Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mediterranean Region – Foreign relations – European Union countries

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Mediterranean Region – Foreign relations – European Union countries'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Mediterranean Region – Foreign relations – European Union countries"

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Bardakçı, Mehmet. "Turkey and the Major Powers in the Eastern Mediterranean Crisis from the 2010s to the 2020s." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 516–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0071.

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Abstract This study investigates the recent Mediterranean disputes involving Turkey with respect to the major powers of the European Union (EU), United States (US), Russia and China. The author maintains that Turkey’s position has been determined by its own interests in the region as informed by its relations with the major powers, their vested interests in the disputes, Turkey’s maritime foreign policy ideology (Mavi Vatan), its economic and military capabilities and the shifting international system. Turkey is found to regard the EU and the US as supportive of the Greek and Greek Cypriot policies, although the EU countries are somewhat divided on how to show that support. In such a context, Turkey has desired to have Russia and China on its side in the disputes concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, to counterbalance the influence of the US and the EU. This, however, did not come to fruition since Russia and China opted to remain neutral.
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Godovanyuk, Kira. "UK-Turkey Relationship in Light of Brexit." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120212431.

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The 2016 UK EU membership referendum has been a catalyst for a stronger political dialogue between Turkey and Britain. The countries have taken a firm line of strategic partnership which meets the interests of both parties to strengthen their international positions. In late December 2020, the parties managed to forge a trade agreement envisaging most of the previously established rules. At the same time, a full-scale trade agreement is hampered by Ankara’s obligations within the EU Customs Union and Preferential agreements. Turkey occupies an important place in the new foreign strategy of the UK. London considers Ankara, which is pursuing an increasingly tough policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Black Sea region, as a situational ally in strengthening its international positions weakened by Brexit. The author notes that the declared strategic partnership in the political sphere has a number of limitations associated with the conflict potential of relations between Turkey and the European Union, as well as the growing importance of the values factor in British foreign policy. The UK actually needs to find a balance between other international players in the Brussels-London-Ankara triangle for its own geopolitical and economic goals. The nature of British-Turkish relations is of considerable interest to Russia.
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Peshkin, Vitalii Mikhailovich. "Foreign policy activities of the Visegrad Group in the period 2004-2014." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2022): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.6.38076.

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The subject of the study is the historical conditions in which the process of designing and implementing the Eastern Partnership program began, which became the only significant foreign policy initiative of the Visegrad Four. The role of Poland, which positioned itself as a link between the EU and part of the post-Soviet space, is considered. The plans of France, Bulgaria and Romania in 2003-2004 for a number of post-Soviet countries, reflecting the ambitions of Paris, Sofia and Bucharest in the Black Sea and Mediterranean region, are presented. But under pressure from the European Commission, these initiatives were not further developed, and a decision was made to implement the Eastern Partnership project. The development tools used by V4 for the implementation of the Eastern Partnership project, due to the limited resource base of the Quartet countries, are considered. The criticism of the Eastern Partnership project is being studied, due to the lack of a common understanding among EU members of what prospects the new project can offer to "partner countries". The novelty of the scientific research in the framework of this article is expressed in the analysis of the "energy crises" and the change in the EU's approaches to the post-Soviet space in the late 2000s, which became the basis for the development and implementation by the Visegrad Group in 2004-2014 of the Eastern Partnership program. In this program, the "four" countries played the role of curators and a link between the EU and the post-Soviet space. The implementation of the project allowed V4 to gain political weight within the European Union. When developing relations with the "partner countries", the Visegrad Group tried to make maximum use of all available mechanisms and tools (for example, the potential and experience of implementing joint projects within the framework of the International Visegrad Foundation). At the same time, our own capabilities and resources (coupled with the ambiguous perception of the Eastern Partnership in the EU) did not allow us to fully implement all the stated strategic goals, which seriously affected the effectiveness of the project and the results obtained.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.

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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region. The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO. In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region. The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human rights violations. The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001. The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey. Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions. Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
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Drzymała, Agnieszka. "European Union Foreign Direct Investment Outflows to ASEAN Countries." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 16, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cer-2013-0001.

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The paper analyses foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to the ASEAN countries. The region of Southeast Asia is very important for the EU in terms of economic cooperation. Previous relations between the European Union and ASEAN countries laid the foundations and became the basis for subsequent business initiatives, first encompassing trade and later investment initiatives. Today the liberalisation of foreign direct investment (FDI) flows is taking place, which has a positive impact on the increase in exports of ASEAN countries and in turn affects the economic development of these countries. The European Union deepens its economic ties with the region through FDI, which results in increased economic interdependence.
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Elistania, Elistania, Farandy Nurmeiga, and Agung Permadi. "Strategy To Strengthen Cooperation Between The European Union And The Mediterranean Countries Through The Union For Mediterranean (UfM)." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 21, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v21i2.398.

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The European Union is an example of regional cooperations that represents regional identity. In the midst of the process of integration and expansion of membership, the European Union has an interest in building good relations with non-member countries in the immediate region, including the Mediterranean. The process of establishing cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries continues to change. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995 was the place for regional cooperation with most member countries and had a well-structured pillar of cooperation. However, the two entities re-formed a new cooperative platform, The Union for Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. This study aims to explain why the European Union and Mediterranean countries changed the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) into The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. Using the theory building approach in the Alex Warleigh-Lack regionalism concept, the findings in the research resulted in an answer that EMP has negative values that are not in accordance with the development of the issue so that it becomes a reason for the formation of UfM.
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Malakhova, T. S. "Developing a philosophy of foreign economic relations between the European region countries: The theoretical and methodological aspect." Regional Economics: Theory and Practice 18, no. 9 (September 15, 2020): 1618–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/re.18.9.1618.

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Subject. This article considers the foreign economic relations between the member States of the European Union and the industry structure differences in their national economies. Objectives. The article aims to develop principles and approaches to the advancement of foreign economic relations between the European Region countries based on the research of Swedish economist G. Myrdal. Methods. For the study, I used historical, logical, and dialectical approaches, and a scientific abstraction method. Results. Based on the concept of international economic integration proposed by G. Myrdal, the article transforms the principles of economic relations between partner countries. This helps take into account the interests of peripheral countries operating in integration groups dominated by the world's vanguard countries. Conclusions. The proposed principles of foreign economic relations between the countries can help assess regional economic integration from a different perspective. These principles need to be implemented through applying a mechanism of industry cluster consolidation.
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Valeeva, R. A. "Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-288-296.

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After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.
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Shved, V. O. "The Islamic world in the foreign policy of the European Union in modern conditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1703.

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A characteristic feature of the EU's current foreign policy course is its stepping up its policy towards relations with Islamic countries, especially the Middle East and Middle East, and enhancing its role in addressing key issues in the region. To date, the region has been identified in the Council of Europe and European Commission documents as a "key foreign policy priority"
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Latkina, V. A. "The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-139-149.

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The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mediterranean Region – Foreign relations – European Union countries"

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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.

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Egbe, Daniel Enonnchong. "The Global Mediterranean Policy : the evolution of the EU-Mediterranean countries relations during 1976-1998 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998481.

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Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.

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Mouhib, Leila. "Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie: une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.

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Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.

L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).

La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Neacsa, Vasile I. "The black sea economic cooperation as an element of regional stability and security." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211093.

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BICCHI, Federica. "European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean non member countries." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5220.

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Defence date: 22 July 2003
Examining Board: Prof. Emanuel Adler, The Herbrew University of Jerusalem; Prof. Christopher Hill, LSE; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, University of Florence; Prof. Thomas Risse, Free University and European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
A comprehensive and theoretically informed examination of European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean, from 1957 to nowadays. This dissertation focuses on the reasons and the patterns of Europeans’ actions, with a special emphasis on the early 1970s and on current times. It analyses how interest in Europe for the Mediterranean has generally arisen out of a shared sense of puzzlement in front of challenges, such as terrorism or migration, originating from the Southern neighbours. The dissertation casts new light on the role of member states as policy entrepreneurs in European integration, and explains European foreign policy as a way to collectively reconstruct a new understanding of Euro-Mediterranean relations.
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Books on the topic "Mediterranean Region – Foreign relations – European Union countries"

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Stelios, Stavridis, ed. The foreign policies of the European Union's Mediterranean states and applicant countries in the 1990s. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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Evaluating Euro-Mediterranean relations. London: Frank Cass, 2005.

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Romagnoli, Alessandro. Développement économique et "libre-échange" euro-méditerranéen. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 2003.

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Romagnoli, Alessandro. Développement économique et libre-échange euro-méditerranéen. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 2003.

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The Mediterranean dimension of the European Union's internal security. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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Bank, World, ed. The development of electricity markets in the Euro-Mediterranean area: Trends and prospects for liberalization and regional integration. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2001.

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Europe and the Mediterranean economy. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Contested state identities and regional security in the Euro-Mediterranean area. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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The politics of regional identity: Meddling with the Mediterranean. Abingdon, Oxfordshire: Routledge, 2005.

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1959-, Jünemann Annette, ed. Euro-Mediterranean relations after September 11: International, regional, and domestic dynamics. Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mediterranean Region – Foreign relations – European Union countries"

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Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.

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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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Gunn, T. Jeremy, and Alvaro Lagresa. "The human rights encounter between the EU and its Southern Mediterranean Partners." In The European Union and Human Rights, 244–64. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814191.003.0012.

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In 2004, the European Commission adopted its ‘European Neighbourhood Policy’ (ENP) to guide relations with the states on its periphery, including its ten ‘Southern Partners’ (Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria (suspended in 2011), and Tunisia). The ENP promoted the Southern Partners as a ‘ring of friends’, each of which would develop bilateral relations with the EU under the common ENP framework. The ENP and the bilateral Euromed Association Agreements (EMAAs) emphasise the linkage of democracy, human rights, rule of law, trade, economic development, and security relations. Historical European interference in the region, however, in particular the colonial rule of several European countries, has left an enduring taint of hypocrisy and double standards. As of today, none of the ten states, with the arguable and qualified exception of Israel, has developed a representative democracy. Respect for human rights and the rule of law remains a challenge in the region. At the same time, the EU frequently prioritises its ‘hard interests’ in trade and security over its ‘soft values’ of promoting human rights. It is recommended that the EU adhere to its official policies rather than employ mere human rights rhetoric, and to require its Southern Partners to effectively implement their EMAAs (presumably through the ‘essential-elements clauses’). The EU is capable of using its vast and disproportionate economic influence to implement its ‘more for more’ policy: the more the Southern Partners comply with the EMAAs, the better will be economic relations with the EU.
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Direkli, Mehmet, and Hoda Abdulhafizh Ashiekh. "The European Union and Democracy Promotion in the Middle East and North Africa Countries: Bridging the Gap Between Constructivism and Realism." In Politics, Economy, Security Issues Hidden Under the Carpet of Mediterranean, 109–25. European Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/bi.20221101.7.

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The discourse of European foreign policy is based on transferring fundamental concepts; including democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms derived from the role of the European Union (EU) as a non-traditional global actor “normative power”. However, the EU's experience in promoting democracy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) shows that its commitments in this field remain selective and depend on the calculation of interests. This study explores the factors which have had implications on the Euro-Mediterranean partnership in promoting democracy; and it argues that understanding the EU's approach to supporting democracy in the MENA requires a combination of both constructivist and rationalist assumptions. According to the findings of this study, the EU always prioritizes its security considerations and economic interests over standards and values when normative influence is insufficient. This is not due to a problem in the normative content of the EU’s foreign policy discourse; but it is due to the complexity of its security and economic interests in this region in particular. This study concludes that the contradiction between the EU’s normative dynamics and its strategic objectives undermines its normative power.
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Kastoryano, Riva. "Between Spain and the Maghreb." In Burying Jihadis, translated by Cynthia Schoch, 138–52. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190889128.003.0009.

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Spain is the gateway for entering the European Union from the south, a country of legal and illegal immigration from the African continent, particularly via Morocco and Algeria. The constant trips back and forth between Spain and the Maghreb made by the “birds of passage”4 that perpetrated the 11M attacks attest to the intensity of exchanges between the two shores of the Mediterranean. The Madrid attack thus brings to light transnational relations and actions, in that they transcend borders and defy Spain’s foreign, European and domestic policy as well as the policies of the countries of emigration.
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Conference papers on the topic "Mediterranean Region – Foreign relations – European Union countries"

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Nagy, Péter Artúr. "Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.

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The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
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