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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Medii i politika'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Pethö, Johanna. "Konsten att be om ursäkt : Politiska skandaler och försvarstekniker i svensk politik." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280785.

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2

Franzen, Jonas. "Sociala medier och politik." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-78280.

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Social media have become a well known concept the last decade, and as a tool for politicians and opinions makers they have grown to be a natural part of political campaigning. The Swedish political parties, and the politicians, have become more aware that information written in social media is open to journalists. Therefore they have to be careful not to write anything that can be used against them. Instead they use social media as tools to gain voters. To some extent social media also influence the traditional media. They have become an easy and fast communication channel between journalists and politicians, and sometimes news have been created based on writings in social media. Blogs has also given non-journalists a good platform to communicate their opinions, so to some extent blogs compete with newspapers and other journalist-written media. Social media are still a small phenomenon and not even close to compete with traditional media such as newspapers and TV, but the arena has shown to be influent in raising issues to the public agenda. So even if a small group of people actually reads political blogs they are important in the agenda setting. Almost half of the Swedish population has an account on Facebook, and even more uses some other form of social media. Even thou gh it’s not about politics political views are spread and people express their opinions in different issues not knowing that they are talking politics and contribute to the political agenda. Traditional media still dominates in setting the agenda for politics, and social media has become more of an area for reflection on news that analyzes and comment on journalist-written newspapers, radio and TV. The recent revolutions in Northern Africa were not dependent of social media, and they probably should have happen anyway. But other countries could easy follow the events by reading blogs and looking at Youtube movies from the revolution. In the American presidential election in 2008 Barack Obama was successful using social media, but it was the combination of traditional footwork that made him president.
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3

Vedmar, Dennis. "Digital politik : En undersökning av politiska facebookgrupper med hjälp av Social Representation Theory (SRT) & kvantitativ innehållsanalys." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Media- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-33435.

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I följande arbete kombineras Social Representation Theory (SRT) med kvantitativ innehållsanalys när politiska facebookgrupper undersöks. Fyra grupper och tolv inlägg och 164 kommentarer undersöks. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen visar att samtalsklimatet på politiska facebookgrupper är hårt och ganska elakt. Dessutom präglas grupperna av en viss enhällighet vad gäller åsikter och en av fyra grupper bedöms vara en ekokammare. SRT-analysen undersöker sociala representationer och visar att strategin objektifiering är den som förekommer oftast på politiska facebookgrupper. Objektifiering handlar om att göra det okända känt genom förenklande jämförelser. I exempelvis diskussioner om Sveriges covid-19 strategi så jämförs äldre svenskar med offerlamm i ett försök att kritisera Sveriges covid-19 strategi. Objektifiering förekommer även när socialism som ideologi kritiseras genom att likställas med kommunism. En annan SRT-strategi som förekom ofta var motsats förankring, vilket innebär att grupper ställs mot varandra, som när gruppen papperslösa invandrare (ej att tycka synd om) jämfördes med fattigpensionärer (att tycka synd om).
In the following work, Social Representation Theory (SRT) is combined with quantitative content analysis when political Facebook groups are examined. Four groups and twelve posts and 164 comments are examined. The quantitative content analysis shows that the conversational climate on political Facebook groups is harsh and rather nasty. In addition, the groups are characterized by a certain unanimity in terms of opinions and one in four groups is judged an echo chamber. The SRT analysis examines social representations and shows that the objectification strategy is the one that most often occurs on political Facebook groups. Objectification is about making the unknown known through simplifying comparisons. In discussions about Sweden's covid-19 strategy, for example, older Swedes are compared to sacrificial lambs in an attempt to criticize Sweden's covid-19 strategy. Objectification also occurs when socialism as an ideology is criticized by being equated with communism. Another SRT strategy that often occurred was opposing anchoring, which means that groups are pitted against each other, as when the group of undocumented immigrants (not to feel sorry for) was compared to poor pensioners (to feel sorry for).
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4

Olsson, Stefan, and Jon Velander. "Politik på papper och på webb : - En jämförande studie av kvällspressens politiska journalistik i pappers- och webbtidningen." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-13722.

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Papperstidningen är död! Länge leve webbtidningen! Inte riktigt så. Men sant är i alla fall att människors medievanor har förändrats mycket sedan internet blev en del av våra liv. Allt fler människor väljer att ta del av nyheter på nätet i stället för i papperstidningen. Utvecklingen gäller i synnerhet kvällstidningsgenren. Webbtidningens och papperstidningens olika förutsättningar och format har lett till att olika medielogiker har uppstått. Och där tar denna studie avstamp. I en fungerande demokrati krävs kunskap och information om politik och om hur samhället fungerar. Medborgarnas viktigaste källa till information är medier. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur den inrikespolitiska rapporteringen skiljer sig mellan kvällstidningars webb- och pappersversioner. Med utgångspunkt i gestaltningsteorin och teorier om nyhetskällor användes en kvantitativ innehållsanalys för att undersöka den politiska journalistiken under två veckors tid. Resultatet visar bland annat att webbtidningarna i större utsträckning rapporterar om politik sakligt och oftare använder ett beskrivande förhållningssätt. I mer än nio av tio artiklar erbjuder webbtidningarna dessutom läsaren bakgrund eller sammanhang. Papperstidningarna låter i sin tur fler källor komma till tals och ger medborgare ett större utrymme i den politiska rapporteringen.
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Stručovská, Hana. "Marketing českých politických stran v roce 2010." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71894.

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The Master Thesis Political Marketing in the Czech Republic 2010. Campaigns for Chamber of Deputies election aims to reveal the political marketing of the most important Czech political parties foregoing the Chamber of Deputies election. The thesis is focused on marketing campaigns of parties and their most marked moments, which had an impact on the election results. The thesis is set in the concrete political situation. Firstly the political marketing is theoretically described, than the thesis targets particular parties and their campaigns. Content analysis, analysis of media instruments and the interview with election manager are used in the thesis. Primary and secondary information are processed in the thesis. The most important moments of campaigns are analyzed linking to marketing tools as well as consequences for election results.
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Doroci, Afërdita. "Gestaltas kvinnor och män lika? : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av gestaltningen av Anna Kinberg Batra och Håkan Juholt." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-70154.

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The aim of this study was to examine articles from four major Swedish tabloids Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Expressen och Aftonbladet recarding two swedish politicals, Anna Kinberg Batra and Håkan Juholt. The purpose was to see if there were any occurring differences and notions about the portraying of these politicials based on gender. The analysis has been executed through a qualitative content analysis and framing theory,and gender theory. The essay's results show both similarities and differences. The essay's results also show that gender aspects can be a culmination of emerging differences.
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7

Chen, Xi. "Mass Media as Instruments for Political and Social Control in China: Media Role in Chinese Politics." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35389.

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Under the influence of Soviet media theory, Chinese media have been held under the control of the Communist Party of China ever since the Party was established in 1921. However, this practice of control was subject to change as a result of rapid economic development and many social changes brought about by economic reform after 1978. This thesis explores the current situation of media control in China. Although the mass media in China began to enjoy more autonomy and diversity after the nation adopted its policies of reform and opening up to the outside world, given that political reform did not keep pace with economic reform, this study hypothesizes that the degree of government control varied according to the nature of the issues involved. It is expected that there would be tighter government control over the media in reporting political issues than reporting economic and social issues. The result of these case studies confirmed the original hypothesis. This study demonstrates that the relaxation of media control only happened in the non-political sphere. For those issues with political implications, there remained tight government control. In other words, the media are still used as instruments for political and social control in current day China. This study also explores the detailed approaches adopted by the government in controlling media content, management and operation. Furthermore, based on the study of both the historical development and the current situation of media control in China, this research points out the possible future developments for media control in China.
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8

Ghafouri, Andia. "PR OCH POLITIK : – PR konsulternas roll i svensk politik." Thesis, Uppsala University, Media and Communication, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7506.

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Title: PR and Politics- the role of the PR consults in Swedish politics (PR och Politik –PR konsulternas roll i svensk politik)

Number of pages: 34

Author: Andia Ghafouri

Tutor: Peder Hård af Segerstad

Course: Media and Communication Studies C

Period: HT 2006

University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.

Purpose/Aim: To study the PR functions role in Swedish politics and what role it plays for the democracy.

Material/Method: Interviews with PR people

Main results: That the PR people have the right kind of network and the knowledge about how to influence political decisions and the public opinion. Their methods could be criticized from a democratic point of view since they are professionals and their ability to bring up issues in to the public agenda is stronger than ordinary peoples’ ability, which could be discussed if it is fair in a democratic society, that people who get paid have more power to change than those who don’t.

Keywords: Public Relations, Communication, Politics, Democracy, Information, Networks

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9

Goode, Luke. "Politics and the public sphere : the social-political theory of Jurgen Habermas." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297734.

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10

Stalfelt, Niordson Carl. "Politiska budskap i miniformat : -en topikanalys av tre politiska partiers twitter." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-61496.

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Denna studie undersöker de tre mest etablerade partierna i Sverige och deras användning av Twitter ur ett retoriskt perspektiv. Twitter används numer frekvent av politiker och kan ses som en slagkraftig informationskanal för framstående personer i maktposition. Studien avser att söka förståelse för hur politiska partier argumenterar för sin egen politiska agenda med utgångspunkt i kritisk retorik och topikanalys. Det teoretiska ramverket för uppsatsen är baserat på en modern förståelse av begreppet topik och genom att undersöka ett antal inlägg inom en viss tidsram söker uppsatsen kartlägga vilka topiker partierna utgår från i sin argumentation. Resultatet visar hur partierna anlägger olika strategier för sina tweets genom de inferentiella och kognitiva topiker de väljer för att föra fram sitt budskap och söka stöd för sin agenda.
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Cardmarker, Amanda, and Caroline Beaufoy. "Parlamentet - politik på humornivå : en narrativ och samtalsanalytisk studie." Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-4104.

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Då humor spelar en stor roll i våra vardagliga liv, inte minst som förmedlare av seriösa samhällsfenomen (Palmer, 2004), kändes det intressant för oss att belysa en medieform som har såväl humor som samhällspolitiska ämnen på agendan. I anknytning till vårt syfte och våra frågeställningar, vilka innefattar en jämförelse mellan två utvalda avsnitt ur TV-serien Parlamentet, har vi använt oss av två teoretiska utgångspunkter; narrativ teori och samtalsanalys.

 

Vi har arbetat med en kvalitativ och textanalytisk metod och applicerat de teoretiska utgångspunkterna narrativ teori och samtalsanalys till vårt empiriska material i analysen. De begrepp vi valde ur narrativ teori är Mishlers modell, innehåll och humor som berättarstrategi, och ur samtalsanalysen valde vi att fokusera på struktur, tur- och turtagning och multimodalitet. Vi har låtit begrepet politikens medialisering fungera som en fond till vår studie, och vi har följt upp våra resultat genom dessa glasögon i slutdiskussionen.

 

Analysen visar att det finns likheter, men framför allt skillnader mellan avsnitten, ur både narrativ och samtalsanalytisk synvinkel. Med hjälp av teorin har vi studerat helheter och delar ur avsnitten för att kunna ge en övergripande bild av vår analys. Det resultat vi fick fram var bland annat skillnader och likheter mellan komikernas roller och avsnittens innehåll och form diskuterar vidare i slutdiskussionen.

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Röxe, Anke. "Political communication and multi-level politics : making the Scottish news agenda." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=197208.

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The thesis contributes towards a better understanding of political communication in multi-level settings. For the most part scholars of political communication focus their enquiries on the level of the nation-state. Moreover, they often assume that effective political campaigning and media management are predicated on a high level of centralisation. As a result researchers have by and large failed to theoretically and empirically address the implications of multi-level politics on the study of political communication. Constitutional change in the UK presents an ideal opportunity to consider the relationship between the transfer of power from central government to institutions at the sub-state level on the one side and modern political communication processes on the other (Fawcett 2002). The thesis looks at the case of devolution in Scotland to answer three sets of research questions. Firstly, it enquires how legislative devolution has affected the professionalization of political communication in Scotland. In other words, to what degree have political actors north of the border participated in the trend towards greater use of and reliance on professional communicators in public life before and after the creation of the Scottish Parliament? Secondly, it asks what adjustments political parties, central government and the devolved administration have made to their communication strategies in order to deal with the requirements of message control in multi-level settings? How do political actors organise their agenda building efforts across different localities and which coordination problems arise in this context? Thirdly, the thesis asks who sets the news agenda in Scotland, politicians attached to the UK-wide institutions or their counterparts from the devolved sphere of government?
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Webb, Dominique Victoria. "Politics gone viral : social media and political mobilization : in what respects are social media effective tools for initiating political mobilization and stimulating political change in order to challenge authoritarian regimes?" Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13173.

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Includes bibliographical references.
The rise of new media has continued to have a profound effect on the global political system. Social media in particular have seen an exponential increase in penetration globally. The recent Arab uprisings that began in 2010 across the MENA region have challenged authoritarian resilience, which has been a prominent feature of the region for several decades. This project examines the rise of social media and their effects on the political system, specifically the role played by social media in undermining the power of authoritarian regimes. Traditionally authoritarian regimes have used many methods in order to maintain power. These have included: maintaining a strong coercive apparatus, the strategic introduction of certain institutions and the role of traditional legitimacy, and/or charismatic or personalistic leadership. This dissertation considers whether the use of social media has changed the balance of power within states enabling citizens to overthrow their authoritarian leaders. Two case studies; Tunisia and Syria are analysed to show the effects of social media on the political uprisings in both nations.
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Bandak, Sarol, and Helena Oktay. "Politiska skandaler : En kritisk diskursanalys av tre länders rapportering om politiska skandaler." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Humanities, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-1484.

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Ämne: Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, D-uppsats

Uppsatsens titel: Politiska skandaler – En kritisk diskursanalys av tre länders rapportering om politiska skandaler

Författare: Sarol Bandak och Helena Oktay

Handledare: Mats Ekström

Syfte och frågeställningar: Syftet med denna uppsats är att göra en djupgående analys av hur politiska skandaler framställs i vissa specifika dagstidningar i Sverige, USA och Libanon. Vi vill undersöka vilka skillnader och likheter som finns i framställningen av de politiska skandalerna samt om dessa kan relateras till mediernas roll i samhället. För att besvara syftet i vår uppsats har vi ställt upp frågor såsom: Hur skapas det en bild av huvudpersonen som skyldig eller oskyldig i nyhetstexten? Vad för information använder journalisten för att beskriva politiska skandalen och är i sådant fall denna information relevant? Skapas skillnader och likheter i framställningen av politiska skandalen på grund av mediernas roll i samhället?

Teori och metod: Vi utgår ifrån teorier om studier kring skandaler, medieskandaler och politiska skandaler. Vi kommer dessutom att behandla teorier om politiska skandaler och medier i demokratiska stater samt mediepolitiken i Mellanöstern. Teorikapitlet avslutas med en sammanfattning av de teoretiska utgångspunkter vi presenterat i kapitlet. Vi har använt oss av en kvalitativ metod och kritisk diskursanalys.

Resultat: I vår analys kunde vi dra slutsatsen att de svenska nyhetstexterna, i jämförelse med de amerikanska och libanesiska, var mer neutrala. Dessutom fann vi att de amerikanska nyhetstexterna var skönmålade eftersom mycket fokus lades på det känslomässiga. De libanesiska nyhetstexterna var däremot försvarande av den anledningen att nyhetstexterna förenklade skandalen.

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Ponder, James D. "The Social Nature of Politics: Testing the Relationship between Individual Differences, Motives for Using Media for Political Information, and Political Discussion Partners." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1351355352.

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Jalli, Nuurrianti B. "Media and Politics: Students' Attitudes and Experts' Opinions Towards Citizen Journalism and Political Outcomes in Malaysia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1503501829706421.

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Shehata, Adam. "Media Matter : The Political Influences of the News Media." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-11511.

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Eklund, Emma. "Politiska bloggar, twittrande politiker : En kvantitativ studie om svenska politikers användande av sociala medier." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-129583.

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19

Bascom, Patrick A. "Political Discussions and the Media: How Hostile Media Effects Affect Political Discussions." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1464791678.

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Jensdotter, Linnea. "Religion och politik - en villkorad relation : en diskursanalys av mediedebatterna om de politiska utnämningarna av Omar Mustafa och Elisabeth Svantesson." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-242330.

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This thesis analyzes the media debates generated by the election of Omar Mustafa to the board of the social democratic party, and the appointment of the conservative Minister of Labour, Elisabeth Svantesson. More specifically, the aim is to analyze newspaper material through a discourse analyze, to see if and how religious affiliation effects the possibilities to act as a political representative. Theories of othering and intersectionality serve as theoretical points of departure. Further, chains of equivalence from Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory are used to study how categories as “us” and “the other” are constructed in the material, and how these processes of categorization relate to the intersection of religion, gender and ethnicity. This study concludes that the discourse affects the possibilities to be categorized as a part of an “us” or “the other” and, according to this categorization, to act as political representatives. Related to the studied media debates, this result can be seen as a part of the explanation of the development in the specific cases; Mustafa is leaving all of his political assignments, while Svantesson remains as Minister of Labour.
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Lindberg, Isabelle. "The Symbolic Dimension of Twitter Logic and the Potential (D)evolution of Political Discourse." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414605.

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This study aims to explore the potential impact of social media platforms in shaping public discourse and political communication. To arrive at such a proposition, I attempt to conceptually problematize the idea of media logic in general and the advent of social network media logic in particular, more specifically the logic of Twitter as a political space. What is more, I argue that, with regard to the current state of political communication and with social media content increasingly contributing to setting the agenda for the public and political dialogue, this field of research may indeed benefit from taking it one step further by studying the even further specialized institutional logics of specific social network media platforms. For, while it is indeed necessary to study a more general social network media logic, it ought to be recognized that each individual platform comes with its own merits and practices for mediating content. Moreover, contemporary research in this area focuses mainly on the material or infrastructural features of media logics. I argue that the symbolic dimension demands equal academic attention. Thus, for the purpose of demonstrating and exemplifying this need for platform-specific media logics and a consideration of their symbolic dimension, this particular study dives into the possible establishment of a symbolic Twitter logic. The practical applicability of said logic is then empirically approached via the specific case of President Donald Trump, who along with a majority of currently active American politicians seem to increasingly rely on Twitter as political space for the purpose of public communication and the dissemination of information, as well as influencing and gauging public opinion.
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Curry, Kevin Everett. "Politics in the Social Media Era: the Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4506.

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The growth of social media use raises significant questions related to political information and its effect on political knowledge and participation. One issue is whether social media delivers news and political information in a similar manner as traditional news media sources, like newspapers, TV, and radio, by contributing to political knowledge, which is linked to voter turnout. This dissertation examines the relationship between an individual's social media use, their use of traditional news media sources, and whether they turn out to vote. It utilizes American National Election Survey data from the 2016 U.S. Presidential election to complete three studies. First, the dissertation compares people who prefer social media and those who prefer traditional news media sources across as series of political habits and attitudes. Second, it looks at the expansion of the media environment and examines whether a person's social media use and preference for news or entertainment is related to political knowledge and voter participation. Finally, this dissertations examines at whether social media use increases the odds an individual will turn out to vote, thus acting in a similar manner as traditional news media. The results identify differences between people who prefer social media and people who prefer traditional news media sources. In particular, people who prefer social media tend to be younger, have less political knowledge, and have a lower voter turnout rate. However, unlike traditional news media use, the use of social media did not increase the odds an individual turned out to vote in 2016. Further, the use of social media and an individual's content preference of entertainment versus news was not related to political knowledge nor voter turnout. While social media does not appear to have a positive relationship with turnout, it does not appear to discourage a person from voting either. The results suggest that more work needs to be done, including examining the relationship between age, social media use and turnout, as well as how content length may be related to political participation. Finally, further examination is needed of the possible indirect ways social media may be related to voter attitudes and participation.
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Orndorff, Harold Nelson III. "The Social Media Presidency: New Media and Unilateral Information Dissemination." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1303303603.

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Scheske, Michael. "Politik und Internet : politische (Re-)Präsentation, Integration und Transformation durch elektronische Medien." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4808/.

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Rezensierte Literatur: Bieber, Christoph (2003): Das Internet als Präsentations- oder Repräsentationsraum. Kommunikation in politischen Online-Versammlungen, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg), S. 139-153. Gellner, Winand/Strohmeier, Gerd (Hrsg.) (2003): Repräsentation und Präsentation in der Mediengesellschaft, PIN-Jahrbuch 2003, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. Herzog, Roland/Hoffmann, Bert/Schulz, Markus (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Einleitung und Vergleichende Betrachtung, Band 1 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag Hoffmann, Bert (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Costa Rica, Band 2 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag. Mai, Manfred (2003): Das Parlament in der Mediengesellschaft. Parlamentarische Debatte oder Talk-Show, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg.), S. 13-27. Schaper-Rinkel, Petra (2003): Die europäische Informationsgesellschaft. Technologische und politische Integration in der europäischen Politik, Münster: Verlag Westfälisches Dampfboot.
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Ruderfors, Helena, and Linda Nyström. "Den politiska bloggen -ett forum för ironi och sarkasm : –." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1225.

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Denna uppsats, som har sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i teorierna kring kommunikation, politisk kommunikation, genre och retorik handlar om den politiska bloggen och dess framväxande genre.

Den politiska bloggen, kan sägas, fick sitt absoluta genomslag i Sverige under valrörelsen 2006. Politiker och dess anhängare bloggade dagligen och fick parallellt med de traditionella medierna ett genomslag som kan karaktäriseras i att de fick ytterligare en mediekanal att driva politisk kommunikation på. Vårt syfte med denna studie är att försöka förstå den form som den politiska kommunikationen på den politiska bloggen utgör. Hur ser kommunikationen ut och finns det några specifika kännetecken som kan karaktärisera just den politiska kommunikationen på den politiska bloggen? Målet är att kunna utforska den till synes framväxande genren och dess beståndsdelar samt att se vilka retoriska drag som genomsyrar den politiska kommunikationen inom den politiska bloggen och dess sfär. Den teoretiska ram vi har valt att arbeta med utgår ifrån teorierna kring kommunikation, genre och retorik. Men vi har också försökt att se den politiska bloggens konsekvenser ur ett opinionsbildningsperspektiv. Dessa teorier har sedan angripit de utvalda politiska bloggarna i en kvalitativ metod där materialet har bestått av fyra politiska bloggar.

Utöver att den politiska bloggen har en funktion som tenderar, genom kronologisk publicering, att likna en ordinär dagbok, så visar resultatet att den politiska bloggens framväxande genre gestaltas av en ironisk och sarkastisk kommunikation. Den politiska bloggens kommunikation sätter författaren på ”höga hästar” och ger utrymme för smutskastning och förlöjligande av andra. De politiska bloggarna är, trots sitt politiska syfte, också en mediekanal som ger möjlighet till personifiering. Genom bilder och generell personlig gestaltning finns det möjlighet att visa att det finns en person bakom det politiska budskapet. Detta kan därför ses förstärka ethos i den politiska kommunikationen. Ytterligare förstärkning av inläggens relevans görs genom både länkning till andra bloggare men framförallt till journalistiska källor. Detta kan ses vara en länkning som förstärker en trovärdighet men också en länkning som skapar en relation med journalister. Denna relation kan vara en ingång i den lilla sfär som tenderar att skapa en intern cirkel som i sin tur ger en ingång i opinionsbildningen.

Vi avslutar studien i en diskussion som mynnar ut i att den så välrenommerade gräsrotsjournalistiken förkastas då det krävs att bloggaren tar sig in i den elitistiska cirkeln för att kunna agera opinionsbildande. Den framgångsrike bloggaren är därmed endast till för några få nätverksbyggande och retoriskt kommunikativa personer.

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Peterson, Oscar. "Partiledarskiften : En studie om hur makt knyts till politiker och hur politik gestaltas." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Information Science, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6635.

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Purpose/Aim: The comprehensive purpose is to study how the political journalism is framed, and how the party leaders, with focus on the authority, are constructed in the press.

Material/Method: Firstly 84 articles articles printed in the swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet have been analysed. Secondly, a textual analysis by means of a critical discourse analysis.

Main results: Media are inclined to frame politics as a game or a strategic race. The partyleaders are ascribed authority in different ways. This ascribed authority can also be deconstructed.

Key words: Media and politics, party leader, discourse, democracy, framing theory

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Stenholm, Carolina, and Anna Lundin. "BB-kaos och politiska spel : Mediebilden av nedläggningen av Sollefteå BB." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-31641.

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Denna studie undersöker medierapporteringen av nedläggningen av Sollefteå BB under tidsperioden Januari 2015 - Juni 2017. Detta genom att undersöka och jämföra pappersupplagan av Sundsvalls Tidning och Tidningen Ångermanland. De konkreta frågorna som ställs artiklarna är “Vem uttalar sig?”, “Är frågan framställd som ett moralisk och/eller materialistisk fråga?”, “ Innehåller artikeln spelgestaltning?”, “Har artikeln en tematisk eller episodisk gestaltning av frågan?”, “Är artikeln narrativ eller saklig?”. Huvudresultat: Det vi kommit fram till genom att studera de valda artiklarna från Tidningen Ångermanland och Sundsvalls Tidning är att de artiklar som publiceras om nedläggningen av Sollefteå BB i respektive tidning skiljer sig stort i mängd. Tidningen Ångermanland skrev 4 gånger så mycket om frågan som Sundsvalls Tidning. Det skiljde sig även hur de valda tidningarna gestaltade frågan. I Sundsvalls Tidningen är frågan oftare gestaltad som ett spel än i Tidningen Ångermanland. Studien visade också att det är vanligare att politiker uttalar sig i Sundsvalls Tidning, medan det i Tidningen Ångermanland.
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Jensen, Andreas Synnestvedt. "Att bemästra 140 tecken : En studie om Donald Trumps användning av Twitter." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för konst, kommunikation och lärande, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-67095.

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This bachelor thesis quantitatively researches every tweet Donald Trump has written in february 2017 from his personal Twitter account @realDonaldTrump. This particular period was chosen because it was the first full month that Trump was president of the United States of America. That's why it would be interesting to examine his tweets in his new official role as president. The purpose of this study is to find out how Donald Trump used language and his content on Twitter during his first month as president in 2017. What time during the day Donald Trump published his tweets and how his tweets were received by his readers is also of interest to this study. To do this the study uses theories about power as an interactionfield, representation and encoding and decoding. This study relies on a quantitative content analasis as a method and through it Trumps tweets were gathered, compiled and then given a main and a secondary theme. The themes were negative, positive, neutral, political, personal and other. Besides the main and secondary themes, i counted the number of syllables and words Trump used and also how much response he got on the tweets in the form av replies, retweets and likes. The result shows that Trumps negative and political tweets got the most response, mostly in the form of likes. Words that Trump writes more than others are words like fake, news, and media. the result also showed that most of the words Trump writes on Twitter only contains one or two syllables.
Denna studie har kvantitativt undersökt alla Donald Trumps tweets från februari 2017. Dessa tweets härstammar från Trumps personliga twitterkonto @realDonaldTrump. Perioden valdes på grund av det var den första hela månaden som Donald Trump var USA:s president. Därför var det intressant att se hur Trump twittrade som president. Själva syftet med studien är att utifrån teorier om makt som interaktionsfält, representation och encoding och decoding ta reda på hur Donald Trump språkligt och innehållsligt använde Twitter under den första månaden som president 2017. Av intresse är också vilken tid på dygnet Donald Trump twittrar och hur hans tweets har mottagits av läsarna. Studien utgår från en kvantitativ innehållsanalys som metod och genom den har Trumps tweets sammanställts och kategoriserats upp i huvudteman och underteman, bestående av negativa, positiva, neutrala, politiska, personliga och annat. Utöver huvudteman och underteman räknades även antalet stavelser och ord Trump skrev. Studien analyserade bland annat hur mycket respons Trump fick på sina tweets och responsen han får är i form av reply, retweet och like. Resultatet tyder på att Trumps negativa och politiska tweets får mest respons, främst i form av likes. Det har även undersökts vilka ord Trump skriver mest på Twitter och hur många stavelser de innehåller och i resultatet kom det fram att ord som Trump skriver mycket är fake, news, och media med mera. Trump skriver även majoriteten av sina ord med en eller två stavelser.
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Grönberg, Anders, and Emanuel Lundberg. "Röda eller blå stjärnor : Politiska budskap i Star Trek." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK. Medie- och kommunikationsforskning, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-14407.

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Denna uppsats undersöker TV-serien Star Treks värderingar ur ett politiskt ideologiskt perspektiv. Star Trek är en amerikansk science fiction-serie som skapades av Gene Roddenberry i mitten av 1960-talet. Frågeställningarna behandlar om det finns politiskt relaterade värderingar framställda i Star Trek, vilken politisk ideologi som mest liknar värderingarna i serien, och om det går att tolka det som om Star Trek har en ideologisk värdegrund. Med hjälp av dagordningsteori, kritisk medieteori och teorier om budskap diskuteras TV-bolagens makt över seriens innehåll. De politiska ideologierna konservatism, liberalism och socialism har valts för att kunna jämföras med analysmaterialet. Sex avsnitt från originalserien analyserades med hjälp av en hermeneutik och kvalitativ metod för att bäst kunna få insikt i materialet. Den faktiska analysen har skett med den narratologiska aktantmodellen samt närläsning baserad på kritisk medieteori, där citat bryts ut och tolkas. Resultaten har delats in i tre kategorier, nämligen ekonomi, människosyn och samhällsstruktur för att underlätta sammanställandet. Undersökningen visar att det finns både positivt och negativt framställda värderingar i Star Trek.Ingen politisk ideologi framställs som denenda rätta, men tendensen är att konservatism är minst propagerat för, medan den demokratiska varianten av socialism verkar förespråkas mest. Att resultatet blev splittrat kan härledas till att medieföretagen har stort inflytande över innehållet och att det är svårt att konsekvent framhäva en politisk ideologi i en TV-serie som Star Trek. Detta till följd av formatet på serierna och att de amerikanska TV-bolagen sätter speciella kommersiella krav på produktionen. Det reflekteras också över att politiska värderingar i ett underhållningmedium kan vara effektiva eftersom de politiska budskapen inte har fokus utan intas indirekt.
This thesis examines the values in the TV-series called Star Trek from a political perspective. Star Trek is an American science fiction-series that was created byGene Roddenberry during the mid-1960s. The queries are about whether or not political values are expressed in Star Trek, what political ideology is coherent with those, and if it is possible to interpret this as if Star Trek has an actual politically ideological fundament. Media power over content has been discussed, and because of this there has been made use of critical media theories together with theory of agenda setting and message. The political ideologies of conservatism, liberalism and socialism have been chosen to be compared with the material of analysis.Seven episodes of the original series have been chosen to get a good view of the material by the use of hermeneutic and qualitative research methodology.The analysis was done with the narratological actant model plus a method based on critical media theory, where quotes are being extracted and interpreted. The results have been categorised as either relating to economics, view of mankind or structure of society. The examination shows that there are both positively and negatively described values in Star Trek. No distinct political ideology is being clearly advocated, but there are tendencies for negative views of conservative values aswell as a positive coherence with democratic socialism. The results were difficult to conclude, and this could point towards that the media companies have big influence over their transmitted contents, and that it is difficult to consistently highlight politically ideological values in a television series like Star Trek. This is because the format of TV-series set by american commercial interests puts certain demands on productions. There are reflections about that political values in a medium of entertainment could be effective since the political messages are not in focus but received indirectly.
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30

Scheler, Jonas. ""Kläderna gör mannen" - Gör kläder politik?" Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMK), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-40377.

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Mode i politiken - ett omskrivet ämne i media. Det sträcker sig från Mona Sahlins väska till Carl Bildts camouflagekavaj. På liknande sätt blev Nya Moderaternas "klädkod" föremål för debatt. Men hur viktiga är politikernas klädsel? Enligt teorin finns det en tendens till att den politiska journalistiken alltmer trivialiserar och skandaliserar politiken. Politiken medialiseras och estetiseras. Mot denna bakgrund var mitt syfte att undersöka modets betydelse och funktion. Min ambition var att studera vilka olika faktorer som avgör modets relevans i politiken. Kvalitativa intervjuer genomfördes med tre aktörer verksamma inom politiken respektive medierna.

Resultaten visade att det finns sex aspekter som är betydelsefulla faktorer som förklarar modets betydelse och funktion; 1) mode kommunicerar och påverkar; 2) mode kan skapa efterfrågan; 2) mode anses vara genusrelaterat; 3) mode anses kunna uttrycka identitet; 4) politikernas klädsel har nyhetsvärde som ibland kan skada deras trovärdighet; 5) mode i politiken anses inte ha en avgörande betydelse vad gäller väljarpåverkan; 6) det har skett en kontinuerlig utveckling och förändring under de senaste årtiondena där mode fått en allt större betydelse.

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31

Yang, Karen J. "Media coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates in Argentina's 2003 presidential election." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1142292637.

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32

Freij, Martin, and Andreas Gartnell. "Political Parties in Social Media : A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35242.

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Title: Political Parties’ in Social Media - A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media Introduction: The emergence of social media platforms has transformed how organizations communicate with stakeholders. The concept of social media is top of agenda for many business executives today. While some argue social media to provide unique opportunities for organizations, others argue the opposite. The rise of social media enables crises to escalate, implying that organizations need to have well-established crisis management strategies. In the Swedish election of 2014, social media is predicted to have enormous influence on the end result for the political parties. Prior to this thesis, no previous research has looked deeper into the context of crisis management in social media for political parties in Sweden. It is in the political context where this study contributes to the research area. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to investigate political parties’ crisis management in social media, using strategies developed for commercial organizations, and thereby contribute to the research of non-commercial organizations. Methodology: A triangulation method was used of semi structured interviews and archival analysis on four crises of political parties. Eight parties in the Swedish parliament where deliberately selected. However, only four of the parties, Socialdemokraterna (S), Sverigedemokraterna (SD), Vänsterpartiet (V) and Centerpartiet (C), had the possibility to participate in the study. Conclusion: (S), (V) and (C) all used both Facebook and Twitter as a crisis communication channel especially due to its speed and spread. However, (SD) did not use social media as crisis communication channel. The crisis management in social media of each party could improve immensely, however limited resources of employees and finance was found to be the main reasons holding the progress back. Conclusively, dialogue strategies and to some extent response strategies used by commercial organizations are indeed frequently used by political parties as well.
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Taylor, James B. "The Effects of Extreme Media on Political Behavior, Attitudes, and Media Selection." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/28.

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This dissertation examines the role of extreme media (i.e. political talk radio and cable news opinion shows) on the political attitudes of viewers and listeners. I investigate whether extreme media has both positive and negative externalities for democratic citizenship. Specifically, I use laboratory experiments, national survey data, and qualitative interviews to test the impact of extreme media on viewers' political knowledge, trust in government, efficacy, and political tolerance. I use laboratory experiments in controlled settings to uncover the impact of viewership on political knowledge, trust in government, and efficacy. I confirm these lab findings with the national survey data, by using propensity score matching and ordered probit models to demonstrate that exposure to extreme media produces political knowledge and efficacy, but decreases trust in government. I further use process tracing to ascertain the motivations individuals use to choose to view extreme media. Finally, through subject interviews conducted as part of the self-selection portion via a 1 x 3 self-selection experiment, I find subjects seek out entertaining media specifically from ideologically similar outlets. This project advances the media and politics literature by demonstrating the capacity for extreme media to alter political behavior, attitudes, and information processing.
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Dubois, Elizabeth. "The strategic opinion leader : personal influence and political networks in a hybrid media system." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:35b1e408-a70a-4ea0-9c41-10d7df024ee9.

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Opinion leaders are important political players who bridge the gap between the political elite and the general public. Traditionally opinion leaders use social pressure and social support via interpersonal communication to personally influence the opinions, attitudes and behaviours of their everyday associates (who make up the general public). However, in a hybrid media system opinion leaders have access to added channels which mean they can communicate with audiences beyond their everyday associates and/or engage in non-interpersonal interactions, potentially setting the stage for opinion leaders to become more influential since they can access more members of the general public. Conversely, since the ability of opinion leaders to influence others traditionally relies on strong social bonds, even if audiences are accessible for information transfer, the lack of social connection could mean influence does not flow. As such, opinion leaders' channel choice in a hybrid media system is potentially very important. To investigate the patterns of channel use as well as motivations for, and impacts of, channel choices by opinion leaders, a two phase mixed-methods study is employed. Phase one includes online social network analysis of the #CDNpoli (Canadian politics) hashtag on Twitter and an online survey. Phase two investigates the communication practices of 21 specific digitally enabled opinion leaders drawn from the #CDNpoli network. Two hour in-depth interviews are paired with visualizations of the participants trace data. Telephone interviews with associates (alters) of the primary interviewee were conducted (N=27). This design is therefore responsive to the multi-channel reality of a hybrid media system and improves upon large scale and single channel studies which are most common in this line of research. Now strategic and, at times, impersonal, a fundamental shift in how influence is derived challenges theories of social influence and information dissemination. Two types of strategic opinion leaders emerge: enthusiasts and champions. Their strategies contribute to a wider trend - a "just-in-time" informed citizenry - where those who do not opt in to receiving messages from the political elite only get information at the last possible minute, such as during a scandal or an election. Future research and communication strategy must be sensitive to the varied aims and tactics of digitally enabled opinion leaders as well as the subsequent inconsistent relationship between the uninformed and their political system.
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Serizawa, Molly M. "Dialectic of Celebrity Politics: Identifying Public Personalities and Political Performers in Twenty-First Century America." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/254.

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‘Celebrity’ has become a growing field of critical inquiry and cultural interest in twenty-first century society. Celebrities embody a host of meanings and engender larger ideological and discursive practices, in which they articulate expressions of social, cultural and political power that attach meaning to public individuals. Beginning with the late-twentieth century, celebrities have come to occupy spaces that exist beyond popular culture platforms, most notably in politics and international diplomacy. In spite of its typical association with superficial discussions of gossip and cheap entertainment, celebrities have become the site of anxiety in a capitalist society. To come to terms with these growing anxieties concerning celebrity and its accoutrements, this thesis explores the embedded complexities and consequences of the celebrity system within the framework of what has dubiously been called ‘celebrity politics.’ Through a detailed examination of this phenomenon, this thesis explores the coalescing spheres of Hollywood and the White House, where ‘celebrity’ and ‘politician’ have become interchangeable monikers. In addition to examining the historical conditions that have given rise to the phenomenon, this study examines contemporary articulations of the ‘celebrity politician,’ focusing on Angelina Jolie, Sean Penn and President Barack Obama. Discussion of these figures is framed by critical theory and media studies to better understand their location within the contemporary Western landscape.
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Švejcarová, Pavla. "Médiokracie - politická komunikace v době masových médií." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192707.

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The aim of this master thesis is to analyse how Czech political parties used social network to political communication before election in year 2013. The work tries to define the basic concepts of political marketing, political communication and new, modern forms of it associated with the Internet and social networks. In the analytical part I analyse Facebook profiles of selected parties. The work is complemented by scans of profiles, graphs and tables, which can help to understand the analysis. The analysis uses data from the annual reports of the parties, the publication of the Institute of Political Marketing, and most of its research interviews.
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Toohey, Alexandra P. "Presidential Politics: The Social Media Revolution." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/773.

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Throughout the course of history, presidential campaigning has evolved commensurate with the advancements in technology. FDR mastered the radio, JFK the television and President Barack Obama, the Internet. In both the 2008 and 2012 Presidential campaigns, President Barack Obama used social media via the Internet to understand the voter better than any candidate before his time. Through revolutionary data collection techniques, both offline and online, the Obama campaign obtained vital electorate information. This data was used by the campaign to: target online social media users who were most likely to become politically engaged; and attempt to influence their voting habits, two of the most crucial measures of a successful presidential campaign. This paper analyzes whether the social media campaign strategy deployed by President Barack Obama in both the 2008 and 2012 elections was successful in its attempt to influence the electorate. This is accomplished by evaluating voter turnout and engagement based on targeted demographic groups. Next, I assess how social media has impacted fundraising in the 2st1 century, particularly following the aftermath of the Federal Elections Campaign Act (FECA) in 1974. Finally, I analyze how social media effectively assisted President Obama’s campaign in mobilizing the electorate both online and offline to his benefit.
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Franks, Suzanne. "Famine, politics, aid and the media." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534337.

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The BBC Coverage of the Ethiopian Famine in 1984-5 was an iconic news event. It is widely believed to have had an unprecedented impact, challenging perceptions of Africa and mobilising public opinion and philanthropic action in a dramatic new way. As such it offers a case study of the media impact on public opinion and the policy making process. The research, using for the first time privileged access to BBC and Government archives, examines and reveals the internal factors which drove the BBC news. It constructs the process which accounts for the immensity of the news event, as well as following the response to public opinion pressure into the heart of Government. In addition, it shows that whilst the reporting and the altruistic festival that it produced were to trigger remarkable and identifiable changes, this impact was not where the conventional account claimed it to have been. Moreover it demonstrates that the contemporary configuration of aid, media pressure, aid agencies and government policy is still directly affected and in some ways distorted by what was - as this narrative shows - also an inaccurate and misleading story. In popular memory the reporting of Ethiopia and the humanitarian intervention were a great success. Yet alternative interpretations give a radically different picture that the reporting was misleading and the resulting aid effort did more harm than good. This thesis explains the event within the wider context of foreign reporting, especially by the BBC, and also within the history of the period, and argues that the impact of the media is always historically determined - an aspect of the analysis of media effects that is often ignored.
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RezaeiSahraei, Afsaneh. "Iranian Political Humor in Social Media." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1420.

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Lindblad, Anna, and Sandra Persson. "Politisk PR-isering : En fallstudie av nya moderaternas politiska kommunikation." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1310.

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Högfeldt, Veronica. "De nya politiska kommunikationskanalerna : en studie i sociala mediers betydelse inför riksdagsvalet 2010." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-148519.

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Aim: To investigate how three of the biggest political parties in Sweden made use of socialmedia in the election campaign in 2010, and to get a picture of how the parties perceive therole of social media in political communication today and in the future.Method: The research is conducted through personal interviews and qualitative textualanalysis.Theory: The theory that the study is based on is Habermas theory of the public sphereMain results: Social media is today an excellent channel for communication and informationbetween politicians and voters, and they will probably become increasingly important inpolitical communication in the future. So far, they are only an addition to the traditional mediaand are in no way substituted for them. Internet and some social media is an excellent forumfor political debate and opinion-former.
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Westman, Hanna, and Strid Louisa. "Saklig politik, det strategiska spelet ellerpersonen bakom åsikterna? : - En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av hur gestaltning och framställning av partiledare såg ut iYoutubeprogrammet “Partitempen” och “Partiledarintervjun” i TV4 under valrörelsen 2018." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-36589.

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Problemformulering och syfte: Det nya medielandskapet innebär förändringar inom politiken. Det finns fler möjligheter för informationsspridning, samtidigt som medborgare själva väljer vilka kanaler man vill vistas på och därmed vilken information man tar del av.Det problemområde vi ser är hur traditionell- och social media besitter makten över hur politiken gestaltas och framställs för publiken. Det händer något när samtal förflyttas mellan olika typer av medier och det centrala ligger därmed i att människor tar del av olika samtal beroende på vilka medier samtalen förekommer på. Syftet med denna studie är således att beskriva och jämföra hur gestaltning och framställning av partiledare ser ut i traditionell respektive social media.Metod och material: Detta är en fallstudie av två olika fall som har undersökts genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Materialet som har använts är ett total urval av samtliga avsnitt ur TV4:s TV-program “Partiledarintervjun” som står för traditionell media samt Margaux Dietz Youtubeprogram “Partitempen” som står för social media. Båda programmen visades och publicerades under valrörelsen 2018. Huvudresultat: Utifrån det huvudsakliga resultatet i dessa två fall går det att konstatera att gestaltning utifrån Entmans teorier och framställning samt det visuella innehållet utifrån Goffmans teorier skiljer sig åt beroende på vilket medie partiledare kommunicerar genom.Detta utifrån medielogikens genomslag som en följd av det mediala samhället som råder. I“Partitempen” förekom mest triviagestaltning och i “Partiledarintervjun” varspelgestaltning mest framträdande.
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Melkersson, Fabian, and Rebecka Madsen. ""Högre hastighetsgräns för EPA-traktorer" - en frihetsfråga eller strategisk kommunikation? : En kvalitativ analys av politiska ungdomsförbunds sociala medier." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-146856.

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The evolution within political parties shows an increase of professionalisation where a higher competence is on demand and is practised on a communicative level. Currently a lot of the research surrounding this professionalisation has been focused on only political parties , but at the same time other stakeholders is also working within the political area without being political parties. How does political youth associations, that is widely driven by volunteers, navigate within this political context where the demands and expectations is constantly increasing? The purpose of this study was to examine how political communication is practised by political youth associations in a world that gets increasingly more professional. The study was conducted by analysing every post published during the month of January 2018 by the two political youth associations SSU and MUF on their Facebook and Instagram pages. The chosen method of this study has been Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis, complemented by qualitative interviews with the heads of digital communication of both associations. The theories applied on the material was different approaches to discourses, mainly the thoughts of Michel Foucault, combined with how discourses can shape identities. The theories by Erving Goffman concerning the presentation of self and, by extension, the presentation of organisations, was also used. By applying these to the material, six different themes were identified.These can be divided into two subsections, content and form, which lay the groundwork for the central result of this study. Both associations have to balance the work of attracting new members and maintaining a trustworthy political image. This is the result of political communication that has become highly professional.
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44

Hellzén, Cramér Hanna. "Feministiska zine och symboliskt motstånd : En studie av zineproducenter som politiska subjekt." Thesis, Södertörn University College, The School of Culture and Communication, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-546.

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Nick Couldry beskriver hur symbolisk makt i samtida medierade samhällen framförallt koncentreras till olika medieinstitutioner. Att producera sina egna medier, såsom Clemencia Rodriguez beskriver i Fissures in the mediascape, blir ett sätt att göra motstånd mot denna symboliska makt. Jag har i den här studien utfört kvalitativa intervjuer med ett antal producenter av feministiska zine och undersökt hur deras arbete med zinen förhåller sig till Rodriguez teori om medborgarmedier. Analysen har gjorts utifrån följande frågeställningar: Vad har de studerade producenterna av zine för syfte och drivkraft med sitt arbete? Hur kan de förstås som politiska subjekt och deras arbete som politisk agens? Kan dessa zine betraktas som medborgarmedier och platser för symboliskt motstånd? På vilket sätt förhåller sig dessa zine till de maktförhållanden de är inbegripna i? Hur kan zinens avmystifiering av mediet (tryckta medier) förstås som feministisk strategi? Hur kan produktionens fragmenterade struktur förstås mot bakgrund av Rodriguez teori om medborgarmedier?

Den politiska kampen handlar lika mycket om en kamp om kulturella koder som krav på rättigheter. Studien visar hur informanternas zine är politiska på två olika plan, dels genom sitt feministiska innehåll och dels genom att de utmanar de kulturella värden som dominerar i samhället, vilka framförallt mainstreammedierna ger uttryck för. De utgör därigenom ett motstånd mot den symboliska makten i samhället. Arbetet med zinen förändrar maktrelationer bland annat genom att det stärker de involverade individerna, såväl producenter som publik. Produktionen av zinen kan betraktas som en, medveten eller omedveten, feministisk strategi eftersom att de avmystifierar mediet (tryckta medier) och samtidigt minskar mainstreammediernas legitimitet genom att, direkt eller indirekt, ifrågasätta dessa. Zinens fragmenterade karaktär är en förutsättning för deras existens, det kan göra det svårt för dem att nå ut till en större publik men innebär samtidigt en stor frihet.

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45

D'Agresti, Attilio. "Silvio Berlusconi and the Americanization of Italian Politics: a Political Analysis Through The Commentaries of Il Corriere Della Sera." Connect to resource online, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1210604921.

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46

Antonio, Raffael. "Politiken är ett skämt : En kvalitativ intervjustudie om mediekonsumenters syn på politiska memes och Greta Thunberg." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för konst, kommunikation och lärande, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-79960.

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Author: Raffael Antonio Title: The politics are a joke - a qualitative interview analysis about the view of media consuments on memes and Greta Thunberg.   The purpose of this study is to look closely at the media consumers and their views on political memes and how other consumers and producers on social media are producing Greta Thunberg as a political figure by the help of memes.    The analysis has been done by qualitative semi-structured interviews with people as regular social media consumers. This was made by an interview guide with semi-structured questions about political memes, politics on social media and how Greta Thunberg is produced by meme creators according to the consumers.    The results have shown that there are two groups when it comes to Greta Thunberg on social media; the ones who are disliking her and the ones who stand up for her. These groups are based on opinions, political views and different generations which are also seen among the meme creators and what type of memes they made. Those who are disliking Thunberg, do it for different main reasons, such as age, origin of family and political beliefs.    Memes also matter in this study because of its format in picture and text, which give consumers an idea of the meme creator and its beliefs. Results also show that the behaviour of memes reflect society on different levels, political beliefs as an primary example.
Skriven av: Raffael Antonio Titel: Politiken är ett skämt – en kvalitativ intervjustudie om mediekonsumenters syn på politiska memes och Greta Thunberg   Syftet med denna studie är att titta närmare på mediekonsumenterna och deras syn på politiska memes och hur andra konsumenter och producenter på sociala medier producerar Greta Thunberg som en politisk figur med hjälp av memes.   Analysen har gjorts genom kvalitativa semistrukturerade intervjuer med människor som vanliga sociala mediekonsumenter. Detta gjordes av en intervjuguide med semistrukturerade frågor om politiska memes, politik på sociala medier och hur Greta Thunberg produceras av memeskapare enligt konsumenterna.   Resultaten har visat att det finns två grupper när det gäller Greta Thunberg om sociala media; de som ogillar henne och de som står upp för henne. Dessa grupper är baserade om åsikter, politiska åsikter och olika generationer som också ses bland memen skapare och vilken typ av memes de gjorde. De som ogillar Thunberg, gör det för olika huvudskäl, till exempel ålder, familjens ursprung och politiska övertygelser.   Memes spelar också roll i denna studie på grund av dess format i bild och text, som ger konsumenterna en idé om meme-skaparen och dess övertygelser. Resultaten visar också att mönstren som visas i memes, återspeglar samhället på olika nivåer, politiska övertygelser som ett primärt exempel.
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Caresten, Pontus. "Från gammalt högerspöke till nytt arbetarparti : De nya moderaternas politiska kommunikation under valrörelsen 2006." Thesis, Uppsala University, Media and Communication, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7696.

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Title: From old rightwing-ghost to the new labour party – The new conservatives political communication during the Swedish election 2006

Authors: Pontus Caresten

Aim: The aim of the essay is to study how the conservative party communicated during the election campaign in 2006. I wish to find out how political parties work in todays society and how the communication has changed over time. To get relevant results I will also see how the theories and empirics interact. The purpose is further to illustrate the new conservatives’ campaign work from a senders point of view.

Method/Material: I have chosen a qualitative method which consists of three interviews with relevant key persons. I also did an content analysis of the campaign material. In order to carry out the empirical study I chose to depart from existing theories and compare these with the empirics.

Main results: The new conservatives have altered their political communication to fit todays society, and the market is increasingly important. The conservatives have gone though a major internal change since Fredrik Reinfeldt was elected to be head of the party. Today, the conservatives campaign work is professional and the party uses external experts to maximize the efficiency of the communication.

Number of pages: 38

Course: Media- and communication studies C

University: Division of Media and Communication, department of information science, Uppsala University,

Period: HT 2006

Tutor: Lowe Hedman

Keywords: Political communication, political marketing, election campaign

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48

Axelsson, Anna-Karin, and Angelica Wadström. "En diskursanalys av hemlöshetens politik." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-17761.

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Detta examensarbete är gjort med syfte att identifiera diskurser i medias framställning av hemlösheten och de hemlösa samt att se om dessa diskurser har någon ideologisk grund. Tidigare forskning har visat på två huvudgrupper av diskurser där individens ansvar respektive samhällets ansvar ställs mot varandra. För detta genomfördes en diskursiv analys av debattartiklar och politiska uttalanden som publicerats i Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter. Vi valde att fokusera på dessa två tidningar då de är två av de tidningar som ges ut i störst upplaga i Sverige.  Tre övergripande diskurser kunde skönjas; samhällsperspektivet, individperspektivet samt individ- och samhällsperspektiv. I vårt resultat visade det sig att individperspektivet var den mest utbredda diskursen. Vi kunde inte finna att diskursen hade någon koppling till ideologi utan istället kunde kopplas till regerings- eller oppositionsställning. Yttranden från personer tillhörande partier i regeringsposition tenderade att ha ett individperspektiv på hemlösa och hemlöshet. De i opposition efterfrågade större insatser utifrån ett samhällsperspektiv.
This thesis has been made with the purpose of identifying discourses in the way media choose to portray the situation of the homeless as well as the homeless themselves. The aim is also to investigate whether these discourses have an ideological foundation. Previous research distinguishes two main discourses where the responsibility of the individual and the responsibility of the society are portrayed as being in opposition to each other. Our method has been to perform a discourse analysis of political statements and debate articles which have been published in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. We chose to focus on these two newspapers since they are two of the Swedish newspapers which sell the most copies. Three general discourses were visible; the perspective of the society, the perspective of the individual, and the third, combined perspective of the society and the individual. Our results showed that the perspective of the individual was the most wide-spread discourse. We did not find ground for any connection to ideology. Instead we found that it could be connected to the ruling government or to the opposing parties. Opinions from people belonging to a ruling political party tended to have the perspective of the individual in mind, whereas the opposing parties demanded greater efforts from society.
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49

Stieglitz, Stefan, and Linh Dang-Xuan. "Einsatz von Social Media für politische Kommunikation in Deutschland." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-143321.

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50

Bekele, Mesfin Negash. "Political Parallelism in Diaspora-based Transnational Media : The case of Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT)." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Journalistik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38587.

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This study explores political parallelism in the context of diaspora-based transnational media through the experience of the Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT). The station is conceived as a party media outlet and transformed into a diaspora-based, non-profit and mainly diaspora funded institution. It has been operating from its three studios in Amsterdam, London and Washington, D.C., until recently. ESAT has emerged as one of the most influential media outlets in the political landscape of Ethiopia in the last ten years. The research, through qualitative and in-depth case study interviews, examines the underlying ideological, political and organizational affiliations that defined ESAT’s position in the media landscape. The study concluded that political parallelism, as an indicator of the dynamics between media and politics, can be used in the diaspora-based transnational media context. However, the study also validated critics on the inapplicability of the two preconditions of political parallelism, namely the existence of competitive system and patterns. The analysis confirms a high level of political parallelism in ESAT in all the five indicators selected for the study. The indicators considered are Ownership, Organizational connections, Party or ideological loyalty, Media personnel’s political involvement, and Journalists’ role orientation. Each of them demonstrated a level of parallelism in ideological orientations or party connection with Ginbot 7 Movement for Democracy and Justice. The study concluded that the salient features of political parallelism should further be studied in the context of the transnational media space of diaspora-based media.
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