

Radošević, Andrea. "The Reception of St Jerome in a Late- Medieval Sermon Collection by Johannes Herolt." Clotho 5, no. 2 (March 4, 2024): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.5.2.75-93.

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Church fathers were among the most cited authorities in the medieval sermons, right after the Bible. Their quotations were used in different ways – as an exegesis of the reading, as a commentary of a moral lesson, or as a strong argument for a particular statement. Jerome was considered one of the key authorities, and his passages can be found in numerous books of sermons. The paper examines the reception of St. Jerome in the 15th-century sermon collection known as Sermones Discipuli de tempore et de sanctis cum Promptuario exemplorum et de miraculis Beatae Mariae Virginis, written by a German Dominican, Johannes Herolt (†1468). The collection includes quotations from different works of Jerome, mostly from his letters. Despite the emphasis on sentences from the texts written by Jerome, the analysis also includes extracts from the so-called Pseudo-Jerome.

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3

Regev, Shaul. "Oral Preaching and Written Sermons in the Middle Ages." European Journal of Jewish Studies 9, no. 1 (April 21, 2015): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341274.

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Our knowledge of the nature of medieval Jewish public sermons is limited and our conclusions mostly inferential. Nonetheless, based upon the sermon literature and through analysis of various introductions and manuals for preachers of the time, we can fairly accurately reconstruct the oral sermon. We know where and when sermons were delivered, their content, the characteristics of the various preachers, the expectations of the listeners and the efforts the preachers made to make their sermons appealing to a diverse audience. Inevitably, over the course of centuries, both the form and the content of sermons changed. This was in response to the shifting needs and desires of audiences and reflects the changes in orientation of the various periods, such as the move from philosophically based sermons to those with Kabbalistic or Halakhic content.

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4

Donavin, Georgiana. "“De sermone sermonem fecimus”: Alexander of Ashby's De artificioso modo predicandi." Rhetorica 15, no. 3 (1997): 279–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1997.15.3.279.

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Abstract: Alexander of Ashby's De artifldoso modo predicandi has the distinction of being the first medieval sermon rhetoric since the De doctrina Christiana to apply classical rhetorical terms to preaching. The text ineludes a dedicatory prologue to Alexander's abbot (of the Augustinian canons at Ashby), the treatise proper on a sermon's construction, and five sample sermons. In contradistinction to current formalist descriptions of the De artificioso modo predicandi, this essay focuses on its audience awareness. I argue that the historical importance of this treatise lies not merely in its revival of classical terminology, but also in its theorization of rhetorical scenes in which classical teachings might apply to the sermon.

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5

Wenzel, Siegfried. "A Sermon in Praise of Philosophy." Traditio 50 (1995): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013234.

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Worcester Cathedral MS F.10 forms a random collection of Latin, English, and macaronic sermons which were gathered and copied by a fairly large number of scribes in the middle of the fifteenth century. These sermons, most of them anonymous, are for a variety of occasions and audiences and have been entered in no particular liturgical order, even if, as the presence of several sets of quire numbers indicates, the individual quires were reordered several times in the medieval period. The collection contains a number of pieces that were evidently preached to a university audience, as is shown by their addressing “magistri” and by internal references to a university milieu. Their locale was presumably Oxford. Besides such general university sermons, the collection also includes two that are labeled “Introitus Sententiarum” and three other pieces that agree with these in form — the scholastic sermon structure — and content — praise of theology or holy Scripture and Peter Lombard. These five pieces are introitus, academic speeches or sermons which, according to university statutes, bachelors as well as masters (or doctors) of theology were required to deliver as they began their courses on the Bible or on Peter Lombard's Sentences. In addition, the manuscript contains an item that is very similar to the introitus sermons in that it follows the scholastic sermon structure and praises its subject. The latter, however, is not theology but philosophy, and the thema on which the piece is based is not a biblical text but a quotation from Aristotle. A sermon on a secular text itself is a rarity in medieval sermon literature, certainly from England; and appearing as it does in a sermon collection, the piece seems to be a rarissima avis stuck in the wrong flock.

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6

Arcangeli, Alessandro. "Carnival in medieval sermons." European Medieval Drama 1 (January 1997): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.emd.2.301058.

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7

Kaczor, Ewelina. "St. Hedwig of Silesia: The Ducal Ideal of a Wife in Light of 15th-century “Sermones de sancta Hedwigis”." Respectus Philologicus, no. 41(46) (April 15, 2022): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2022.41.46.123.

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A collection of 15th-century Latin sermons for the day of St. Hedwig of Silesia (“Sermones de s. Hedwigis”) constitutes the source material for an analysis of matrimonial role models and the ideal of a wife (uxor) in medieval culture. The collection includes 84 sermons about St. Hedwig, preserved in 45 codes of Silesian provenance. The corpus of sermons on St. Hedwig is supplemented by 61 edited versions of “Vita sanctae Hedvigis” written in 47 manuscripts. The present article includes an analysis of St. Hedwig as a married woman, the ideal of a pious wife avoiding the pleasures of the flesh and observing moral norms in marriage, above all in sexual relations.

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8

Ackerman, Ari. "Zerahia Halevi Saladin and Thomas Aquinas on Vows." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 19, no. 1 (2011): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147728511x591180.

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AbstractThis article examines two medieval sermons that examine philosophic and halakhic issues: the Passover sermon of Hasdai Crescas, which discusses the laws of Passover, and a sermon of Zerahia Halevi Saladin, a disciple of Crescas, which probes an aspect of the laws of vows (nedarim). In the analysis of Zerahia’s sermon, a comparison is made between his discussion and Thomas Aquinas’s examination of vows in his Summa Theologica. The comparison establishes the dependency of Zerahia on Aquinas regarding this issue. Likewise, Zerahia’s sermon is compared with Crescas’s, and the relationship between the legal theories of Crescas and Zerahia is investigated. The articles concludes with a brief examination of the significance of the analysis these sermons for understanding of the impact of scholastic sources on Spanish-Jewish philosophy and the relationship between law and philosophy in the writings of Hasdai Crescas and his students.

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9

Barr, Beth Allison. "“he is bothyn modyr, broþyr, & syster vn-to me”." Church History and Religious Culture 94, no. 3 (2014): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09403001.

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Examining recent claims that the early modern Bible served as an empowering force for women, this article draws evidence from English sermons designed for quotidinal lay instruction—such as the late medieval sermons of Festial, the sixteenth-century Tudor Homilies, and the seventeenth-century sermons of William Gouge and Benjamin Keach. As didactic religious texts written and delivered by men but also heard and read by women, sermons reveal how preachers rhetorically shaped the contours of women’s agency. Late medieval sermons include women specifically in scripture and authorize women through biblical role models as actively participating within the church. Conversely, early modern sermons were less likely to add women into scripture and more likely to use scripture to limit women by their domestic identities. Thus, through their approaches to biblical texts, medieval preachers present women as more visible and active agents whereas early modern preachers present women as less visible and more limited in their roles—thereby presenting a more complex story of how the Bible affected women across the Reformation.

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10

Wilk, Ks Piotr. "Przymioty świętego. „Sermones VI–VIII” Ryszarda ze św. Wiktora – wstęp, przekład, komentarz." Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne 31, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52097/lst.2022.4.133-144.

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This article presents the reader with the first Polish translation of the three sermons (Sermon VI–VIII) from the first part of Liber exceptionum by Richard of Saint Victor, one of the main representatives of the Victorine school operating in the 12th century in Saint Victor’s Abbey in Paris, which deals with presentation saint, and especially Apostols. The text is undoubtedly an example of medieval Christian hagiography. It is preceded by a preface, in which Richard is briefly introduced and in which the sermons are generally characterized as well as the corresponding imagine of saint itself. Translation has been provided with notes for more efficient reading.

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11

Wenzel, Siegfried. "Lexical Doublets (Binomials) in Sermons from Late Medieval England." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 123, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.51814/nm.103427.

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The article examines the use of synonymous binomials in sermons produced in England in the fifteenth century. It discusses sermons in English, Latin, and macaronic. English and macaronic sermons use such binomials for rhetorical ornamentation; Latin ones do so too, though to a lesser extent.

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12

Aguilar, Josep Antoni. "«Així com un camp de batalla»: A l’entorn de les imatges de tipus militar als sermons de Vicent Ferrer." Revista de lenguas y literaturas catalana, gallega y vasca 24 (January 15, 2020): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rllcgv.vol.24.2019.26405.

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El corpus sermonari de sant Vicent Ferrer es ric en simils i al・legories de tall bellic. El present article analitza l’us d’aquest tipus d’imatgeria per part del dominic valencia, principalmente mitjancant la lectura comparada dels seus sermons amb els d’altres predicadors medievals i diversos tractats de predicacio de l’epoca. En concret, hom centra l’atencio en tres aspectes de la presencia d’aquesta mena d’imatges dins la predicacio vicentina: a) la presentacio de Jesucrist com un cavaller (Christus miles) que lluita contra el diable per tal de redimir la humanitat; b) el desenvolupament de similitudines complexes en que el conjunt de la cristiandat es presentat com una host en formacio de batalla contra els vicis i les temptacions; i c) el recurs frequent a l’al・legoria del castell espiritual, un simbol el significat del qual fluctúa en funcio de cada sermo.Saint Vincent Ferrer’s corpus of sermons presents a rich variety of military similes and allegories. The present paper analyzes the use of these images in Ferrerian preaching, and does it mainly by means of a comparative approach which takes into account also the work of other medieval preachers and several Artes praedicandi treatises. Particular consideration has been given to three diferent aspects of the use of this sort of imagery in Ferrer’s sermons: a) the portrayal of Jesus Christ as a knight (Christus miles) who jousts against the devil for human salvation; b) the elaboration of complex similitudines in which the whole of Christendom is represented as a host assembled in battle array against temptations and vices; c) the regular use of the spiritual allegory of the castle under siege, a symbol whose meaning fluctuates from sermon to sermon.

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13

Porton, Gary. "RABBINIC MIDRASH: PUBLIC OR PRIVATE." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 5, no. 2 (2002): 141–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700700260253930.

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AbstractThis paper argues that Rabbinic Midrash is a definable literary phenomenon that has its primary locus within the Rabbinic schoolhouses of late antiquity. It argues against the claim that much of our current Rabbinic Midrash originated in the Rabbinic sermons of late antiquity. While some rabbis may have delivered sermons in synagogues or to the "community" in different public settings, we shall see that there are few specific indications of that fact. When we find rabbis within the context of synagogues, they most often are not delivering sermons. And when rabbis "preach" to the community, it is often in cities known for their Rabbinic academies. It therefore is unclear exactly to whom these "sermons" were delivered. Medieval and early modern sources indicate that Rabbinic sermons were a part of synagogue activity on Sabbaths as well as on special occasions, such as weddings and funerals. Even during these periods, however, the exact content of these sermons is in many cases far from certain. Also, changes that occurred within the Jewish communities and in their surrounding environments help to explain why Jewish sermons appear at that time. The existence of Rabbinic sermons during the medieval period accordingly does not testify to their presence in late antiquity.

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14

Morawska, Karolina. "Ut non diligat vir uxorem sicut adulteram – poglądy kaznodziejów na seksualność w średniowiecznej Polsce." Forum Socjologiczne 8 (April 24, 2018): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-7763.8.2.

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Ut non diligat vir uxorem sicut adulteram — sexuality in medieval Poland as seen by the preachersHow can the attitudes of medieval people towards any manifestations of sexuality be examined? The objective of the study is to reveal the utility of sermons in research on sexuality in medieval Poland. Knowing that the content of the studied sermons is frequently set in the reality of everyday life, it is not unfounded to expect that any kinds of behaviour and attitudes criticized and condemned by preachers constitute a credible reflection of the customs typical for the inhabitants of medieval Poland. One can therefore discover what kind of sexually motivated behaviour was permitted, what attitudes were expected and what eluded any control, shaping the reality and customs of medieval Poland.

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15

Gillespie, V. "Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons." English Historical Review 118, no. 478 (September 1, 2003): 1036–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.478.1036.

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16

Maraschi, Andrea. "Carnival in Late Medieval Italian Sermons." Food and History 21, no. 1 (January 2023): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.food.5.133320.

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17

Reeves, Andrew. "English Secular Clergy in the Early Dominican Schools: Evidence from Three Manuscripts." Church History and Religious Culture 92, no. 1 (2012): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124112x621257.

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AbstractAs part of their mission to preach faith and morals, the medieval Dominicans often served as allies of parochial clergy and the episcopate. Scholars such as M. Michèle Mulchahey have shown that on the Continent, the Order of Preachers often helped to educate parish priests. We have evidence that thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Dominicans were allowing parochial clergy to attend their schools in England as well. Much of this evidence is codicological. Two English codices of William Peraldus's sermons provide evidence of a provenance relating to a parish church: London Gray's Inn 20, a collection of his sermons on the Gospels, was owned by a parish priest, and Cambridge Peterhouse 211, a manuscript of his sermons on the Epistles, contains an act issued by the rector of a parish church. Another manuscript of Peraldus's sermons contains synodal statutes. As the Order of Preachers was outside of the diocesan chain of command, these statutes point to the use of these sermons by those who were subject to the episcopate. Since the Dominicans were normally forbidden from sharing their model sermon literature with secular clergy, these codices suggest a program on the part of the English province of the Order of Preachers to make sure that diocesan clergy could attend Dominican schools in order to gain the skills necessary to preach the basic doctrines and morals of the Christian faith to England's laity.

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18

Słoboda, Agnieszka. "The syntax of Kazania Gnieźnieńskie in the light of their genetic multilayering." Linguistica Brunensia, no. 1 (2023): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/lb2023-1-3.

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This paper presents a new proposal for the syntactic analysis of one of the most important medieval Polish manuscripts, Kazania Gnieźnieńskie (Gniezno sermons). The author believes that the study of the medieval texts syntax should take into account their genetic multilayering, that is, the ratio of the final issues available to the source, whether based on Latin or later modifications containing various amendments, annotations, and insertions. The comparison of the two versions of the first sermon, i.e., without amendments, and the last version, which contains glosses, shows significant differences in the syntactic structure of these two issues resulting from the consistent adaptation of the syntactic structure to the requirements of a particular audience.

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19

Ellington, Donna Spivey. "Impassioned Mother or Passive Icon: The Virgin's Role in Late Medieval and Early Modern Passion Sermons*." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 2 (1995): 227–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863065.

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On 13 April 1403, Parisian chancellor Jean Gerson delivered one of his most famous sermons, a sermon on the Passion of Christ entitled “Ad deum vadit.” That evening, in the second part of the sermon, Gerson set forth the central and most dramatic portion of the Passion narrative, the crucifixion of Jesus. As he had done throughout the story, Gerson sought to recreate the feelings, responses, and very words of Mary as she witnessed her son's suffering. In an anguished question that echoed Jesus’ own, Gerson proclaims that Mary was able to cry to God.

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20

Medgyesy, Norbert. "The figure of Saint Ladislaus in Hungarian Baroque Chants and Sermons." Saeculum Christianum 25 (April 25, 2019): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2018.25.9.

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The source material for the present research contains chants and sermons written in honour of Saint Ladislaus from 1634 to 1836. A precise survey shows a variety of motifs dealing with the figure of Saint Ladislaus. The main question of the study is to what extent the Baroque speeches transmit the figure of St. Ladislaus as described in medieval sermons? It is showed that there are many links but it it impossible to find a direct relationship between baroque literature and medieval texts.

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21

Taylor, Larissa. "Images of Women in the Sermons of Guillaume Pepin (c.1465-1533)." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031082ar.

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Abstract The stereotype of the misogynistic medieval churchman persists in almost all scholarly assessments of gender attitudes and beliefs in the premodern period. Such sweeping generalizations do little to help us understand attitudes in one particular time and place, or changes over time; studies of individuals allow a more nuanced and richer understanding of male beliefs about women. Sermons in the late Middle Ages exhibit the full range of attitudes about women. In the sermons of Guillaume Pépin (c. 1465-1533), we find the preaching of a man who did not categorize women as the personification of Good or Evil, but talked at length about women and their problems in daily life with sympathy and compassion. The figures he evokes in his sermons are quite often strong, independent-minded women. Comparison with sermons in the mid-sixteenth century shows that many later preachers conform more closely to the stereotype, with the amount of attention given to women in sermons decreasing dramatically and negative descriptions predominating. Language is used much differently, and the resulting images of women are one-dimensional, with the female sex portrayed as subordinate, weak, and silly. These changes can be attributed to a number of factors, including the simplified sermon structure of the post Reformation period, the Reformation and misconceptions about the priesthood of all believers, the attempt to impose Catholic orthodoxy, and an increasing emphasis on the "natural order" of things.

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22

Odstrčilík, Jan. "Multilingual Medieval Sermons: Sources, Theories and Methods." Medieval Worlds medieval worlds, Volume 12. 2020 (2020): 140–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/medievalworlds_no12_2020s140.

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23

Berardini, Valentina. "Discovering Performance Indicators in Late Medieval Sermons." Medieval Sermon Studies 54, no. 1 (October 2010): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/136606910x12798085080334.

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24

Hornbeck, J. P. "Lollard Sermons? Soteriology and Late-Medieval Dissent." Notes and Queries 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjj114.

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25

Marek, Jindřich. "Medieval Utraquist sermons on Czech patron saints." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 1 (2019): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2019-1-8.

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26

Olson Campbell, Heidi. "Noli Me Tangere." Church History and Religious Culture 104, no. 1 (March 26, 2024): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10061.

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Abstract Sixteenth-century theologians in their efforts to reform English religion sought to divest religion not only of its extrabiblical female saints but also its biblical female saints of their legends and their passionate expressions of sorrow. Reformers focused on deconstructing the popular weeping composite Mary Magdalene, yet their efforts were only partially successful. Thomas Walkington’s 1620 sermon, Rabboni, reveals that Protestant preachers were willing to diverge from the biblical account and use their imagination in sermons to appeal to their audience’s emotions. Rabboni demonstrates continued knowledge and leakage of Pre-Reformation extrabiblical legends into Protestant thought. The location of the sermon and the reception history of Pseudo-Origen’s De Maria Magdalena suggest why the medieval image of Mary Magdalene proved so indestructible.

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27

Virgulti, Ernesto. "Brock University." Florilegium 20, no. 1 (January 2003): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.20.028.

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Although Brock University does not have a specific program in Medieval Studies, it does offer a number of courses dealing with die Middle Ages in various departments of the Faculty of Humanities. The Dean of the Faculty, Dr Rosemary Drage Hale, has herself devoted a considerable amount of her research to the Middle Ages, especially in the areas of medieval women’s religious experience and medieval sermons.

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28

Čistiakova, Marina. "New Versions of the Sermons from the Pandects of Antiochus in the Church Slavonic Prologue." Knygotyra 80 (July 18, 2023): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2023.80.123.

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The Pandects, an anthology of passages from the Holy Scripture and the writings of the Church Fathers, was compiled in Medieval Greek in around 620 by Antiochus, a monk of the Laura of Mar Saba, at the request of hegumen Eustachius of the Monastery of Atalina. In the 10th century, this collection was translated into the Church Slavonic language in Bulgaria and soon became known in Kyivan Rus’. No later than in the 1160s, fragments of the Pandects were included in the Synaxarion or the Prologue, a calendar collection of the lives of saints and sermons. The didactic part of the Expanded edition of the Prologue was supplemented for the first half of the year with 21 carefully edited passages from the Pandects. During the 14th‒17th centuries, scribes revised the translation of the Pandects again. The subject of this study is the new versions of the Pandects of Antiochus in comparison with the traditional synaxarian sermons from this source. When examining about 100 copies of the Prologue from the autumn-winter half of the church year, dating back to the 14th‒17th centuries, 6 such articles were found. In the Moscow and Kirill-Belozersky editions of the Prologue, which belong to the Moscow literary tradition, I found two new versions (A Sermon on Fasting and on Prayer, A Sermon on if one Loves the World). The fragments of the Pandects were copied from the source in their entirety, without introducing significant changes. In the manuscript tradition of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL), and later also of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (PLC), more new variants of the sermons appeared. In the Navahrudak edition, in the two varieties of the Expanded edition and in the Museum edition, four traditional Prologue articles were edited (A Sermon on Eloquence, A Sermon on Dreams, A Sermon on Fasting and on Prayer, A Sermon on if one Loves the World). The writers used a special technique of segmenting the sermons and amending their style. It is possible to conclude that the 10th century translation of the work of monk Antiochus underwent a greater transformation in the literary tradition of the GDL than in the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Ukrainian scribes played a special role in the reception of the Pandects of Antiochus in the lands of the GDL and later in the PLC.

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Schreiner, Susan E. "Exegesis and Double Justice in Calvin's Sermons on Job." Church History 58, no. 3 (September 1989): 322–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168467.

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Medieval exegetes contributed distinguished commentaries on the Book of Job that had far-reaching influence. When, in 1554, Calvin ascended the pulpit in Geneva to deliver a series of sermons on Job, his listeners heard not only the Genevan Reformer but echoes of that medieval tradition. In Job's story Calvin saw a God whose providence held sovereign sway over nature, history, and Satan. Having undertaken these sermons, however, Calvin soon confronted Job's question: Why do the righteous suffer? Calvin did not answer Job alone. He turned to both medieval Joban commentaries and Scotist-nominalist categories to resolve this book's central issue of divine justice. But we will see that despite all these resources the exegetical difficulties posed by the text itself forced Calvin to realize that his central hermeneutical device brought with it implications with which he was ultimately uncomfortable. That device was double justice.

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30

Mclaughlin, R. Emmet. "The Word Eclipsed? Preaching in the Early Middle Ages." Traditio 46 (1991): 77–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900004207.

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The modern interest in and study of medieval sermon literature was first driven by a combination of confessional acrimony and professional scholarship. L. Bourgain, Albert Lecoy de la Marche, Richard Albert, Rudolf Cruel, Anton Linsenmayer, and G. R. Owst combed through the archives to uncover the written remains of medieval preaching, and what they discovered came as a surprise to those who had been raised on the Protestant black legend of a mute medieval Church. For quantity and variety the period from the twelfth century to the Reformation must count as one (or several) of the great ages of pulpit activity. In fact, on the eve of the Reformation there was some concern that too much was being preached too often. For example, as a result of complaints by laity and clergy alike, in 1508 the Bishop of Breslau ordered a limit on the number of sermons preached in the city. To be sure, modern judgments concerning the quality of that preaching in both style and content vary with the confessional stance and aesthetic preferences of the individual scholar. But of the late medieval dedication to preaching in season and out there can be no doubt.

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31

Engh, Line Cecilie. "Imaginative immersion in the Cistercian Cloister." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7804.

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This article uses analytical concepts from cognitive science to explore and deepen our understanding of how medieval monastics imagined themselves as characters within biblical narratives. It argues that Cistercian monks - and in particular Bernard of Clairvaux - used techniques of imaginative immersion to enter and blend themselves into biblical viewpoints and events, thereby engaging the monks in epistemically and personally transformative experiences. The article concludes that this served to build community and to enculture monks and converts. Specifically, the article offers a close reading of two of Bernard's liturgical sermons, Sermon Two for Palm Sunday and Sermon Two on the Resurrection, to show how his sermons 1) traverse time and space and 2) blend viewpoints. Examples are also taken from texts by John Cassian, Augustine, Gregory the Great, and William of St. Thierry. Keywords: Bernard of Clairvaux, blended viewpoint, deictic displacement, lectio divina, liturgical time and space. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

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Mous, Latéfa. "Estudio de La Situación y Las Prácticas de Traducción de Los Sermones Aljamiados." Traduction et Langues 11, no. 1 (August 31, 2012): 149–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v11i1.563.

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A Study of the State and Translation Practices of the Aljamiados Sermons During the Middle Ages, the Mudejars developed a transliteration system from Castilian to Arabic characters that was stabilized in 1462. This system was adopted by the Moors: it is what, in modern times, is known as "aljamiada" and which is remained in use until the early 17th century, when the Moors were finally expelled. We will try to address, in a generic way, the causes and objectives of the constitution of this aljamiado corpus. Special attention will be paid to the genre of sermons, through its double aspect of religious instruction, as moral discourse, and the normative ritual fulfillment of religious practice. The reflection that we propose will follow a development in three stages: after a brief summary of the situation of Arabic and vernacular languages in medieval Islam and the medieval Muslim West, we will address the appearance of these vernacular texts, according to a chosen textual genre, that of sermons, as well as its evolution, or even a form of motivated reworking.

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Dorfbauer, Lukas J. "Zwei karolingische Fragmente von nicht identifizierten Predigtsammlungen (München, BSB, clm 29319/3 und 29319/40)." Fragmentology 2 (December 2019): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24446/y86u.

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The present paper offers discussions of two Carolingian fragments of sermon collections now at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich (clm 29319/3 and 29319/40), based on the first identification of their contents. It is demonstrated that clm 29319/3 originally belonged to the same book as the liturgical fragment clm 29304/1; this lost book, which served as exemplar for the famous Benedictionale Frisingense (clm 6430), may turn out to be of major importance for the study of a sermon formerly attributed to Eligius of Noyon (CPL 2096). It is also demonstrated that clm 29319/40, directly or indirectly, served as the exemplar for the hitherto only known copy of an early medieval sermon (Doctrina populorum; CPPM 1A, 2360) in clm 14380. The text of this sermon is printed here for the first time; its sources and also its use in Carolingian sermons (e.g. in a sermonary by Hrabanus Maurus) are discussed.

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Giraudo, Andrea. "The Critical Edition of the Medieval Waldensian Sermons." Medieval Sermon Studies 59, no. 1 (January 2015): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1366069115z.00000000024.

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Taylor, Larissa. "Medieval Sermons and Society: Cloister, City, University (review)." Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 4 (2000): 664–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0099.

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Mazurkiewicz, Roman. "Łaciński pierwowzór kazań maryjnych Jana z Szamotuł (Paterka) / The Latin Source of the Marian Sermons of Jan of Szamotu Ły (Paterek)." Ruch Literacki 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0052-9.

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Summary This author of this article has tracked down the Latin source of the Marian Sermons of Jan of Szamotuły aka Paterek (c. 1480-1519). The extant MS of the Sermons, is dated to the early 16th century. They cover the stories of the Immaculate Conception, the Nativity, the Holy Name, and the Life of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Although indebted in their structure and theological content to medieval scholastic treaties, they were generally believed to be Jan of Szamotuły’s own work. Now we know that his source was a volume of sermons Stellarium coronae Benedictae Mariae Virginis, written by the Hungarian Franciscan Pelbart of Temesvar (c. 1435-1504). The two texts are compared with a view of identifying the characteristic features of the Polish translation (paraphrase). The article also presents some conjectures about the date and circumstances of the writing of the Sermons and their prospective use.

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Cambraia Franco, Gustavo. "O ‘Espelho dos Santos’: analogias da Virgem Maria nos sermões de São Vicente Ferrer (1350-1419)." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 10 (December 6, 2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.10.11073.

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Resumo: Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar um estudo sobre a exegese bíblica e doutrinária que o frei valenciano tardo-medieval São Vicente Ferrer faz sobre o tema da mariologia. Baseado no caudal da multissecular tradição teológica e literária patrístico-escolástica, na vertente do pensamento analógico e em uma cosmovisão especular e simbólica, o pregador apresenta em seus sermões uma extensa série de analogias, metáforas, alegorias e tipologias bíblicas mediante as quais enaltece a figura da Virgem Maria, e define seu significado como a personagem sagrada universal de devoção na Idade Média. Palavras-chave: São Vicente Ferrer, mariologia, pensamento analógico, exegese bíblica medieval Abstract: This article aims to present a study on the biblical and doctrinal exegesis that late medieval Valencian Dominican friar Saint Vincent Ferrer does on the subject of mariology. Based on the flow of the multisecular theological and literary patristic-scholastic tradition, on the strand of analogical thought and on a specular and symbolic worldview, the preacher presents in his sermons an extensive series of analogies, metaphors, allegories and biblical typologies by which he exalts the figure of the Virgin Mary, and defines its meaning as icon and universal hagiographic model of the Middle Ages. Keywords: Saint Vincent Ferrer, mariology, analogical thinking, medieval biblical exegesis

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Barr, Beth Allison. "Medieval sermons and audience appeal after the Black Death." History Compass 16, no. 9 (August 7, 2018): e12478. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12478.

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Cels, Marc B. "Forgiveness in Late Medieval Sermons: On the Unforgiving Servant." Medieval Sermon Studies 62, no. 1 (January 2018): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13660691.2018.1520989.

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Jones, Guest edited by Linda G., and Jussi Hanska. "SPECIAL SECTION: Medieval Sermons and Conversion: A Comparative Perspective." Medieval Sermon Studies 67, no. 1 (November 8, 2023): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13660691.2023.2269530.

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Duclow, Donald F. "Meister Eckhart on the Book of Wisdom: Commentary and Sermons." Traditio 43 (1987): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036215290001254x.

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A common view of medieval thought focuses on the separation of speculative thought from biblical exegesis which occurs with the rise of the universities. Whereas in the patristic era and the early Middle Ages theology and exegesis formed a unity, the introduction of Aristotle and the techniques of quaestio and disputatio detached theology from the study of scriptural texts. The results were twofold: theology attained a new autonomy and a distinctive form in the summa, and exegesis — free of the demands of theological speculation — could pursue a more literal and historical style of interpretation. Whatever the historical accuracy of this view, it has certainly shaped modern scholarship on medieval thought. Theologians and philosophers have focused on summae and disputed questions to such an extent that the Leonine edition of Thomas Aquinas has yet to publish his major Commentary on the Gospel of John. Since Thomas is considered first of all a theologian, not an exegete, his biblical commentaries have been accorded less interest and attention than his systematic works. In contrast, students of medieval exegesis may so emphasize literal and historical interpretation that they exclude or dismiss commentaries that are speculative or mystical. Beryl Smalley's The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages represents this trend, as it devotes little attention to Bernard of Clairvaux but concentrates on commentators like Guerric of St. Quentin, who gave ‘his attention to the literal sense first and foremost.’

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Orlemanski, Julie. "Literary Persons and Medieval Fiction in Bernard of Clairvaux’s Sermons on the Song of Songs." Representations 153, no. 1 (2021): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2021.153.3.29.

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Like many exegetes before him, the twelfth-century Cistercian abbot Bernard of Clairvaux regarded the lovers in the Song of Songs as allegorical fictions. Yet these prosopopoeial figures remained of profound commentarial interest to him. Bernard’s Sermons on the Song of Songs returns again and again to the literal level of meaning, where text becomes voice and voice becomes fleshly persona. This essay argues that Bernard pursued a distinctive poetics of fictional persons modeled on the dramatic exegesis of Origen of Alexandria as well as on the Song itself. Ultimately, the essay suggests, Bernard’s Sermons form an overlooked episode in the literary history of fiction.

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Shahar, Shulamith. "The Boy Bishop’s Feast: a Case-study in Church Attitudes towards Children in the High and Late Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 31 (1994): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012900.

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THE main sources for the boy bishop’s feast are available in print. These include sections in ceremonial- and service-books, cathedral statutes, councils’ decrees,compotus, that is, accounts of the gifts and offerings of money the boy bishop received, as well as his expenses, household books that include registrations of the expenses for the annual entertainment of the boy bishop and his retinue, as well as two sermons the boy bishop delivered. Chambers, in hisMedieval Stage, first published in 1903, dedicated a detailed description to the feast. A short reference to the feast appears in most research works on medieval schools and a number of articles have also been published on the subject. I’ll thus refer to the origins of the feast, but describe it only briefly, disregarding variations between places, and then turn to the subject of my paper: the boy bishop’s feast, as reflecting the image of childhood, attitudes towards childhood, and medieval educational conceptions. These are expressed in the feast itself and more clearly in the sermons written by adults to be delivered by the boy bishop.

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Savelier, Oksana. "Sensum de Senso vs Verbum de Verbo. The Choice of Strategy for the Translation of Medieval Sermons." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023063-8.

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The article is dedicated to the problem of choosing a strategy for the translation of historical sources, specifically, medieval Western European sermons. It gives a brief review of the development of translation thought and provides in detail the main translation theories of the 20th century, as well as their principles and features. The particular attention is paid to the works of biblical translators (E. Nida, E.-A. Gutt, C. Nord, E. Wendland, A. S. Desnitsky etc.). The Holy Scripture as a translators' research object seems to be the closest to the sources considered by the author. The article analyzes the linguists’ postulates and methodological recommendations — within the theories of Dynamic, Functional and Literary Equivalents, as well as theories of Relevance, Skopos and Frames — from the point of view of its applicability to the translation of historical texts. Based on her own research and translation experience, the author proposes for consideration a number of techniques and ideas that are potentially suitable for translating not only sermons, but also other medieval religious sources.

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Anderson, David. "Macaronic Sermons: Bilingualism and Preaching in Late-Medieval England.Siegfried Wenzel." Speculum 71, no. 3 (July 1996): 773–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865854.

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Baker, Eleanor. "Metaphors of Textual Materiality in Late Medieval Middle English Sermons." Studies in Philology 118, no. 4 (2021): 631–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sip.2021.0023.

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Dunbabin, J. "Medieval Marriage Sermons: Mass Communication in a Culture without Print." English Historical Review 117, no. 474 (November 1, 2002): 1315–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.474.1315.

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Tyra, Steven W. "“Mary puts us all to shame”." Church History and Religious Culture 98, no. 3-4 (December 12, 2018): 367–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09802002.

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AbstractThis article examines Martin Luther’s interpretation of Saint Mary Magdalene throughout his career, from his Psalms lectures of 1513 to his sermons on John’s Gospel in 1529. In particular, it will be argued that Luther both adopted and reshaped the exegetical tradition flowing from the twelfth-century theologian, Bernard of Clairvaux. The final result was a Reformation reading of the Magdalene that was neither fully medieval nor “Protestant” as the tradition would later develop. Luther’s journey with the saint thus illumines his ambiguous place in the history of biblical interpretation, as well as his fraught relationship to the medieval past.

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Johnson, Holly. "The Divine Dinner Party: Domestic Imagery and Easter Preaching in Late Medieval England." Traditio 67 (2012): 385–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001409.

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When Margery Kempe imagines each member of the Trinity sitting within the chamber of her soul on a cushion of an appropriate color, she uses familiar household furnishings to develop a metaphor that helps explain a complex theological concept, while at the same time creating the sense that these ideas are as natural and easy to accept as the objects from which the metaphor is constructed. Similarly, in an Easter sermon preached in 1431, her contemporary Nicholas Philip, a Franciscan friar of the convent in King's Lynn (Margery's hometown), uses household furnishings to prepare his listeners to receive the Eucharist at Easter. The sermon is built on the metaphor of the body as the house to which Christ has been invited for a feast, and, like Kempe's Trinity image, this house has furnishings — a carpet, a tapestry, a cushion, a seat cover — and the feast itself involves a variety of dishes along with music and entertaining guests. The sermon develops a multifaceted image that becomes a complete sensory experience, focusing not on the meaning of transubstantiation but on the communicant's proper disposition. While Nicholas Philip's Easter sermon may be unusual in using this imagery to shape an entire sermon, many late medieval Easter sermons preached in England employ such domestic imagery to elucidate for their audiences the significance of the Eucharist, the reception of which, for most of the laity living in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, took place only on Easter. In a process that can be called the domestication of the divine, such metaphors render this annual reception less distant and abstract, making an event with supernatural implications as natural and familiar as a dinner party. However, the rhetorical purpose of this domestication is not primarily to encourage feelings of comfort and easy familiarity with the theological underpinnings of the sacrament, but to promote virtue and responsibility in the recipient both in preparation for and following this event. Nicholas Philip's Easter sermon thus testifies to a homiletic concern of many late medieval English preachers as well as to the artistic license a preacher might take to effect that concern.

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CAWSEY, SUZANNE F. "Royal Eloquence, Royal Propaganda and the Use of the Sermon in the Medieval Crown of Aragon, c. 1200–1410." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no. 3 (July 1999): 442–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999001773.

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In the two centuries before 1410 it was the custom for the king of Aragon to open a session of the cortes with a speech. These speeches were not merely simple statements of the reasons why the cortes had been summoned but were elaborately staged and ornately constructed orations, very often written in the style of sermons. Affairs of state were portrayed in terms of Christian morality with the aid of exempla drawn from the Old Testament and from other religious works, emphasising, above all, the king's God-given authority. Exempla were also derived from written royal histories of the Crown of Aragon, transmitted orally by the king to his people and used to create a feeling of national pride and unity between the king and his subjects. I propose to examine the use of these royal sermons in the Crown of Aragon first by discussing whether it is indeed right to call these politically motivated speeches sermons at all; second, by putting the Crown of Aragon into context by examining the evidence for royal preaching throughout Europe; third, by considering the evidence for a long-standing tradition of preaching by members of the royal house of Aragon; and finally, in order to illustrate in more detail the nature and content of royal Aragonese sermons, by providing a detailed analysis of the speeches by King Pedro iv ‘the Ceremonious’ to the Cortes of Tarragona (Catalonia) of 1370 and to the Cortes of Monzón (Aragon) of 1383, full texts of which were recorded in the official proceedings.

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