Relevant bibliographies by topics / Medii i politika

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Academic literature on the topic 'Medii i politika'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Medii i politika"

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Barišić, Pavo. "Truth and politics in the age of digital media." Synthesis philosophica 33, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 489–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.21464/sp33211.

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Sve snažnijim širenjem sveprisutnih digitaliziranih društvenih medija, istina je u određenom stupnju izgubila na svojoj pouzdanosti i objektivnosti, upozoravaju danas pojedini autori. Kada neko razdoblje ističe u prvi plan napete odnose između istinitosti i laži, ispravnih informacija i lažnih vijesti, stvarnosti i fikcije, onoga što doista jest i zablude, to svjedoči o neprozirnosti i nesagledivosti zamršene igre u koju je zapletena javna komunikacija. Strelovit razvoj novih medija i digitalnih tehnologija uzrokuje dalekosežan proces promjena, osobito u području politike. U svojoj knjizi o »post­istinitoj epohi« Ralph J. Keyes najavio je nastupanje »vremenā sklonih obmanama« (fib-friendly times) u kojima se »izriče više laži nego ikada do sada« (Keyes 2004, 4). Međutim, razmatranja u ovom članku počivaju na nešto opreznijem i kritičnijem pristupu. Ona govore u prilog razumijevanju pluriperspektivizma. Novi mediji zacijelo su donijeli izazove suvremenim komunikacijama. U političkim zbivanjima riječ je svagda o određenim perspektivama i prinosima u stalnom agonu ili nadmetanju za istinom. Pri tome ne postoji posve neutralnih niti nadstranački uzdignutih zahtjeva za istinom, kao što su tvrdili neki filozofi i znanstvenici. Poradi svoje osebujne naravi, istina se može otkriti samo s prijeporom i trudom, a nikada bez sudjelovanja i izvan svake perspektive. Ipak, niti istina propada, niti ulazimo u razdoblje postistine. Štoviše, možemo se i dalje prepirati o pitanju koja je epoha sklonija lažima i lažnim vijestima (fake news). Politika danas nije u težem položaju nego što je bila ranije, niti je u mnogo jednostavnijem položaju u pogledu na istinu. Za politiku istina ostaje potporno tlo i trajno mjerilo za prosuđivanje. Može se raskrivati samo u svojoj pluriperspektivnoj pojavnosti.
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Taraskevičius, Adomas. "Politikai kaip naujienų šaltinis: nepilnamečių apsaugos įstatymo priėmimo atvejis." Informacijos mokslai 59 (January 1, 2012): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2012.0.3109.

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Žiniasklaida – vienas iš pagrindinių komunikacijos proceso tarp demokratinės visuomenės grupių elementų. Atlikdama visuomenės informavimo funkciją žiniasklaida užtikrina, kad piliečiai reikiamu atveju –pavyzdžiui, balsuodami – priims tinkamus sprendimus, o valdžios institucijos ir politikai taip pat galvos apie savo veiksmus, siekdami išvengti kritikos, visuomenės neigiamos nuostatos arba siekdami didesnio populiarumo ir pakliūti į valdžios institucijas. Kita vertus, elgdamosi taip, kaip ir visi, būdamos tiesiog visumos dalimi, valdžios institucijos ir politikai nėra įdomūs, todėl šios dvi grupės nuolat turi galvoti, kaip sudominti ir atkreipti į save dėmesį begaliniame informacijos sraute.Šio straipsnio tikslas – įrodyti, kad tie politikai, kurie svarstant ir priimant Nepilnamečių apsaugos nuo neigiamo viešosios informacijos poveikio įstatymą (toliau – Nepilnamečių apsaugos įstatymą) daugiausia kalbėjo Seimo plenariniuose posėdžiuose, buvo dažniausiai Lietuvos internetinės žiniasklaidos ir vieno iš dienraščių pasitelkiami kaip naujienų šaltiniai, neatsižvelgiant į kalbos turinį.Straipsnyje aptariami politikų ir žiniasklaidos santykiai, analizuojama politikų ir žiniasklaidos tarpusavio priklausomybė, kokiomis priemonės politikai siekia patraukti žiniasklaidos dėmesį. Tyrimu parodoma, kaip pasisakymų ilgis ir dažnumas svarstant konkretų įstatymo projektą gali nulemti žiniasklaidos dėmesį, o kartu ir matomumą visuomenei.Reišminiai žodžiai: žiniasklaida, politinė komunikacija, žiniasklaidos dienotvarkė, politikaiPoliticians as a Source of News: the Case of Adopting the Law on Minors’ ProtectionAdomas Taraskevičius SummaryThe media are on of the basic components of communication among the elements of democratic society. By informing the audience, the media ensure that citizens in cases like voting will make right decisions, and the authorities and politicians will be careful about their own actions in order to avoid criticism or negative attitudes of society or to become more popular and to get into government structures. On the other hand, by doing so as everybody else and just being part of the whole, governments and politicians are not interesting for the media. As a result, these two groups must always think how to attract attention to themselves in the endless stream of information.The purpose of this article is to show the existence of politicians’ desire to construct the media agenda (to be the source of news) while adopting the Law on Minors’ Protection against Detrimental Effects of Public Information. The article also discusses the relationship between politicians and the media, the interdependence between politicians and the media. The author also shows how politicians try to atract the media by adopting laws and how the length and frequency of politicians’ speeches during the reading of a particular law can attract the attention of the media and thus of the public.
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Jastramskis, Deimantas. "Žiniasklaidos organizacijos nuosavybės struktūros įtaka žiniasklaidos priemonės turiniui." Informacijos mokslai 46 (January 1, 2008): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2008.0.3351.

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Skirtingos žiniasklaidos organizacijos nuosavybės formos ir struktūros bei nuosavybės teisės valdytojų dalyvavimas arba nedalyvavimas organizacijos administravimo veikloje ir formuojant redakcijos politiką sudaro skirtingas sąlygas skleisti vienokį ar kitokį žiniasklaidos priemonės turinį. Šio straipsnio tikslas – aptarti skirtingų žiniasklaidos organizacijų nuosavybės struktūrų galimą įtaką žiniasklaidos priemonių turiniui, išanalizuoti Lietuvos nacionalinius dienraščius leidžiančių organizacijų nuosavybės struktūras bei jų įtaką redakcijos veiklai. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad tikimybė užtikrinti labiau nepriklausomą nuo žiniasklaidos organizacijos savininkų redakcijos politiką yra tuo didesnė, kuo yra sudėtingesnė ir įvairesnė pati nuosavybės struktūra, akcininkų interesų išskaidymas ir nepriklausoma, atsakinga visuomenei redakcijos politika sudaro sąlygas objektyviam žiniasklaidos turiniui, kuris yra visuomenės pasitikėjimo žiniasklaida didėjimo veiksnys, sukuriantis palankią situaciją žiniasklaidos organizacijai patenkinti turtinį nuosavybės valdytojų interesą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaidos organizacija, nuosavybės struktūra, įtaka, turinys, nacionalinis dienraštis.The influence of ownership structure of media organization on content of mediaDeimantas Jastramskis SummaryDifferent ownership structures of media organizations and participation or not participation of shareholders in the making of editorial policy create different conditions for dissemination of media content. The aim of the article is to analyze ownership structures of organizations of Lithuanian national dailies and their influence on content of these dailies. There is a greater probability for editors of media organizations to ensure independent editorial policy when ownership structures are more complex and various. Both depersonalization of shareholders’ interests and independent, socially responsible editorial policy form conditions for objectivity of media content. Such situation is favorable for profitable operation and fulfillment of property interests of media organizations’ owners.
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Baltezarević, Vesna, and Dragan Nikolić. "Social Media as a New Political Platform." Media Dialogues – Medijski dijalozi 13, no. 1 (January 15, 2020): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/1800-7074/13-1/2.

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Suvakovic, Misko. "De Re MEDIJI : POLITIKA MEDIJA." Srpska politička misao, Specijal 2019 (December 2, 2019): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal2019.1.

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Namera mi je da dijagramski postavim jednu moguću potencijalnu teoriju De-Re medija lociranu u savremenosti globalnih ekoloških, ekonomskih, ratnih i, svakako, klasnih kriza. Razmatrana je piosebna situacija transformacije slike sveta u događaj sveta, drugim rečima, načinjen je obrt od prikazivanja sveta do izvođenja sveta ili izvođenja u svetu. Postavljena je rasprava o sredstvima medijskog rada, proizvodnje i delovanja, tj. o instrumentima i njihovim konstruktivnim funkcijama. Analiziran je kontekst medijskog rada, proizvodnje i delovanja posredstvom modela dispozitiva/aparatusa. Reinterpretirana je iz agrarne nauke i ratne terminologije teorija rojeva te primenjna na novi pojam medijuma/medija. Preuzeta je i primenjena tradicionalna i moderna rasprava razlike De Dicto i De Re sudova. Postavljena je teorija De Re medija u odnosu na koncepte medijuma i medija, postmedijuma i postmedija, digitalnih i postdigitalnih medija.
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Istighfarin, Firly Rachmah, and Magvira Yuliani. "Media: Komodifikasi Keberpihakan Politik (Analisa Ekonomi Politik MNC Media Group)." JCommsci - Journal Of Media and Communication Science 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/jcommsci.v3i3.84.

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Abstract: The mass media industry since the reform era has changed significantly, freedom of press had been widely opened, furthermore with technological advances and the birth of social media. Competitiveness in the mass media industry is tougher in market dominance. Media owners in Indonesia are competing to penetrate the market and secure their business positions by joining the politics, even the media itself is allegedly used by the owner as a commodity that can gain profit and become a propaganda’s tool for certain political interests. MNC Media Group is a media owned by Hary Tanoesoedibjo, a businessman and politician from the Perindo Party. Then, how does Hary Tanoesoedibjo commodify the MNC Media Group? Theory of Political Economy of Media, Vincent Moscow (1996) discusses the concept of commodification, explaining how the process of transforming goods and services with their use value into a policy that has an exchange rate in the market. The analysis by the author is to see at the relationships behind the production, consumption and distribution processes carried out by the MNC Media Group. Commodification of MNC Media Group is carried out through three types of commodification, namely; commodification of contents, audiences and workers. Commodification is made using the economy and politics by its owner, Hary Tanoesoedibjo which is carried out in the form of an integrated business unit, or a synergy between all business units, raising and builing a positive image for the owner by using legitimacy of the power relations.Keywords: Mass Media, Commodification, Power Relations
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Indrawan, Jerry, Efriza, and Anwar Ilmar. "KEHADIRAN MEDIA BARU (NEW MEDIA) DALAM PROSES KOMUNIKASI POLITIK." MEDIUM 8, no. 1 (June 19, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/medium.2020.vol8(1).4820.

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Pola komunikasi politik di era multimedia ini sudah sangat mengandalkan kehadiran media baru yang berbasis internet, seperti Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Line Today, dll. Penguasaan teknologi informasi adalah bagian dari munculnya kekuatan media baru, di mana hal ini tentunya membawa perubahan di dalam masyarakat. Siapa pun, termasuk pengguna media baru tersebut, sekarang juga bisa terlibat langsung dalam proses tersebut. Perubahan dalam masyarakat inilah yang ingin penulis teliti karena dampaknya dalam pola komunikasi politik sangat terasa. Interaksi antara pemilih dengan yang dipilih sudah tidak terhambat lagi oleh jarak dan waktu, sehingga kualitas komunikasi politik dalam demokrasi seharusnya dapat meningkat. Komunikasi politik dapat berjalan dua arah atau bahkan lebih, sehingga feedback dari masyarakat dapat langsung diterima. Atas dasar itulah, media baru memiliki signifikansi yang penting terkait aktivitas-aktivitas komunikasi politik saat ini. Penulis melakukan analisa kualitatif deskriptif dengan mengumpulkan data dan informasi sekunder melalui kajian pustaka. Hasil penelitian penulis menunjukkan bahwa kehadiran media baru memberikan dampak signifikan terhadap aktivitas politik, khususnya proses komunikasi politik. Penulis merekomendasikan agar kegiatan komunikasi politik harus dilakukan lebih banyak melalui medium siber, agar memiliki dampak yang lebih luas.
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Jastramskis, Deimantas. "Žiniasklaidos paramos politika Lietuvoje." Informacijos mokslai 63 (January 1, 2013): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2013.0.1587.

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Straipsnyje nagrinėjama valstybės paramos žiniasklaidos subjektams politikos raida 1991–2012 m. Remiantis priimtais teisės aktais nustatoma, kokia parama ir kokiais laikotarpiais per Spaudos, radijo ir televizijos rėmimo fondą ir mokesčių subsidijų būdu buvo teikiama žiniasklaidai Lietuvoje. Analizuojamaspaudos ir su ja susijusių paslaugų neapmokestinimo ir apmokestinimo bendrojo akcizo, pridėtinės vertės mokesčiu bei lengvatų taikymo problematika.Straipsnyje teigiama, kad palyginti dažni teisės aktų, susijusių su spaudos apmokestinimu pridėtinės vertės mokesčiu, keitimai ir kasmet skiriamos paramos žiniasklaidai iš valstybės biudžeto dydžio priklausymas nuo politinės daugumos valios parlamente rodo, kad išlaidų ir mokesčių subsidijų politika žiniasklaidos subjektų atžvilgiu 1991–2012 m. nebuvo tinkamai formuojama ir įgyvendinama.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: valstybė, politika, žiniasklaida, mokesčiai, parama, subsidijos, lengvatos.The media support policy in LithuaniaDeimantas Jastramskis SummaryThe article analyzes the development of state support policy for media organizations in Lithuania in 1991–2012. There are examined direct subsidies from the state budget and indirect subsidies such as value added tax exemption. The value added tax on press sales has changed several times. The exemption of the value added tax for periodicals was removed in 2009–2012. Media organizations receive state budget subsidies through the public body of the Press, Radio and Television Support Fund. The total amount of subsidies from the state budget changes every year. It depends on the political will of the Lithuanian Parliament. The article claims that the media support policy in Lithuania has not been consistent and effective.
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Supriadi, Supriadi. "Model Komunikasi Politik di Era Dunia Virtualitas." RETORIKA : Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47435/retorika.v2i1.359.

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Media massa dan politik tidak bisa dipisahkan karena media sebagai saluran komunikasi politik yang sangat efektif. Media massa memainkan peran yang sangat penting dalam peroses politik. Kemampuan media dalam menyampaikan penyiaran untuk menampilkan pesan kepada khalayak luas menjadikan media sebagai objek, media penyiaran merupakan organisasi yang menyebarkan informasi yang berupa produk budaya atau pesan yang dapat mempengaruhi dan mencerminkan budaya dalam masyarakat, seperti halnya aspek politik dan ekonomi. Kondisi politik yang dibangun di dalam berbagi ruang virtual (seperti cyberspace), yang memengaruhi bentuk, penampakan, nilai, dan kebeneran politik itu sendiri. Media merupakan ruang untuk perbuatan pengaruh para elit politik, baik yang berada di dalam pemerintah maupun yang di luar pemerintah, berupaya mendaptkan akses yang lebih lama dan luas untuk mempengaruhi persepsi masyarakat tentang politik, realitas politik, kebijakan dan lembaga pemerintah yang sedang berkuasa.
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Vaagan, Robert. "Žiniasklaida, rinka, valstybė ir politika Norvegijoje." Informacijos mokslai 47 (January 1, 2008): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2008.0.3345.

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Straipsnyje remiamasi Hallin ir Mancini (2004) suformuluotu demokratiniu-korporaciniu modeliu, analizuojant žiniasklaidos rinkas kai kuriose Šiaurės ir Vidurio Europos šalyse, taip pat ir Norvegijoje. Norvegijos žiniasklaidos rinkos pokyčių analizė pateikiama penkiose srityse: žiniasklaidos vartojimo, finansavimo, technologijų, nuosavybės ir teisės. Iš dalies galima patvirtinti vieną svarbiausių Hallin ir Mancinio modelio bruožų, t.y. gana intervencinis Norvegijos valdžios vaidmuo žiniasklaidos sektoriuje. Iš kitos pusės, šiuos procesus veikia intensyvus rinkos sąlygų įsigalėjimas. Apskritai, galima teigti, jog “rinka karaliauja” Norvegijos žiniasklaidoje.Media, market, state and politics in NorwayDr. Robert Vaagan SummaryThe article builds on Hallin & Mancini (2004) who have used a democratic corporatist model to analyze the media markets of several Northern and Central European countries, including Norway. An analysis of the Norwegian media market is presented, focusing on five key issue areas: changes in media usage, financing, technology, ownership and legislation. The analysis partially supports one of the key features of Hallin & Mancini’s model, i.e. the fairly interventionist role of the Norwegian authorities in the media sector. This is nonetheless tempered by the high level of marketization in most issue areas examined. Overall, there is therefore some reason to argue that “market is king” in Norwegian media.Keywords: Norwegian media market, media usage, financing, technology, ownership, legislation, marketization
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Medii i politika"

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Pethö, Johanna. "Konsten att be om ursäkt : Politiska skandaler och försvarstekniker i svensk politik." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280785.

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Franzen, Jonas. "Sociala medier och politik." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-78280.

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Social media have become a well known concept the last decade, and as a tool for politicians and opinions makers they have grown to be a natural part of political campaigning. The Swedish political parties, and the politicians, have become more aware that information written in social media is open to journalists. Therefore they have to be careful not to write anything that can be used against them. Instead they use social media as tools to gain voters. To some extent social media also influence the traditional media. They have become an easy and fast communication channel between journalists and politicians, and sometimes news have been created based on writings in social media. Blogs has also given non-journalists a good platform to communicate their opinions, so to some extent blogs compete with newspapers and other journalist-written media. Social media are still a small phenomenon and not even close to compete with traditional media such as newspapers and TV, but the arena has shown to be influent in raising issues to the public agenda. So even if a small group of people actually reads political blogs they are important in the agenda setting. Almost half of the Swedish population has an account on Facebook, and even more uses some other form of social media. Even thou gh it’s not about politics political views are spread and people express their opinions in different issues not knowing that they are talking politics and contribute to the political agenda. Traditional media still dominates in setting the agenda for politics, and social media has become more of an area for reflection on news that analyzes and comment on journalist-written newspapers, radio and TV. The recent revolutions in Northern Africa were not dependent of social media, and they probably should have happen anyway. But other countries could easy follow the events by reading blogs and looking at Youtube movies from the revolution. In the American presidential election in 2008 Barack Obama was successful using social media, but it was the combination of traditional footwork that made him president.
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Vedmar, Dennis. "Digital politik : En undersökning av politiska facebookgrupper med hjälp av Social Representation Theory (SRT) & kvantitativ innehållsanalys." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Media- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-33435.

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I följande arbete kombineras Social Representation Theory (SRT) med kvantitativ innehållsanalys när politiska facebookgrupper undersöks. Fyra grupper och tolv inlägg och 164 kommentarer undersöks. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen visar att samtalsklimatet på politiska facebookgrupper är hårt och ganska elakt. Dessutom präglas grupperna av en viss enhällighet vad gäller åsikter och en av fyra grupper bedöms vara en ekokammare. SRT-analysen undersöker sociala representationer och visar att strategin objektifiering är den som förekommer oftast på politiska facebookgrupper. Objektifiering handlar om att göra det okända känt genom förenklande jämförelser. I exempelvis diskussioner om Sveriges covid-19 strategi så jämförs äldre svenskar med offerlamm i ett försök att kritisera Sveriges covid-19 strategi. Objektifiering förekommer även när socialism som ideologi kritiseras genom att likställas med kommunism. En annan SRT-strategi som förekom ofta var motsats förankring, vilket innebär att grupper ställs mot varandra, som när gruppen papperslösa invandrare (ej att tycka synd om) jämfördes med fattigpensionärer (att tycka synd om).
In the following work, Social Representation Theory (SRT) is combined with quantitative content analysis when political Facebook groups are examined. Four groups and twelve posts and 164 comments are examined. The quantitative content analysis shows that the conversational climate on political Facebook groups is harsh and rather nasty. In addition, the groups are characterized by a certain unanimity in terms of opinions and one in four groups is judged an echo chamber. The SRT analysis examines social representations and shows that the objectification strategy is the one that most often occurs on political Facebook groups. Objectification is about making the unknown known through simplifying comparisons. In discussions about Sweden's covid-19 strategy, for example, older Swedes are compared to sacrificial lambs in an attempt to criticize Sweden's covid-19 strategy. Objectification also occurs when socialism as an ideology is criticized by being equated with communism. Another SRT strategy that often occurred was opposing anchoring, which means that groups are pitted against each other, as when the group of undocumented immigrants (not to feel sorry for) was compared to poor pensioners (to feel sorry for).
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Olsson, Stefan, and Jon Velander. "Politik på papper och på webb : - En jämförande studie av kvällspressens politiska journalistik i pappers- och webbtidningen." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-13722.

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Papperstidningen är död! Länge leve webbtidningen! Inte riktigt så. Men sant är i alla fall att människors medievanor har förändrats mycket sedan internet blev en del av våra liv. Allt fler människor väljer att ta del av nyheter på nätet i stället för i papperstidningen. Utvecklingen gäller i synnerhet kvällstidningsgenren. Webbtidningens och papperstidningens olika förutsättningar och format har lett till att olika medielogiker har uppstått. Och där tar denna studie avstamp. I en fungerande demokrati krävs kunskap och information om politik och om hur samhället fungerar. Medborgarnas viktigaste källa till information är medier. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur den inrikespolitiska rapporteringen skiljer sig mellan kvällstidningars webb- och pappersversioner. Med utgångspunkt i gestaltningsteorin och teorier om nyhetskällor användes en kvantitativ innehållsanalys för att undersöka den politiska journalistiken under två veckors tid. Resultatet visar bland annat att webbtidningarna i större utsträckning rapporterar om politik sakligt och oftare använder ett beskrivande förhållningssätt. I mer än nio av tio artiklar erbjuder webbtidningarna dessutom läsaren bakgrund eller sammanhang. Papperstidningarna låter i sin tur fler källor komma till tals och ger medborgare ett större utrymme i den politiska rapporteringen.
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Stručovská, Hana. "Marketing českých politických stran v roce 2010." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71894.

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The Master Thesis Political Marketing in the Czech Republic 2010. Campaigns for Chamber of Deputies election aims to reveal the political marketing of the most important Czech political parties foregoing the Chamber of Deputies election. The thesis is focused on marketing campaigns of parties and their most marked moments, which had an impact on the election results. The thesis is set in the concrete political situation. Firstly the political marketing is theoretically described, than the thesis targets particular parties and their campaigns. Content analysis, analysis of media instruments and the interview with election manager are used in the thesis. Primary and secondary information are processed in the thesis. The most important moments of campaigns are analyzed linking to marketing tools as well as consequences for election results.
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Doroci, Afërdita. "Gestaltas kvinnor och män lika? : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av gestaltningen av Anna Kinberg Batra och Håkan Juholt." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-70154.

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The aim of this study was to examine articles from four major Swedish tabloids Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Expressen och Aftonbladet recarding two swedish politicals, Anna Kinberg Batra and Håkan Juholt. The purpose was to see if there were any occurring differences and notions about the portraying of these politicials based on gender. The analysis has been executed through a qualitative content analysis and framing theory,and gender theory. The essay's results show both similarities and differences. The essay's results also show that gender aspects can be a culmination of emerging differences.
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Chen, Xi. "Mass Media as Instruments for Political and Social Control in China: Media Role in Chinese Politics." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35389.

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Under the influence of Soviet media theory, Chinese media have been held under the control of the Communist Party of China ever since the Party was established in 1921. However, this practice of control was subject to change as a result of rapid economic development and many social changes brought about by economic reform after 1978. This thesis explores the current situation of media control in China. Although the mass media in China began to enjoy more autonomy and diversity after the nation adopted its policies of reform and opening up to the outside world, given that political reform did not keep pace with economic reform, this study hypothesizes that the degree of government control varied according to the nature of the issues involved. It is expected that there would be tighter government control over the media in reporting political issues than reporting economic and social issues. The result of these case studies confirmed the original hypothesis. This study demonstrates that the relaxation of media control only happened in the non-political sphere. For those issues with political implications, there remained tight government control. In other words, the media are still used as instruments for political and social control in current day China. This study also explores the detailed approaches adopted by the government in controlling media content, management and operation. Furthermore, based on the study of both the historical development and the current situation of media control in China, this research points out the possible future developments for media control in China.
Master of Arts
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Ghafouri, Andia. "PR OCH POLITIK : – PR konsulternas roll i svensk politik." Thesis, Uppsala University, Media and Communication, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7506.

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Abstract

Title: PR and Politics- the role of the PR consults in Swedish politics (PR och Politik –PR konsulternas roll i svensk politik)

Number of pages: 34

Author: Andia Ghafouri

Tutor: Peder Hård af Segerstad

Course: Media and Communication Studies C

Period: HT 2006

University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.

Purpose/Aim: To study the PR functions role in Swedish politics and what role it plays for the democracy.

Material/Method: Interviews with PR people

Main results: That the PR people have the right kind of network and the knowledge about how to influence political decisions and the public opinion. Their methods could be criticized from a democratic point of view since they are professionals and their ability to bring up issues in to the public agenda is stronger than ordinary peoples’ ability, which could be discussed if it is fair in a democratic society, that people who get paid have more power to change than those who don’t.

Keywords: Public Relations, Communication, Politics, Democracy, Information, Networks

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Goode, Luke. "Politics and the public sphere : the social-political theory of Jurgen Habermas." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297734.

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Stalfelt, Niordson Carl. "Politiska budskap i miniformat : -en topikanalys av tre politiska partiers twitter." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-61496.

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Denna studie undersöker de tre mest etablerade partierna i Sverige och deras användning av Twitter ur ett retoriskt perspektiv. Twitter används numer frekvent av politiker och kan ses som en slagkraftig informationskanal för framstående personer i maktposition. Studien avser att söka förståelse för hur politiska partier argumenterar för sin egen politiska agenda med utgångspunkt i kritisk retorik och topikanalys. Det teoretiska ramverket för uppsatsen är baserat på en modern förståelse av begreppet topik och genom att undersöka ett antal inlägg inom en viss tidsram söker uppsatsen kartlägga vilka topiker partierna utgår från i sin argumentation. Resultatet visar hur partierna anlägger olika strategier för sina tweets genom de inferentiella och kognitiva topiker de väljer för att föra fram sitt budskap och söka stöd för sin agenda.
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Books on the topic "Medii i politika"

1

Graber, Doris A. Media power in politics / Doris A. Graber. 3rd ed. Washington: CQ Press, 1993.

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Gábor, Török. A politikai napirend: Politika, média, közvélemény és az "agenda-setting" hatás. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 2005.

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Street, John. Masovni mediji, politika i demokracija. Zagreb: Fakultet političkih znanosti, 2003.

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Cseresnyés, Ferenc. Politikai színterek: A politika fogalma, funkciói és lehetőségei a mediatizált világban. Pécs: IDResearch Kft./Publikon Kiadó, 2013.

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Media a polityka. Rzeszów: Wyższa Szkoła Informatyki i Zarządzania w Rzeszowie, 2007.

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Madison, A. O. Poėtika i politika. Sankt-Peterburg: Novoe kulʹturnoe prostranstvo, 2004.

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Mass media vs. politica. Chișinău: Universitatea de Stat din Moldova, 2001.

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Halim, Syaiful. Budaya, politik, dan media. Tangerang: Matahati Production, 2013.

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Sudibyo, Agus. Ekonomi politik media penyiaran. Yogyakarta: LKiS Yogyakarta bekerjasama dengan ISAI (Institut Studi Arus Informasi), Jakarta, 2004.

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Universitas Mercu Buana. Pusat Studi Komunikasi dan Bisnis. Media dan komunikasi politik. Jakarta: Pusat Studi Komunikasi dan Bisnis, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Medii i politika"

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Street, John. "Transforming Political Communication? The Rise of Political Marketing and Celebrity Politics." In Mass Media, Politics and Democracy, 235–60. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-01555-6_10.

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Holyk, Gregory G. "Politics." In Media Psychology, 187–206. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35720-4_12.

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Negrine, Ralph M. "Media and Politics: How, and Why, Political Parties Communicate Politics." In The Transformation of Political Communication, 18–43. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02139-7_2.

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McAllister, Ian, Malcolm Mackerras, and Carolyn Brown Boldiston. "Media." In Australian Political facts, 302–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15196-7_6.

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Griffiths, Simon, and Robert Leach. "The Media." In British Politics, 354–73. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-93976-3_17.

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Davies, Philip J. "Media and Politics." In Developments in American Politics 7, 93–106. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-28923-0_6.

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Binark, Mutlu, and Günseli Bayraktutan. "Discursive strategies and political hegemony in Turkish politics." In Authoritarian and Populist Influences in the New Media, 9–38. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, [2018] | Series: Global interdisciplinary studies series; 1184: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315162744-2.

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Forman, F. N. "The media." In Mastering British politics, 88–108. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_7.

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Forman, F. N. "The Media." In Mastering British Politics, 93–110. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_7.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "The Media." In Mastering British Politics, 146–75. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Medii i politika"

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Bilal, Muhammad, Nadia Malik, Nauman Bashir, Mohsen Marjani, Ibrahim Abaker Targio Hashem, and Abdullah Gani. "Profiling Social Media Campaigns and Political Influence: The Case of Pakistani Politics." In 2019 13th International Conference on Mathematics, Actuarial Science, Computer Science and Statistics (MACS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/macs48846.2019.9024774.

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Fatah, Yahya. "The role of social media in political change in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp97-114.

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This study deals with the relationship between the political field and the media field especially the role of the social media platforms on the political transformation recently in Kurdistan region of Iraq. This is done through a scientific and theoretical study about the controversial relationship between both politic and media and by directing a group of questions concerning this subject to the media experts and socialists in both of Sulaymaniyah and Polytechnic University of Sulaymaniyah. Finally the researcher reaches a group of results, of which: most of the sample members see that the social media platforms is a suitable environment to express and oppose the authority in the Kurdistan region but it is also see that the social media platforms causes stirring up strife and chaos in the region and they also see that it encourages violence which leads to burning party headquarters and governmental institutes in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. On the other hand, most of the sample people see that the role of the religious leaders is stronger than the role of the social media on the community in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
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Dade-Robertson, Martyn, Nick Taylor, Justin Marshall, and Patrick Olivier. "The political sensorium." In the 4th Media Architecture Biennale Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2421076.2421084.

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Bali, Ahmed, Kurdistan Saeed, and Kanaan Abdullah. "The role of communication technology in political change and the freedom of digital media." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp192-202.

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This study examines the nature of the relationship between journalists and politicians in the age of media entrepreneurship, with emphasis on the factors and challenges faced by both media entrepreneurs and politicians while using digital media. This study relies on an inductive approach through using the qualitative method, this involves conducting interviews (N: 41) with journalists to discover whether they work in traditional media organizations or/and own and manage digital media enterprises, it also brings to lights new information about politicians, especially those who have media inclinations. This study reveals that digital media provide journalists with opportunities to achieve professional and financial independence. However, their work in the context of Iraqi scope does not go beyond spreading propaganda and promoting various agenda of political parties and politicians. In terms of the content of media entrepreneurship, this study unveils anonymous social media which are affiliated with/ or supported by politicians which work as piracy for trolling political opponents and activists. It is assumed that such social media have serious repercussions for freedom and privacy. This worries activists and journalists that they are unable to express their opinions freely for fear of being attacked by anonymous social media working on behalf of politicians. Therefore, the ethics of social media and their ownership seems to be a major concern in the Iraqi political media space, and it should be taken into consideration in future research.
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Abdullah, Ahmed, Kurdistan Saeed, and Kanaan Abdullah. "The role of communication technology in political change and the freedom of digital media." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp115-125.

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This study examines the nature of the relationship between journalists and politicians in the age of media entrepreneurship, with emphasis on the factors and challenges faced by both media entrepreneurs and politicians while using digital media. This study relies on an inductive approach through using the qualitative method, this involves conducting interviews (N: 41) with journalists to discover whether they work in traditional media organizations or/and own and manage digital media enterprises, it also brings to lights new information about politicians, especially those who have media inclinations. This study reveals that digital media provide journalists with opportunities to achieve professional and financial independence. However, their work in the context of Iraqi scope does not go beyond spreading propaganda and promoting various agenda of political parties and politicians. In terms of the content of media entrepreneurship, this study unveils anonymous social media which are affiliated with/ or supported by politicians which work as piracy for trolling political opponents and activists. It is assumed that such social media have serious repercussions for freedom and privacy. This worries activists and journalists that they are unable to express their opinions freely for fear of being attacked by anonymous social media working on behalf of politicians. Therefore, the ethics of social media and their ownership seems to be a major concern in the Iraqi political media space, and it should be taken into consideration in future research.
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Novikova, Anna. "Reflection Of Post-Truth Politics In The Mirror Of The British Political Interview." In III PMMIS 2019 (Post mass media in the modern informational society) "Journalistic text in a new technological environment: achievements and problems". Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.08.02.28.

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Ergin, Ecem, and Ava Fatah gen. Schieck. "Times Square in the Era of Post-truth Politics." In MAB18: Media Architecture Biennale. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3284389.3284394.

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Qi, Lei, Rihui Li, Johnny Wong, Wallapak Tavanapong, and David A. M. Peterson. "Social Media in State Politics." In ASONAM '17: Advances in Social Networks Analysis and Mining 2017. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3110025.3110097.

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Garimella, Kiran, Gianmarco De Francisci Morales, Aristides Gionis, and Michael Mathioudakis. "Political Discourse on Social Media." In the 2018 World Wide Web Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3178876.3186139.

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Tosyalı, Hikmet. "Political Communication in the Digital Age: Algorithms and Bots." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.004.

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Technology is one factor that has formed the basis for change in the media throughout history. Analog data and information shared by verbal, visual or written methods are now stored, processed, reproduced and shared in digital format due to developments in information technologies. On the other hand, social media, which is an important part of the digital media system, has become an important medium for political communication studies due to its prevalence and big data. As political actors better understand the value of data sets of millions of users, their interest in social media has also increased. However, this growing interest has also brought concerns such as digital profiling, informatics surveillance, systematic disinformation, and privacy violations. It has long been discussed that the practices of governments and technology companies for creating a structure similar to the gatekeeping in traditional media by taking social media under control. In recent years, some of these discussions are (ro)bot accounts on social media because online social networks are no longer just connecting people. Machines talk and interact with people, and even machines do this with other machines. Automatic posts made by bot accounts through algorithms to imitate people’s behavior on social media are liked, reposted or commented on by people and other bots. Bots that make political shares are also used by political actors worldwide, especially during election periods. Politicians use political bots to appear more popular on social media, disrupt their rivals’ communication strategies, and manipulate public opinion. This study aimed to reveal the effects of bots on political communication. After explaining the concepts of propaganda, algorithm, bot and computational propaganda, how political bots could affect the public sphere and elections were discussed in the light of current political communication literature.
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Reports on the topic "Medii i politika"

1

Puglisi, Riccardo, and James Snyder. Media Coverage of Political Scandals. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w14598.

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Curry, Kevin. Politics in the Social Media Era: The Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6390.

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T., Cronin, and Santoso L. Politik REDD+ di Media: studi Kasus dari Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003403.

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Berganza Conde, MR, C. Arcila Calderón, and R. de Miguel Pascual. Negativity in Political News of Spanish News Media. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, February 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2016-1089en.

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T.T., Pham. REDD+ politics in the media: A case study from Vietnam. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003389.

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D.H., Khatri, Bhushal R.P., Paudel N.S., and Gurung N. REDD+ politics in the media: A case study from Nepal. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003909.

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J.P., Alvarez, Montero D.F., Barrantes E.B., Takahashi T.P., and Menton M. REDD+ politics in the media: A case study from Peru. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/005136.

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T., Cronin, and Santoso L. REDD+ politics in the media: a case study from Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003275.

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D.F., Kengoum. REDD+ politics in the media: A case study from Cameroon. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003388.

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D., Kweka. REDD+ politics in the media: A case study from Tanzania. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/004381.

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